. HO YD

THE UNIVERSE
OF INFORMATION

HE WORK OF PAUL OTLBT
FOR DOCUMENTATION AND
INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION

FID 520

Paul Otlet as a Young Man (Undated)

THE  UNIVERSE
OF INFORMATION

THE WORK OF PAUL OTLET

FOR DOCUMENTATION AND

INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION

by  W.   BOYD   RAYWARD
(University of Chicago)

FID   520

MOSCOW   1975

Published
for International Federation for Documentation  (FID)

by

All-Union Institute for Scientific
and Technical Information (VINITI)

© FID, 1975

PREFACE

Paul Otlet was a pioneer both of international organisa-
tion and of documentation. He and his colleague Henri La
Fontaine, created two international organisations which con-
tinue to flourish: the International Federation for Documenta-
tion and the Union of International Associations. He also
had some impact both in the movement to create the League
of Nations and on its Committee for International Intellectual
Co-operation. He was something of a visionary whose ideas
were at least fifty years ahead of his time in laying the
foundations for what has become known as Documentation,
then Information Science in the United States of America,
and now Informatics in Europe, especially in the USSR. His
pioneering efforts in creating and elaborating the Universal
Decimal Classification laid a firm foundation for the continued
cooperative development of that Classification. His speculat-
ions showed him sensitive and imaginative in anticipating,
technological innovation, such as microfilm, and many of his
wider schemes may be considered to have failed mainly
because the computer had not been invented, though another
reason must not be neglected: the indifference of governments
to problems of co-operation in the dissemination and biblio-
graphic control of information. Nowadays, with the computer
and the work of UNESCO and the International Council of
Scientific Unions, Otlet's visionary schemes may yet be
realised through UNISIST.

The present work is a first study with all the faults on
its head that this involves. It has been prepared by relying
heavily, almost exclusively, on masses of original documenta-
tion kept in an institution in Brussels (a kind of Otlet
archive)  called   Mundaneum. It is   carefully, perhaps    overly,

documented, and much of the documention is quoted at length.
This has been deliberate and stems from a fear that some
of this original material, already much disorganised, in a
fragile condition and hitherto maintained in appalling physical
surroundings, might disappear.

Special thanks are offered to Georges Lorphevre and
Andre Colet, the former for his freely given permission to
use the documentation of the Mundaneum, the second for
his enthusiasm for the idea of the study. Three other persons
to whom I owe debts of deepest gratitude for advice and
encouragement are Leon Carnovsky and Howard Winger of
the University of Chicago and K. V. Sinclair formerly of the
University of Sydney now of the University of Connecticut.
Nor would these personal acknowledgments be complete with-
out warm recognition of the work of Ishbel McGregor on the

typescript.

W  Boyd Rayward
University of Chicago

TABLE   OF   CONTENTS

PREFACE........     ,.......         3

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS...........         7

ABBREVIATIONS..............         7

Chapter I. THE  EARLY YEARS.........         9

Brussels,  School,  Love...........         9

Paris,  Spirtual  Disillusion.......,                          18

Brussels Again,  Graduation, Marriage.......       20

Chapter  II.  FROM UNIVERSAL KNOWLEDGE TO SYNTHETIC

BIBLIOGRAPHY.............       23

Anxious Directionless, Positivism.........       23

The Office of Sociological Bibliography.......       29

Chapter  III.  FOUNDATION   OF THE   IIB......        37

Hard Times...............       37

The  Dewey  Decimal  Classification........       40

The  International  Conference  of  Bibliography      ,     .     .     .     .47

Work Begins..............       49

Chapter   IV.   INTERNATIONAL   REACTIONS   AND   EARLY   DE-
VELOPMENTS       ............             58

Mainly  European  Bibliographers........             58

French Scientists.....,           ......       63

Rebuttal  of Criticism,    Amplification.......             65

The Beginnings of International Action.......       68

The Universal Exposition of Paris, 1900.......       74

Chapter   V.    .THE   UNIVERSAL   DECIMAL   CLASSIFICATION

The Development of the UDC..........       85

The Belgians and Americans in Conflict.......       97

Chapter   VI.  THE  UNIVERSAL  BIBLIOGRAPHIC  REPERTORY

Bibliographia Universalis...........      112

The Compilation of the Universal Bibliographic Repertory     .      .      118

Distributing the RBU............     122

Bibliographic Supply Agency..........      127

Chapter  VII.    THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL

OFFICE AND INSTITUTE OF BIBLIOGRAPHY     ....      133

The OIB...............      133

Otlet................      143

The Congress of Mons and the Mont des Arts.....      146

Expansion...............      152

International Congress of Bibliography and Documentation, 1908      158

Chapter   VIII.    THE   UNION   OF   INTERNATIONAL  ASSOCIA-
TIONS      ...............      172

Central Office of International Institutions......      172

The Universal Exposition of Brussels, 1910......      179

The Palais Mondial............      190

A Measure of Success............      195

Some Evaluations.............196

5

Chapter   IX.    THE  WAR  AND   ITS  AFTERMATH     ....      203

Exile in France and Switzerland.........      203

Brussels,  the League, the Government, Dewey.....      210

Chapter   X.    THE  PALAIS  MONDIAL.......      221

Organisation of the First Quinzaine Internationale     .     .     .     .      221

The First Quinzaine  Internationale.......            226

The  League  of  Nations...........      229

The  Second    Quinzaine      Internationale, the      Second      League

Assembly..............      238

The Palais Mondial............      242

Chapter   XI.    L'AFFAIRE DU PALAIS MONDIAL      ....      250

A First Displacement............      250

The International Committee on Intellectual Co-operation     .     .      255

Geddes-,  the Sub-Committee on      Bibliography    ....            259

The Rubber  Fair.............      261

Expulsion...............      267

Chapter    XII.    GRADUAL   DISINTEGRATION.....      274

The IIB................      274

The Mondaneum.............      279

The Conferences of 1924 and Afterwards.......      284

The  Synthetical  Movement..........      294

The  Last  Quinzaine   Internationale........      297

Chapter   XIII.   CHANGE,  NEW  DIRECTIONS.....      304

Pollard and a Strengthened Institute.......             304

Alingh   Prins   and   Continued   Development......      320

Crisis................      327

The Crisis  Resolved............      338

Chapter   XIV.   LAST DECADES.........      345

The Mundaneum.............      345

Closure of the Mundaneum..........       350

A Last Crisis..............359

APPENDIX

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE   WRITINGS    OF   PAUL OTLET .    •       364

INDEX................       374

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Paul Otlet as a young man (undated)

Office International de Bibliographie, la Salle des Repertoires,

1903

The Palais Mondial
Invitation  issued  to  the   1,000th  lecture  sponsored    by  Mun-

daneum
Paul Otlet at the World Congress of Universal Documentation,

Paris, August, 1937

ABBREVIATIONS

ALA             American Library Association

CD               Classification Decimale

DC                Dewey Decimal Classification

IIB               Institut International de Bibliographic

LC                U. S. Library of Congress

OIB              Office International de Bibliographie

RBU             Repertoire Bibliographique Universal

UDC             Universal Decimal Classification

Chapter  I
THE EARLY YEARS

BRUSSELS, SCHOOL, LOVE

Paul Marie Ghislain Otlet was born at Brussels on the-
23 August 1868 of a very comfortable Belgian family. His
father, Edouard Otlet, embarked on a political career after
a successful financial one, and eventually entered the Belgian
Parliament as a Senator when Otlet was a high school
student. His mother died in 1871 at the age of 24. Through:
her he was related to the family Van Mons, another prosperous
Belgian bourgeois family, and to the Verhaeren family, which
in Otlet's generation produced one of the most important
Belgian poets of the day, Emile Verhaeren.1 His father married
again some years after the death of Otlet's mother. This
marriage, to Valerie Linden, brought to the Otlet circle the
family from which Otlet was to take his first wife (her mother
was a Linden). All of these families were of the solid burgher
type — stout men of affairs, many of them lawyers. They
provided the context for Otlet's youth. It was a somewhat
stifling, for they were all exceedingly closely knit. They shared
common business interests; they took long holidays together at
the seaside at Ostend and elsewhere; they dined frequently
together in Brussels. In many respects they were a Belgian1
family Forsyte according to money, possessions and gave each
other, as first things first, a grave and sustained attention.

It is perhaps a little too easy to speculate that Otlet:
inherited from his mother that same temperamental streak
which may also have produced Emile Verhaeren, a streak
leading him, though tormented by conflict, into the quixoti-
cism of his career as bibliographer and internationalist. In
any case it is the members of these families, together with
a few school acquaintances and dinner guests, who emerge
and recede like shadows, imprecise and ill-defined, in the
obsessive introspective world of Otlet's youth, a world reflected.

in a diary he kept systematically from his 11th to his 27th
year. This diary provides us with an invaluably detailed
•account of his  intellectual  and emotional  development.2

It appears that though Otlet's childhood was in some
ways oppressive it was also rather charmed. His only notable
¦companion until he went to the College Saint Michel in
Brussels when he was 14, was his brother Maurice. The two
brothers amused each other with such precocious pursuits as
drawing up in elaborate and formal detail the statutes of a
Limited Company for Useful Knowledge. This was early
experience for a task at which later practice was to make
Otlet particularly adept. It was from lack of friends in his
childhood that Otlet turned, he believed, to a diary in order
to relieve the burden of impressions and feelings which,
otherwise unexpressed, threatened to grow too violent within
him. Indeed, the prolonged isolation of his childhood led him
to develop early in life a taste for solitude, for study, which
he felt as he grew up interfered with his ability to make the
friends in the stead of which the diary had originally stood,
though, as he breasted the wave of adolescence, the need for
friendship grew more and more strong.

Despite his sense of isolation, he received a good though
somewhat intermittent formal education. He went first at the
age of eleven to a Jesuit school in Paris, whither the dissolu-
tion of a business association leading to a sudden but tempo-
rary decline in his father's fortune, had sent the family. Here,
precocious intellectually, inexperienced and out of sympathy
¦with others of his own age, he developed habits of piety and
hard work which, when he transferred to a Brussels day
school three years later, made him easy bait for the mockery
of his more irreverent, less studious companions. After three
months of this school, whose professors he described rather
priggishly, for he was no more than 14 years old at the time,
as «lazy» and only «more or less Catholic», he was sent as
a demi-pensionnaire to the prominent Jesuit College Saint
Michel. He was as happy there as could be expected of a
youth so introverted, so afflicted by a sense of isolation, so
prone to despondency. He graduated from the school in the
middle of a thunderstorm in August 1886 after a not undistin-
guished but by no means brilliant career.

The charm of his childhood, at least for those approaching
it through the sometimes laconic entries of his diary, lay in
its relative freedom, its carefree though structured existence
and in the travels on which he was so often swept away. At
eleven he had travelled widely in Italy and France. Later, at
the Colege Saint Michel, he accompanied his parents on
several business trips to Russia for quite extensive periods.
The  family  spent  much  time  at  Ostend   and   exploited  real

40

estate at Westend, also on the Belgian coast, as a holiday
resort. In the moments of despair to which he was susceptible
as a child and which quickened and deepened with adolescence,
he would contemplate travelling in remote countries of the
•world for several years before settling down, a romantic and
escapist phantasy perhaps, but also a quite realistic possibility.

In 1880 or 1881 Otlet's family bought for its pleasure part
of a Mediterranean island, the He du Levant, sold when its
fortunes declined, the island nowadays being given over to
a nudist colony. Long holidays were spent there. He looked
back upon these holidays when he was a young man with a
pleasant nostalgia, for, though there were lessons and frequent
drill in dancing and the piano and gymnastics, there were
also much fishing, hunting, horse-riding and agreeably soli-
tary study on rainy afternoons of the literature about the
island. The winter of 1882 seems to have been spent on the
island and on excursions in the family's yacht, Nora, to Nice
for the Carnival, and to Monaco. A charmed, indolent, slightly
unreal, and as it happened, impermanent existence, indeed. To it
we owe Otlet's first publication, a rather unpropitious piece
of juvenilia, lie du Levant3, which he anxiously saw through
the press. It was privately printed and distributed to the
members of the family, and he proudly anticipated a second
•edition when the first was expended.

His Jesuit education, allied with his own studious and
solitary temperament, was a powerful formative influence in
his life. It probably increased and certainly gave direction
to his tendency to introspection. To a contemporary eye he
seems to have had few moments of that gay unself-conscious-
ness one associates with childhood, though as a major source
of information about these years is his diary, we have
without doubt a picture in which the questing and despair are
over-emphasised. Yet it seems that from his earliest years
he was burdened with an almost morbid sensitivity to the
problem of finding a goal for his life and of following rules
of conduct proper to it and to his station. He had very early
to come to terms with an ascetic morality that forbade pleasure
and led him to reject and express guilt about innocent diver-
sions. From his earliest days at school in Paris he had been
placed under the rule of the Jesuits, and his diary bears
repetitive evidence of their influence, of dutiful examinations
of conscience, of the tutored recognition of the transience of
earthly things, of the pious practice of devotions. All of
these years of childhood and youth were instinct with a sense
of preparation which hung at times like a pall over him
because he could not decide where his vocation lay.

A child of his time, temperament and education, he turned

11

when quite young to forming a natural history collection.
He was fascinated by science in general. He became soon
convinced of the necessity of performing in life some magna-
nimous and useful task for society. He was obsessed by
religion. At the age of seventeen he declared that he had
examined Christianity, philosophy and the problem of science
and had decided that, to fulfil his duty as a citizen and a
man he would study law, and would become a lawyer. For
his own satisfaction he would become a philosopher. Bold
words, these, written after talking with Edmond Picard, an
eminent lawyer and litterateur.4 Bold words because, though
to a degree prophetic, his life was reaching a kind of crisis:

My life is more and more closed in on itself. I reflect that I cannot
tolerate the vanity of the world. I desire to lead a life given over
completely to the abstractions of science. On the other hand there is
a great emptiness in my heart which I must also fill. God alone is
capable of filling this and it is what I ask of Him. To improve my
life — this is what I want to live for and I must battle against my-
self and my innate weakness. The most beautiful virtue I can acquire
is resignation to the holy will of God.

At this time, on the point of leaving school, confronted
with the secular world lying indifferent yet forbidding beyond
his school's walls, he became confused and intensely unhappy.
In great conflict as to whether he should follow a religious
life, he sought advice, went into a retreat, and, almost distract-
ed, finally turned from the cloister. With all his intellectual
and spiritual forces in apparent disarray, he fled to another
Jesuit stronghold to continue his studies — the Universite de
Louvain. There, a fish out of water like most freshmen be-
ginning their university careers, he looked back at his inabil-
ity to commit himself to the Church as a weakness and la-
mented his lack of holy fire.

Though he could no better explain than as a weakness
his reluctance to become a priest, a sympathetic observer
might cautiously attempt it. For one thing the great emptiness
in his heart was more apparent than real. He had made at
least one good friend at the College Saint Michel, Armand
Thiery, who met the rather stringent requirements for friend-
ship he set forth in his diary.5 With Thiery he could discuss
much that before he had had to consign to the privacy of
its pages. Though admiring his father, Otlet had little
sympathy or understanding from him. One day he had spoken
to his father «about certain questions of general science
together with the question of the proved existence of God.
He said to me: 'don't go into all that'.» Dutifully Otlet had
tried to obey, but a stream cannot be made easily to run uphill.
With Thiery he could discuss all of that and more, for Thiery
also went to Louvain as a student. Later he became a profes-
sor there and  discovered  a real vocation for the priesthood.

12

Moreover, Otlet's heart was not empty for an even more
cogent reason. Some years before, he had seen his cousin,
Fernande Gloner, take her first communion. By the summer
of 1885 and 17 years old, he had fallen in love with her,
deeply,, insensibly, by the slowest of slow degrees, for she
lived at a distance in Germany, and came only infrequently
to Brussels where he saw her in their grandparents' garden.

At this time, then, he was embroiled in a powerful con-
flict between science to which he had long been attracted, and
religion in which he had long been steeped. He was not
original in this by any means, for it was a conflict which
-caused great anguish to many intelligent and sensitive men
of his and later generations, accustomed as they were at once
to hope for some absoluteness in belief and to be sceptical
•of it. Amongst the brilliant company that were to be found
frequently entertained at his father's house, were Edmond
Picard and Otlet's uncle, Paul Heger, a physiologist at the
Universite Libre de Bruxelles.6 These two were of great
importance in Otlet's early intellectual development. In their
conversations, into which they seemed to have been careful
to draw him (Otlet sometimes reported the conversations at
length in his diary), the contemporary world of art, letters
and science must have come vividly alive. Heger, particularly,
holding the positivist attitude of the practising natural
scientist towards faith and morals, presented Otlet with con-
cepts of the limitations of speculative philosophy. To the
arguments advanced by these two older friends, Otlet replied
that all that mattered was «the ultimate morality to do good»,
and despite them, that the only real remedy for the social
ills incisively diagnosed on occasion by Picard, was Christian-
ity. But their evident admiration and sympathy certainly
permitted him no blind faith.

His initial feelings at Louvain of having been a failure,
of disorientation, of being wrenched into manhood by the
abrupt transition from school to university, soon faded. He
worked hard studying philosophy with Thiery and fighting
off the periodic descent of ennervating depression. He flirted
with the idea of playing the game of student politics. For a
moment he was tempted by the idea of working for the uni-
versity periodical Progres and of formulating for its pages his
views on the large philosophical, scientific and social ques-
tions which interested him. But the whole of his nature rebel-
led against these impulses. His character led him «to an
interior life» not to a public one, to some great work of
science, not of politics. He struggled with these conflicting
feelings, took a vacation in Russia so that distance and time
might sever any compromising ties he might have formed
inadvertently in the university, and returned more determined

13

than ever to study alone, to resist his Jesuitical leanings, to
be independent.

He returned from Russia by way of Berlin where he
stopped to see Fernande for whom he had brought a present.
After he had given it to her, she played the piano and sang
for him. «Her eyes shone with happiness when she thanked
me ... That she loves me I no longer have the least doubt, and
for myself, I love her with all my heart».

He did not see her again for more than seven long
months. At Easter-time in 1888 his father asked him to
accompany him to Spain but Otlet refused and went with his
step-mother to Berlin instead. His parents understood. «Oh
well!», his father said upon hearing his answer, «Go to Ber-
lin, then», but he said it without any sign of annoyance. He
even seemed to approve the idea. In Berlin, Otlet, now nearly
twenty, screwed up his courage one evening to declare his
love for Fernande. She, though no doubt not taken by surprise,
made no immediate reply. That night Otlet slept fitfully,
filled with anxiety, an agonising doubt about the wisdom, the-
timing of what he had done. The next morning, as he waited
to see her, he feared that he might not be able to look at her
without blushing. She descended to breakfast but still with
no sign. «Joy ineffable!*, he wrote later, «she has written me
the words I so much desired to hear». Saying nothing she
had demurely eaten her breakfast, but just before slipping
from the room, she had handed him a small envelope of the
size used for acceptance cards. Folded tightly in one corner
of it was a scrap of paper just large enough for the three
words minutely printed on it: «I love you».

Otlet was a passionate, earnest young man, caught up in
an absorbing struggle to reduce his feelings, his ideas, his
perceptions of the world to some satisfactory order. Fernande
was a minx. Certainly she was no student and she absolutely
refused to regard Otlet with the same gravity with which,,
contemplating his intellectual problems, he contemplated him-
self. In Brussels early in June 1888 a few months after his
visit to her in Berlin, Otlet wrote ecstatically in his diary:
«She is coming,, tomorrow, another 24 hours; my dreams, my
thoughts, my desires, all turn towards her; she is coming.»
But suddenly, after the rapture of their initial meeting, she
became reserved and aloof. He could not understand her be-
haviour. She would not speak of what had made her angry.
She merely suggested that they should take up their rela-
tionship in three years' time when both their parents might
more actively approve it, although there seems to be no evi-
dence that they then disapproved. Bewildered and hurt,
Otlet struggled through his examinations at the University
and went off, desolate, to Ostend to wander alone and unhap-

14

py in the woods there. After a bleak fortnight or so, a kind
of truce was arranged between them. In July, however, hostil-
ities broke out again with renewed vigour:

«Tomorrow, Fernande, I will be waiting for the post for something
important.* «What is it?» Silence, distractions, chatter of other things.
I came back to it in order to enable her to take part in the great plea-
sure I expect to have... «You see, I experienced certain feelings...
about the Congo... I had written up my ideas for a newspaper, but
Papa decided that I should have them printed in the form of an actual
brochure. He wanted me to sign it, too. This will have many implica-
tions since the work is addressed to Leopold II». Great silence. The
conversation flags; there is nothing; not a word.

Gradually he managed to bring her round to expressing some
interest in his pamphlet, but he sensed how hollow it was.
The rest of the month was intolerable for she let fall not a
single comforting, understanding word. Eventually, with the
aid of his step-mother, Fernande's aunt, the tensions were
broken and smoothed away and lovers were reconciled.7

From all of this Otlet became aware of something im-
portant about himself. It taught him to feel that he had «a
great capacity for love, a great need for loving». He was, he
decided, someone characterised by «a powerful resolution
towards sacrifice*, who would respond deeply «to the least
indication of affection*. The quarrel, however, left him with
a deep sense of insecurity, a fear that his heart might become
a «tomb, closed to all of this*.

Otlet's father was at this time a financial magnate who
had interests in both Africa and South America. He had
equipped an expedition to the Congo in 1886 under the lead-
ership of Auguste Linden, a prominent naturalist and explorer
(and, through his second wife, member of the family) not
long returned from New Guinea. «Papa is the first Belgian
organising a personal expedition*, Otlet wrote. The expe-
dition was not very successful and the museum of Africana
that Otlet and the family had looked forward to forming from
the collections made by Linden, did not materialise. It was
to have complemented a number of other collections, notably
of paintings, formed by Otlel's prosperous father. Edouard
Otlet had built railways and tramways in most of the countries
of Western Europe. He formed a Societe de Gaz de Rio de
Janeiro in 1886 in which he had an interest of several million
Belgian francs.. In September of 1888, Otlet reported that in
that financial year alone his father had made 3 million francs
from this company — «it is without precedent*.8

In the midst, then, of nineteenth century industrial and
colonial expansion (his father's world of high finance), living
in a bastion of Catholic thought (Louvain), besieged by the
liberalism and scepticism of Brussels' intellectuals (Picard,
Heger  and  their confreres),  it  is  little wonder that    Otlet's

thought began to polarise, and that he should turn from the
inevitable conflicts engendered by these different milieux to
the image of a beloved.

His problem, as he formulated it to himself, was to find
some way of reconciling three polarities of interest: love,
science, action. In a schema drawn up in his diary in April
1888 under the heading Quod Faciam he examined them.
Somehow he had to reconcile a career in which his special
aptitudes were properly exploited with his love, but neither
could be allowed to interfere with his social and religious duty
to do good. His aptitudes he described revealingly as:

a) a taste for the general — the study of reality; b) a synthetic
mind; c) a taste for literature and eloquence; d) a distaste for the
practical and a skepticism of action; e) a horror of doing itself —
a love of the law.

He had, he tells us, begun to examine things «as constitutive
or destructive forces, as generative elements of universality —
[it is] rare to study ideas as forces in themselves, to suppose
the individual as a sentient machine guided by them». He
decided that what he must do was to study civilisation and
its social mechanism, law. While he was doing this he would
attempt «to unify and synthesise ... our knowledge in its pres-
ent state»; he would attempt to complete «a vast explorative
synthesis of law and political action . ..» To satisfy his need
to become active in the world he was still resolved to become
a lawyer.

After some months of study he began to realise that he
could not successfully carry out his program at Louvain. It
was, he decided, dedicated to old-fashioned ideas. He recog-
nised that he had accomplished a whole evolution of thought
there, but it now seemed necessary to go elsewhere. His heart
at once turned him to Fernande and Berlin, but his head
turned him to Paris. Characteristically, after much anguished
indecision, he followed his head.

Before leaving for Paris, he reviewed in great detail why
he had come to Louvain, and where he stood intellectually on
the eve of quitting it. Between the two great philosophical
traditions of his time — scholasticism and «positivistic evolu-
tionism», he had been brought to the point of choosing the
latter as more «positive», more fecund of possibilities for
future development than the former, as combining both a
scientific and ontplogic character. He saw in the notion of
force some sort of mystical explanatory power, as something
persisting through all phenomena and providing a formula
for action and not merely speculation. He had adopted the
positivist notion of society as a vast organism and saw in
law «a great deductive and logical force for constructing a
whole  social  state  on  the  basis  of  primitive  data».  In  fact

16

he was led to envision, partly under the influence of Picard,
an historical sociology in which the «real image» of society
was law. At Paris he determined to embark on the enormous
work of synthesis he had been contemplating, a universal
history.

One of the last tasks he completed before leaving Brussels
was to put his botanical and geologic specimens and his
papers in order. Classifying and reclassifying his papers was
something he had been in the habit of doing since he was
fifteen. As a boy he had given much thought to the problem
of how to study, or had, at least, listened attentively to his
tutors. He regularly took notes:

In taking notes from authors one has the incontestable advantage of
making a compendium; that is to say, a small abridged treatise
which contains useful passages for one's own particular use... To gain
time, instead of immediately developing a thought that one has read,
one simply makes a note of it on a piece of paper which is put in a
folder. On Saturday, for example, these papers can be taken up one
by one for classification and also for development if this is necessary...
Rather than classifying the loose leaves of the same format each week,
one can write all the subjects in the same exercise book, taking care
to give a whole page and its verso to each new subject. Once the
notebook is filled, the leaves can be torn out and classified. However,
lots of things are difficult to classify and these one gathers together
ad hoc in a notebook without recopying them.

Otlet's first classifications were simple dispositions of his
notes into two main categories and a number of diverse sub-
categories. He listed them, for example as:

Material      — memoranda, notebooks

—  resumes of books read

Intellectual — persona! (myself) — myself (intellectual material)

—  journal (intimate thoughts)

—  pocket   books   with   witty   sayings,   amusing   ideas

—  others — different dossiers

—  studies on separate shelves

1.  File — to hold all that should be classified

2.  Papers with the same format,  different things  going into cartons

3.  Boxes for things (... souvenirs)

4.  Drawer for literature (others)

5.  Drawer for me (personal)

At the end of 1883, this classification was changed. The
first heading at this time, LITERATURE was subdivided into:
titles of different works (1882—3); melange (different things thought);
lie du Levant proofs; snatches of verse; stenography; concerning
school classes; various things begun (1881, 2, 3); literature (theory
of style), Essays on Society (a scientific journal); Physical exercises;
incidents from my college life.

Under the next main category, PERSONAL, were: «memoirs
and travels (physical life); Infinity (resolutions, personal
thoughts); intellectual life (Journal — 3 notebooks (1881—2)».
A third heading was added now, SCIENCES: «elements of
natural  history;  museums   (work-room,  collections, history of

2—3391                                                                                      17

my room); and Science (plan of study, memoires of my ob-
servations.)»

Perhaps more than anything else, these classifications
reveal the young Otlet to the curious eye. Twelve years later,
having continued to search, he was to find a powerful biblio-
graphic classification which was to become in his eyes a
tool for organising notes and papers into a giant compendium
of universal knowledge, and the techniques for creating this
compendium or encyclopedia and its significance for society
exercised his thought until his death at the age of 76. Even
as a child, then, he strove for an order and wholeness that
comes from the application of an established system of clas-
sification to disparate items. Once he had been «frightened»
by the diversity of the things he had written. «My God!», he
had exclaimed when he was fifteen, «what a feather brain
I am, always on to something new, beginning and never fi-
nishing anything. I write down everything that goes through
my mind, but none of it has a sequel. At the moment there
is only one thing I must do; that is, to gather together my
material of all kinds, and connect in with everything else I
have done up till now. I do not have enough yet to do
anything much with it. I must wait and leave all this aside
for the moment.»

Five years later as he set off to study in Paris in 1888,
to prepare his historically oriented, universalist synthesis of
knowledge, he was much further along. His papers now fell
into seven groups corresponding to large subject areas and
were listed in his diary as: «Philosophy (. . . syntheses of a
kind, deep studies of the present); social sciences (the past>
the present); writing (...articles, social works); Diary (inti-
mate notes); Law; Scientific facts; Politics and moral ques-
tionings.»

PARIS, SPIRITUAL DISILLUSION

And so twenty years old, in love, eager for the experience
of a new stage in his intellectual odyssey, he arrived in Paris
ready to chart the seas of late nineteenth century positivist
thought. But Paris itself, to which he brought his «synthetic
formula* which he assumed would illuminate new contexts,
without being itself modified by them, proved to have a con-
fusing, shocking complexity of its own. To a degree it drove
his formula out of his head. Paris was so much larger than
Brussels. The populace was cosmopolitan, witty, elegant, given
to swift, allusive conversation. It lived for pleasure. It was
the Paris that a few years later was to fascinate Marcel
Proust. A place where the world «comes to take notes», it
puzzled, charmed and perhaps appalled him. In every way it

18

was different from Brussels with its small, comfortable bour-
geoisie. Picard had introduced him to the Belgian poet Lem-
onnier, who was often in Paris. His grandfather had intro-
duced him to another Belgian poet, Rodenbach, who had given
up law and the Palais de Justice in Brussels and Belgium
itself for Paris and the Symbolist Movement in French litera-
ture. In the literary circles to which his acquaintance with
these men gave him entree, he made a few acquaintances —
he met Mallarme, for example, and attended dances, dinners
and reviews. He observed the decolletage of the women and
their jealous and petty ways with a caustic tongue and disap-
proving eye. He was attractel and repulsed by the prostitutes
in the streets. More completely than ever before he was alone.
And with his family and his small circle of friends no longer
about him he decided in one of the depressions that settled like
the Paris winter on him: «I am not made for solitude».

During the months of his stay in Paris, his father several
times raised the problem of his future career and of his prob-
able marriage. Who was to succeed this formidable man who
had developed the family fortunes to the peak they had then
attained? That was a question no good son of the nineteenth
century might ignore. That fortune, as the product of the
effort of one man, was an admirable and enviable grande
oeuvre and for Otlet there was a compelling duty to see that
it and the spheres of family interests were maintained and
extended. After long and painful soul searching he eventually
decided to enter the world of business with his father when
he completed his studies, and to sacrifice for Fernande,
whom he was determined now to make his wife, all his ambi-
tions in science. «If I can't have Fenny», he wrote, «I shall
be a desperate man.»

It should be understood, however, that this was not an
easy surrender. During his stay of about six months in Paris,
Otlet worked as hard as ever at his studies. Sociology, law,
political economy and some history continued to be the
subjects of his speculations. But they seemed now to chase
their tails in his head without going very far forward and
this may have led to an easier renunciation of them. In Feb-
ruary of 1889 he went to pay his family a visit in their newly
purchased and elegant villa at Nice the villa Valere, named
for his stepmother. Here, finally, he capitulated to agnosticism.
Indeed, he began to realise when he returned to Paris after
brooding through the long, wearying days of his stay at Nice,
that metaphysics, which had once meant so much to him, was
actually a snare and a delusion. When he applied it to life «I
come everywhere to irreducible antinomies*. Chance, he decided,
not design, presided over the development of ideas, «the develop-

2*                                                                                     19

merit of all institutions, of all theories of all political and
social organisation*. On the eve of returning to Brussels once
again, at the end of his short unsatisfactory odyssey in Paris,
he enunciated a credo:

I believe in the great principles of positivism and evolution: the for-
mation by evolution of things — the relativism of knowledge and the
historical formation of concepts.

As for religion, he had come to believe, along with Spencer,
that there was some great Unknowable which we reach for-
ward to in the dark. And as for the great work of synthesis
so confidently begun:

I am no longer anything more than a curious amateur who finds it
interesting how things are formed, how ideas grow and develop
(without some superior idea taking precedence) by the simple conflict
of forces (blind, I think) from brute nature up to the world of psycho-
logy and sociology, necessarily taking all sorts of different arrange-
ments which emerge from the others in an evolutionary fashion.
And I no longer torture myself about a life of intellectual antinomies...
I merely note them.

At Nice he had realised that

the pleasure of having an absolute goal in life, a noble career, a great
task to perform wasn't possible. It was necessary that my thoughts
should plunge to the bottom of the abyss. The ease of despair isn't
possible to one with illusions remaining. Now, with nothing prejudged,
no illusions, no factitious duties — I am free.

BRUSSELS AGAIN, GRADUATION, MARRIAGE

He was, of course, not free, but had matured a little in
Paris. In May 1889 he made a trip to Berlin. His few ecstatic
days there were like a «symphony of love» and Fernande at
last promised to become his wife. But important examinations
were looming up in August. His loss of faith aroused scruples
in him about continuing his studies at the Universite de
Louvain. He decided to transfer to the Universite Libre de
Bruxelles. The last months of 1889 were occupied with some
of the examinations remaining before he could take his degree.
August was enlivened by his father's electoral campaign in
which he seems to have taken some part. Afterwards he vi-
sited Paris again and then Fernande in Berlin. Eventually,
his uncle, Paul Heger, warned him sternly that he could not
expect to pass his examinations by spending a winter in
Paris, as he had resolved to do, and in travelling. Chastened,
Otlet returned to Brussels and the Universite Libre for the
winter term. Early in 1890 he passed two of three examina-
tions that were left before he could take his degree.

The final examination was in October 1890 and the year
dragged slowly on towards the critical moment with letters
from Fernande occasional bright spots in it. In April he spent
several weeks in Italy. He had learned Italian as a boy and

'20

was fluent in it. In July he went to Norway where he was
sad and introspective. Gloom settled more and more heavily
on him as the year advanced towards the final struggle. There
was a «returning sadness and melancholy». «I am like a fish
in an aquarium», he wrote, «separated from the great ocean
by strong glass». He longed for the solace of a life with
Fernande and the intellectual ease of broad, general, abstract
studies. Though he must have a career

money doesn't mean anything to me. I am interested in the universal,
the good of all. In business it is necessary to defend one's own inte-
rest to the detriment of those of one's neighbours. Without doubt I like
the advantages of fortune, natural advantages, but I cannot see in
them any claim to glory for me.

The grandiose picture he had had of the law in his younger,
more innocent days of unconfined speculation was replaced by
another — «what a horror I have of this law, of these parti-
culars, so dead, so detailed*. But drawing himself forward
on what he described as the knees of his «black pessimism»,
almost consumed by his belief in «the final uselessness of
effort», feeling himself no more than the square root of a soul
divided by zero, he brought himself to sit for his final exami-
nations and to make a decision to begin a legal career after
he left the University, to go to the Palais de Justice and
become, as he had planned years earlier, a lawyer. Picard as
so often before, was the determining influence. «Come to the
bar», said Picard, «the bar isn't the law, but there is there
an elite, a great confraternity and agreement on great prin-
ciples. Listen for your 'voice' there». In October 1890, , his
Doctoral en Droit completed he became a stagiaire, an articled
clerk, to Picard. On December 9, 1890 after so many years of
courtship, he married Fernande. In the New Year of 1891,
twenty three years old, he began his career in the world as
business-man and lawyer according to the resolutions he had
taken as a youth.

FOOTNOTES

1.  The formal documentation of Otlet's family is available in a number of
legal documents, the most important of which is that related    to Otlet's
divorce in  1908. This may    be described    as Etude de Maitre Taymans,
notaire. De la l*™-4<>      comparition     14 Avril    1908—15 Janvier    1909:
Demandes de Divorce, par M. & Mme. Otlet-Gloner.    In this      document
are set out a detailed evaluation of Otlet's household effects, his marri-
age settlement, his sources of income, together    with    notarised    docu-
ments of  birth for  himself,  his  wife and children,  of his marriage,  and
of the birth and death of grandparents and so on.

2.  The diary consists of seven volumes, each made up of 4 notebooks, each
notebook numbering 50 pages. There are also a number of notebooks not
part of volumes. On occasion, Otlet pasted into the notebooks pages of

21

scribbling completed when he was without them, together with small
pocket notebooks filled with accounts of his travels — to Russia, to
England—the sort of thing done in trains and carriages to while away
the time. The manuscript is in general very difficult and at times quite
illegible, especially where he has made jottings in moving vehicles. No
separate reference is made to entries in  the (Diary  in this work.

3.  lie du Levant. Bruxelles: E. Guyot, 1882. 39 pp.

4.  Edmond  Picard, 1836—1924,  was  a  striking character.  After three  years
at sea he took a brilliant Doctorat en Droit at the Universite Libre de
Bruxelles. Then as barrister, legal scholar and  innovator, traveller, mili-
tant socialist, patron of the arts, member of the Belgian Senate for the
worker's party and social critic, he became an outstanding figure in Bel-
gian intellectual circles.

5.  Armand-Auguste-Ferdinand  Thiery,   1868—il955,  went  to the    Universite
de Louvain in October  1886. He became a protege of Cardinal Merrier,
professor in the Institut Superieur de Philosophic set up at Louvain by
the Cardinal,  worked  under  Wundt  in Leipzig   in psychology  and  then
directed  a  laboratory  for experimental psychology set up   by  Mercier.
In  1894 he was  attached  to the faculty of  medicine.  He was    ordained
in 1896.

6.   Paul Heger, 1846—il925,  eventually became Rector then President of the
University.

7.  The pamphlet in which Fernande showed    such    a resolute    disinterest
was LAfrique aux noirs, Bruxelles: Ferdinand Larcier, 1888. ilt contained
a plea to return American Negroes to Africa.

8.  In an anonymous pamphlet on the occasion of his father's death, Otlet
described his father's career. His father had had a hand in establishing
19 tramway systems in such diverse places as The Hague, Munich, Mos-
cow, Madrid, Alexandria  and Naples. The 8-page pamphlet    is entitled
Edouard Otlet and has no formal imprint details.    It was    printed    in
Brussels by Oscar Lamberty, the printer of the International Institute of
Bibliography.

Chapter II

FROM   UNIVERSAL KNOWLEDGE
TO SYNTHETIC BIBLIOGRAPHY

ANXIOUS DIRECTIONLESS, POSITIVISM

Marriage proved, at least at the beginning, a delight,
though it resolved none of Otlet's intellectual conflicts. Fer-
nande seems to have been a feckless, childlike woman, appar-
ently meek and demure, but wilful and not much interested
in his work. As he became busier in his daily affairs, Otlet
would sometimes note only a chance remark of hers in his
diary: «Darling, I am not developing. I will always be a little
nothing — nothing at all». Though she ran up enormous bills
at the haberdashers and her sojourns in Berlin with her family
seemed to him sometimes too long, she was anxious to please
him, and he tenderly anxious to protect her. «Darling, you
must love me, just as I am. I am naughty girl, aren't I? I make
you cry».

In the first few years of marriage he discovered that while he
still often lacked energy, the acute depressions of his youth
had gone. Yet now he was a prey to a frequent and nostalgic
sadness, disturbing in its unexpectedness and not easily to be
explained. His little Fenny, as he called her, had displaced
something deep inside him whose absence he found it in him-
self to regret. She, on her part, was obscurely aware of this
and encouraged him to cultivate more earnestly his former
friends, to go out in the world more in order to combat these
vestiges of old feelings welling up so anachronistically in
him-—«look up your successful friends and think a little bit
about me, but don't be lonely». Perhaps this it to say only that
marriage, upon which he had set so much store, could not be,
given Fernande's character, the panacea for his long felt need
of congenial intellectual companionship, of some great task to
do in life.

Nor did the law prove satisfactory. At the bar he was
indeed at the intellectual and social hub of Brussels. One of

23

his fellow stagiaires and later Belgian statesman, Henri Car-
ton de Wiart, has described those lively days in his remi-
niscences of their maltre, Picard.1 Brussels was a self-con-
sciously provincial town moving towards the international
eminence it enjous today. Along the fashionable Avenue Louise,
on the heights of the town, all the young, the wealthy, those
rising in society, those received into it, carried out the ritual
of seeing and being seen. The world of commerce and the
world of the poor lay, as it still does, below. At the
head of the Avenue Louise, ponderous and vast and towering
above the city, stood the Palais de Justice. In its corridors
echoed all the rumours and scandals of the city. The encoun-
ters of lawyers, clients and clerks as they went about their
affairs offered opportunity a thousand times a day for the
airing and promotion of the controversies of the time. Here
Otlet circulated with Picard and his fellow clerks. Inevitably
his acquaintance extended. He joined various clubs and asso-
ciations such as the Cercle du Jeune Barreau de Bruxelles in
whose journal, Palais, he began to publish articles,2 the Grou-
pe de Ligogne, and the Association et Compte Rendu du
Journal a.p<* Tribunaux, the legal newspaper appearing, twice
weekly, with the premises of which all of the stagiaires of
Picard, a founder-editor, soon became familiar.

But his attitude! «The Bar — what misery! Our time goes
by in scraps; our seven years of humanities, our four years at
the university employed in stupid acts of procedure...* And
again, «no case or the practical study of law gives me the
least satisfaction*. Always Picard stood by as an intellectual
catalyst, articulate, perceptive, encouraging. One day he
said: «A Barrister for me is not someone who has a lot of ca-
ses. That is incidental. He is a man who always and in all
things and everywhere follows the idea of Justice.» But, after
a year, Otlet,. struggling with a sense of failure, could take no
comfort in this. Though he detested his work, he felt that many
of his companions had already become successful by
pushing themselves forward while he had fallen behind. And
the admirable Picard, fiery and influential as he was, could
not convince him that adequate compensation for limited ad-
vancement was to be found in the disinterested pursuit of a
legal ideal. Surrounded by those with whom he would later
have constant dealings in the Government and elsewhere, he
experienced, like the onset of a disease, an increasing sense of
isolation and loneliness. The urging of his wife that he should
go about more and cultivate these men was of little help; nor
was the birth of his first child, Marcel, as proud as he was of
him, and grateful to be assured of a successor.

The problem, the basis of his rankling discontent, was, as.
24

always, that of finding an occupation «where there is much in-
tellectual life... where there will be great diversity which will
lead to something real for myself and society»- He looked
vainly for some end, some goal, however vague it might be,
which could become a basis for «attacking everything*. He
yearned for «a guide, to be involved in some company of work
under the direction of some leader who will bring me to the
conquest of a great ideal»- In a moment of introspection, he
observed that he was a man

who has little need for the society of appearances, of public opinion,
but only for the society of some few good friends, and above all of
their ideas. A man who loves unanswerable questions. A man who de-
sires to effect an oeuvre, something continuing, grand and absorbing.

Yet when he looked around him, all that could be observed
abroad was the spectre of intellectual anarchy. «It seems that
facts are too complex to be embraced by our brains» Every-
where new ideas were appearing but they seemed to him «too-
general, too contradictory, too confused yet to guide vigorous
action». For himself, he had developed such an awareness of
their complexity that he had been led away from a belief in
their «absolute systematisation»- His own ideas, indeed, had'
become in some way fluid and shapeless. «I don't have any
fixed ideas, but embryos of different ideas, never pushed to^
conclusions, like a vague sentiment that holds them grouped*.
Perhaps he could not say so clearly and surely in 1892 what
he had asserted so boldly only the year before, that his interest
was above all «in the universal life* whose «synthetic expres-
sion at each moment of its evolution* it was his abiding plea-
sure to discover. Nevertheless be continued to cultivate, could
not escape a preoccupation with, the notion of a «unifying,
grouping sentiment* which demanded that he study «the-
whole, the laws of the progress of society, of psychology*.

In attempting to understand Otlet's intellectual dilemmas
and the solutions he was on the brink of discovering for them
one should stand back a little to see him in the context of his
times. His thought was by no means original. He had absorb-
ed and rejected the religious teaching of the Jesuits for Posi-
tivism. The essence of Positivism as developed in the middle'
of the nineteenth century by Auguste Comte, lay in the Law
of Three Stages and the Classification of the Sciences. The Law
of the Three Stages asserted that as the mind developed, it
passed through a stage of theological explanation of the
world, to a stage of metaphysical explanation, to the final
positive stage where all could be explained in terms of scien-
tific truth. As the mind progressed through these stages, it
did so in a definite order of .disciplines which became increa-
singly interdependent and complex. At the first level stood
mathematics, followed by physics and chemistry, then    came

biology, and everything that came before culminated in psy-
chology and sociology.  Sociology, the queen of sciences, was
viewed as a «unifying» science. What was of primary impor-
tance for the positivist philosopher   was    the    formation of a
^subjective synthesis» of positive knowledge as a way of en-
visaging and  directing the development of society-
Having worked his way up the ladder of the sciences by the appropria-
te objective methods, the philosopher having scaled the heights of so-
ciology,  could  then  travel   down  the  ladder  again  and  construct  a
synthesis of them in the light of the unique and essential insight into
the inferior sciences afforded by sociology  and bearing in mind the
requirements of humanity revealed by it.3

The enduring importance of Positivism for the nineteenth cen-
tury lay in its emphasis on the scientific method, in its rejec-
tion of metaphysics, in its utilitarian ethic of good for Humani-
ty, in its claims for sociology, a word coined by Comte, and
in its belief in the possibility, the necessity, for synthesis.
This last, the notion of synthesis, is an essential feature of
Positivism. For Comte «positive generalities* were able to or-
ganise all of human reality as manifested in history and would
lead it gradually towards some kind of unity. One commenta-
tor, Pierre Ducassee, has put it this way:

The positivistic mind coordinates all that is certain, real, useful, precise,
but from a relative and organic point of view relative to man conside-
red in his intellectual history, and relative to man conceived of as
bearing social values; organic by virtue of the continuing preponder-
ance of the sociological point of view, the source of the conception of
ensemble, the veritable synoptic centre of positive knowledge and
moral action.4

In Ducassee's opinion the whole of Comte's life and work
was a battle against dispersive specialisms, for Comte empha-
sised, above all, «the art of coordination, of the correlation of
analysis with synthesis, the prudent, precise, generalising as-
similation of the results of contemporary science*.5

Positivism enjoyed some popularity in England, as else-
where, both for its own sake, and as something in opposition
"to which other positions could be defined. Herbert Spencer
saw his position as opposed to Comtian Positivism.6 Yet it
showed many points of similarity. Spencer firmly believed in
the possibility of obtaining positive knowledge and in the value
of synthesising it. Indeed, for him philosophy was no less
than «completely unified knowledge*.7 He was led from con-
sidering the essential phenomena of Matter and Motion to the
problem of the persistence of Force, and from there to the
Laws of Evolution in terms of which all knowledge could be
unified. The Laws of Evolution hold true, he asserted, for each
order of existence and he went on doggedly in the deca-
des after his First Principles of a New System of Philosophy
to «interpret the detailed phenomena of Life, Mind and Society

.26

in terms of Matter, Motion and Force» (that is the elementary
particles, as it were, from which all evolves) in a series of
volumes forming his Synthetic Philosophy. These began to ap-
pear in 1864 and the entire work after many reprintings, revis-
ions and additions was finished in 1893. Spencer was widely
read on the Continent and was, indeed, one of the most highly
regarded philosophers of his time.8

Otlet read Spencer very eagerly. When he declared his
faith in 1889, it was in Positivism and Evolution. He had gone
to Paris in 1888 with a synthesising formula based on the
notion of Force. He saw the disciplines as rising in complexity
and importance to Sociology. Knowledge he recognised as
relative. The slogans of Comtian Positivism and Spencer's
x<Synthetic Philosophy* all intertwined in his mind, together
with those of Alfred Fouillee, eminent in his day but now al-
most forgotten. Fouillee's synthetic principle was that of the
idee-force. While in Paris Otlet had noted in his dairy that he
was never bored when studying modern philosophy with its
¦«large classes and synthetic theories*, and that

It's Fouillee whom I hold in most affection. He is even more modern
than Spencer, more comprehensive than him, he completes him. He
gives — as little as I can judge it — the most general formula, the
idee-force, against naturalism and idealism.

Ideas Fouillee endowed with force because of the way they
could persist and influence behaviour. For him, to think about
the world was not passively to observe reflections in a mir-
ror. Ideas were active, able through their activity to contribute
to the realisation of their object.9 He also attempted in the face
of positivistic skepticism to reinstate metaphysics to a position
of philosophical respectability. It has been suggested that his
notion of the idee-force «is ultimately a merely verbal concept
or device, seeking to bridge the gap between internal and men-
tal processes and physical actions, as it were, by inserting a
hyphen between them.»10 Like Spencer, Fouillee was convinced
of the importance in philosophy of evolutionary theories
of development and borrowed elements of his own psychological
explanation of evolution from Lamarck, Darwin, Spencer
himself, and others. Another of the comprehensive nineteenth
century synthesists, though avowedly non-positivist, in a later
-work he explicitly took the world in itself as his subject.11 His
philosophy generally had an enduring influence on the develop-
ment of Otlet's thought.

One should not, however, overestimate the importance of
such influences. Otlet seems to have adopted now one, now
another philosophical position on the positivist spectrum, to
have rejected one aspect of a system for an aspect of another,
if not capriciously yet without too much intellectual difficulty.
His criterion seems to have been congeniality. He was himself

27

no philosopher, but an earnest man distressed by the triviality
of his life as student and lawyer, floundering amid the de-
bris of his daily affairs or some kind of. meaningful activity.
He took meaning where he found it. What was important to
him seems not to have been a philosophy in itself, but the
certitude it afforded him, the feeling of the world being
brought within his grasp. The philosophies of the Comtian Pos-
itivists, and those of Spencer and Fouillee were all rooted
in the exploding world of science, in which they saw a dynam-
ism impelling man forward to variously conceived Utopias
of social organisation. A belief in science, a rejection of tradi-
tional metaphysics not so complete as to prevent the retention
of Spencer's Unknowable, for example, whence all thought
springs and whither all thought tends, a conviction as to the
possibility of and necessity for a synthesis of knowledge, of
the knowable — this is what appealed most strongly to him in
the work of these philosophers.

For Otlet, science, during these early years of his intel-
lectual development, was a magical word. Science did not mere-
ly involve investigation of a world of concrete facts, was not
simply empirical. It was something reassuring, diffuse, a mi-
lieu of «principles and ideas». After his stay in Paris, he be-
gan to recognise more clearly, however, the complexity and ap-
parent contradiction often inherent in facts and ideas, especi-
ally in the social sciences. To some extent he began to,abandon
the reductionist struggle by which one hopes to simplify and
order such facts and ideas by the application to them of a prin-
ciple of synthesis derived from them but which does not have
the explicative, predictive or organising power of good theory.
While he never lost his belief in the necessity for discerning
order in the world and gathering up observations about it into
some comprehensive system, when confronted by the intransi-
gence of fact, the contrariness of ideas, the subtle conflicting
transformations worked in observations of the world by the
webs of theory cast over them by each thinker, Otlet was gra-
dually led to acknowledge the preeminent place of empirical
investigation as a precursion to speculation. Facts, he was fi-
nally and firmly led to declare, must «take possession of all
our being».

Despite such assertions, in his first few years at the Bar,
he continued to write legal articles and took up again a
project begun several years before at Nice which in no uncer-
tain way exhibits the generalising, synthesising tenor of his
mind. It involved putting «political economy into formulas*,
and with some satisfaction he observed, «I've obtained certain
results. The work is very grand.» It gave him confidence that:
«I pan hope a little to follow up my scientific work». But when
he considered his «horror of the practical*, his compulsion to

28

achieve something large and socially valuable, his fascination
by sociology, he was led to conceptualise his aim in life as
that of creating «practical theories*, of becoming absorbed in
some task oi «applied sociology*. The reduction of political
economy to formulas seems only partly appropriate to such
an aim, and the venture seems gradually to have lapsed ai
his interests became channelled in another direction.

THE OFFICE OF SOCIOLOGICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

Towards the end of 1891 a Societe des Etudes Sociales
et Politiques was formed in Brussels by a number of prominent
Belgian scholars. Otlet observed its emergence with con-
siderable interest, and at the end of the year he confessed to
having two particularly serious subjects on his mind. The first
was the familiar but.haunting «ambition not for myself but for
a great new continuing work», the second, the former ap-
parently given some focus by the recent foundation of the Societe
des Etudes, was «a sort of institute for the synthesis of
sociology and psychology*.

Henri La Fontaine directed a section for bibliography
within the Societe des Etudes. There appears to be no account
of the beginning of Otlet's collaboration with La Fontaine but
social and professional acquaintance must have soon quicken-
ed and deepened with the discovery of strong mutual inter-
ests. The two men belonged to similar learned and other so-
cieties; they were both lawyers, though La Fontaine was fif-
teen years older than Otlet and had gained some eminence as
a jurist in the area of international arbitration. Like Otlet, La
Fontaine had been a stagiaire of Picard's and had worked on
Picard's monumental compilation of Belgian jurisprudence,
the Pandectes beiges. It was clear that the strengthening
during 1892 and 1893 of his friendship with La Fontaine was
of the utmost importance for Otlet, for it was to provide him
throughout most of his life with that close intellectual compa-
nionship the absence of which he had so often lamented in his
diary.12

All of Picard's clerks presumably did their stint of work
on the Pandectes beiges which grew steadily in size throughout
the last part of the century and on into the twentieth. By
1920, indeed, it consisted of over 100 weighty volumes.13 Some
knowledge of the underlying philosophy of this work is useful
in understanding the foundation in 1893 by Otlet and La Fon-
taine, on the basis provided by the Bibliographical Section of
the Societe des Etudes Sociales et Politiques, of an Institut
International de Bibliographie Sociologique. In this philosophy
¦one may locate the source of the narrowing of Otlet's atten-
tion from sociology and psychology,    from    the    universalist

29

synthesis of knowledge, to bibliography. «The point of depart-
ure for the Pandectes belges», wrote Edmond Picard and Fer-
dinand Larcier in the preface to their Bibliographic generate'
et raisonnee du droit beige, a compilation of sources used to
1882 for compiling the Pandectes beiges

was the application to law of the procedures common for many years*
in the natural sciences. The dominating rule of these procedures, as
one knows, is the substitution of direct observation for purely intel-
lectual and theoretical preconceptions. The basis [of the compilation]'
was the collection of all decisions of our jurisprudence and of the
opinions of our national authors ... Today metaphysics has been banned,
rightly, from Law, as it had been from the natural sciences, and
one no longer attempts to formulate in a priori, all of a piece, by in-
tellectual effort, as one no longer proceeds thus for chemistry, or
physics, or social philosophy. Facts, observations, then more
observations and facts, to deduce afterwards general truths is the
way to proceed, a procedure which, formulated by Bacon, has gradual-
ly established its Domain and has become the rule for all serious
study. The human mind is no longer considered as an organ which?
produces the sciences, but rather as an apparatus for enregistration,
whose unique role is to observe the laws which emerge from careful-
ly   collected  facts   and   from   scrupulously  carried   out   experiments.14'

In 1891 under Picard's guidance Otlet and a group of
his colleagues began to publish a journal called Sommaire pe-
riodique des revues du droit.15 In the compilation of this work
was further practical bibliographical experience for Otlet to-
add to that already derived from his labours on the Pandectes
beiges. In 1892, his ideas about bibliography began to crystal-
lise, and he wrote an article for Palais, the journal of the
Cercle du Jeune Barreau de Bruxelles on the subject.16 This
article suggets his debt to the «positivist bibliography* of
Picard as well as to positivist thought more generally.

The social sciences, he observed in this article, can be
approached only through a flood of publications. For those who
are interested in quality and not quantity, the variety and vol-
ume of these publications is a subject of deep concern:

All these books, all these brochures, all these periodical articles the-
publication of which is announced each week by booksellers' catalogs
and notices in special periodicals—-what do they contribute that is-
new, and what is just a matter of phraseology, repetition and inade-
quate editing.

After a little reading one might be led to the belief that every-
thing in sociology has been said already, that everything is,,
in any case, simply a matter of opinion, «that the facts are too
complex for formulation, formulation being always too exclusive
and too tyrannical.» In effect, the social sciences present
themselves to the student not as «one science in terms of ma-
terials and conclusions, but as a grouping of personal ap-
preciations based on documents gathered together almost without
order or method»- Sociology calls itself positive, but it is so
more in name than in reality, for though rich in data of one

30

kind and another, it lacks «a sure method of investigation and
control, and a good method for classifying its materials*.

The natural sciences, Otlet suggested, provide an illuminat-
ing point of comparison. Their conclusions have been rooted
in millions of carefully observed facts which have been inte-
grated in such a way as to lead to laws of gradually increas-
ing generality. There seems not to be in the natural sciences
that duplication of effort everywhere present in the social
sciences. The student works in an orderly way from what is
known, and what has been newly discovered is recorded im-
mediately so that it is accessible to others as the basis for
further development.

The problem to which Otlet now addressed himself, a pro-
blem which was to provide the foundation for his life's work-
was:

To examine whether facts once stated and consigned to publications
(becoming in this way part of science), it would be possible by means
of some special classification, to group them into laws. How could one
give to the social sciences the positive and documentary character
of the natural sciences? How could all the activities of individuals be^
made to contribute to the elaboration of a definitive synthesis, gradual-
ly established from facts and results, not from the speculations of a
single thinker, but from the research of all?

Would it be too difficult, he asked, to achieve a «registration
of sociological facts and ideas similar to that required in
every industrial country for the patenting of inventions*? His
answer was a carefully reasoned no, not if one could secure
the cooperation of scientists in a program of increasingly
complex and analytic bibliographic activity.

The exterior appearance of a book, its form, the personality
of its author are ultimately of little importance, he contend-
ed. What matters is its substance which should be conserved
and become part of the «organism of science*, something im-
personal created by the work of all. «Science, indeed, is only
the grouping of all observed facts and of all probable hy-
potheses suggested to explain the facts and reduce them to
laws.* How to co-ordinate the efforts of individual scientists
so that their work could become part of a rational collectivity
above and beyond them, and yet not circumscribed by it — this
was the problem.

The first step in the bibliographic program designed by
Otlet to give to the social sciences «the positive and docu-
mentary character of the natural sciences* was to establish
a «scientific» classification of sociological source materials
and then to publish a catalog of them. Such a catalog
should be organised alphabetically by authors' names, and
systematically by subject. The materials listed in this catalog
should be indexed and abstracted to provide access to the
information  in  them.17  Subsequently  each  book,  each   article

3)

could be partitioned from a purely formal point of view accord-
ing to what was fact, interpretation of fact, statistics and
sources. In this way whatever was deemed an original contribu-
tion to the field, could be isolated and recorded on cards either
directly or in the form of references. These cards could be in-
"tercollated day by day and arranged systematically to form
either an encyclopedia or a bibliographic' repertory of the
subject, something which could be described as a «kind of
artificial brain». Such a work would be possible only with a
great deal of co-operation from scholars and learned societies.

Otlet necessarily touched on the problem of classification,
of preparing some detailed schema of the subject areas falling
within the province of the social sciences, but it obviously pre-
sented great difficulties. On the analogy of what St. Thomas's
Summa Theologica had done for learning in the Middle Ages,
Otlet reasoned that what was now required both from the point
of view of the preparation of a bibliographic repertory and of
its consultation, was a «very systematic, very precise synoptic
table» of the social sciences. Such a table should employ a
standardised nomenclature which would contribute towards
the creation of a much needed scientific language for them.

A model of what was contemplated could be sought in the
terminology of law which, Otlet observed, through centuries of
use, had acquired almost as much precision as that of chemist-
ry. In law, a term not only evoked the object named but by
«logical association» all of its characteristics and attributes.
Further, the «argument» preceding notices of decisions in
judicial compilations comprised five or six terms of decreasing
generality permitting one to arrive logically at an indication of
a particular fact. Ideally, on this model, each card in a biblio-
graphical repertory would have its own «argument» composed
of terms from the «synoptic table» arranged so as to proceed
from the general to the particular. What Otlet was describing,
though not very clearly, was the creation of an indexing voca-
bulary limited, ordered, and controlled by its use in a detailed
classification of the social sciences. He did not as yet consider
in any detail the actual mechanics of classification, vocabulary
creation or term assignment, nor particularly, the problem of
a notation for coding the classification so that some systematic
physical arrangement of the cards in the repertory could be
obtained.

This paper, Un Peu de Bibliographie, does not represent
any great departure from Otlet's earlier thought, as important
as it is as a milestone in its development. It shows him still
concerned with sociology, Positivism, and synthesis, and with
discovering a way to surmount the glaring inadequacies of
"their contemporary state. Now, however, he seemed to believe
that it was in bibliography rather than in some synthesising

32

formula such as that provided by theories of biological or social
evolution or the Idee-Force, that the panacea for the mul-
titudinous indispositions afflicting the body of the- social
sciences was to be found. Bibliographic organisation, as he saw-
it, could systematically gather together the scattered literature
of the social sciences so that bibliographic analysis could
reach into it and extract from it for synthesis what was hard
and bright as fact or useful observation.

On a practical level, the paper gives ample evidence of
the scope of Otlet's acquaintance with actual bibliographical
materials. He was familiar with a great many contemporary
catalogues, indexes and «abstracting» services, and with prac-
tical problems of bibliographic co-operation and standardisa-
tion. In fact, the paper was an interesting restatement and de-
velopment of the bibliographical program underlying the
work of the Bibliographical section of the Societe des Etudes
Sociales et Politiques with which, through his friendship with
La Fontaine, he was becoming increasingly involved. In 1893
the Section changed its name to become the International In-
stitute of Sociological Bibliography under the joint direction
of Otlet and La Fontaine.

A notice of the Office issued in 1894 provided a rationali-
sation for its creation and described the work it had pursued
for a year.

Because the methods of observation and co-operation have pro-
duced unceasing progress, and the internationalisation of science has
enlarged the field of action of investigators, a rigorously scientific
classification has become necessary. In truth, the synthesis of knowled-
ge about society which it is possible to achieve, will rise only from
the accumulations of individual efforts. There is no single man, be he
a genius, who will create any particle of the sociology of to-morrow
and elevate it to the status of the positive and exact sciences. This
work will be the natural result of studies carried out at the same
time throughout the whole world by thousands of thinkers and investi-
gators. Thus, individual work will more and more appear as chapters,
as paragraphs, nay, even as single lines in the great book which
one day we will be able to call the Science of Society. Sociological
Bibliography is only the table of contents of this book, the analytical
index elaborated day by day, which permits one to perceive the gene-
ral structure of the work up to the present and to be informed at
'each moment of its state of development.18

The Office proposed to achieve its aims through bibliographic
publications, bibliographic repertories, a collection of social
«facts», and a library. It took over the Sommaire periodique
des revues de droit, begun under Picard's guidance in 1891
and now called Sommaire methodique des traites et revues
de droit. A similar publication, similarly titled was begun for
sociology and its first volume appeared in 1894. Five major re-
pertories were contemplated: a universal legal repertory, a re-
pertory for the Social Sciences, classified repertories of com-
parative legislation and of comparative statistics and a general

3—3391                                                                                                 33

repertory by author's names. The Office also assumed the task
of publishing the journal, Revue sociale et politique, begun at
the time of its inception in 1891 by the Societe des Etudes So-
ciales et Politiques. Through this journal and separately at the
Office, Otlet and La Fontaine believed that they could build
up a bank of objective sociological data. Some of this they
were already publishing as compiled in a section of the Revue
called «faits sociaux», with reference from it to the Sommaire...
de sociologie and Sommaire... de droit for further, more
extensive documentary information. A library would emerge
naturally, they thought, through exchange of publication, and
from materials sent for indexing and incorporation in the Som-
maires and the repertories.

La Fontaine explained the general program of which he
conceived the International Office of Sociological Bibliography
to be part with reference to an International Intellectual
Union. That science had become increasingly International, he
argued, could not be denied — witness the increasing number
of international scientific congresses:

What we would like to see founded is a federation of all these special'
nomadic federations which is what the Congresses are... A world
federation would simply assure to all a permanent, unique headquarters,
where their archives, their documents, and their libraries could" be cent-
ralised and conserved. This would be the passive aim of the federation.
But we foresee also an active aim... It would constitute, moreover
and above all, a scientific cooperative which would render admirable,
incalculable services ... It is no less than a question of creating a world
depot where all human ideas can be automatically stored in order
to be spread afterwards among people with a minimum of effort and;
a maximum of effectiveness. It is no less than a question of creating
a central institute where all those who hope to collaborate in the
progress of humanity, will be able, immediately and mechanically,
to obtain the most detailed and complete information. It is no less-
than a question of bringing about the foundation of an international
university where those wishing to devote themselves to advanced study
can find all the documents and all the books they might want,
and where the most competent would be willing to come to teach and
spread  the latest results of their research and meditations.19

The services which he hoped a central federation would set up,.
La Fontaine examined in detail: an international library, an
international Office of Bibliography of which the International
Office of Sociological Bibliography was a type, an international
Statistical Office, and a central service for Congresses.
To such general and basic services could be added others de-
pending for their success on these most basic ones: an Inter-
national Council of Teaching, an International Council of Hy-
giene, an International Office of Work, a Central Bureau of
Comparative Legislation, an International Patent Office, and
a Service to deal with the nomenclature of Botany and Zo-
ology. Here was an early formulation of what was later an im-
portant part of the program   of the   League of Nations,   and,.

34

later still, of the United Nations, of which the formation of the
Central Office of International Institutions and the Union of
International Associations in Brussels in 1910 were immediate
precursors.

The work of the International Office of Sociological Bibliog-
raphy, especially when put in such a context was perhaps
grandiosely conceived. But it was publishing two bibliograp-
hic journals and a large body of collaborators for the
Office had been assembled through the Revue sociale et poli-
Uque which the Office was publishing for the Societe des
Etudes20 and by 1894 the repertories contained over 100,000
cards. For the hopeful Directors of the Office, this augured well
for future and greater success.

FOOTNOTES

1.  H. Carton,  Comte  de Wiart, «Souvenirs   sur  Edmond  Picard»,   Revue
generate (15 Janvier il937), pp. 59—77.

2.  For   a   list  of  Otlet's  publications  see  the  Bibliography  at  the end   of
this work.

3.  W.  M.  Simon,  European Positivism in the Nineteenth  Century  (Ithaca,
N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1963), p. 6.

4.  Pierre Duoassee, «La Synthese positiviste: Comte et Spencer», Revue de
synthese, XXVI (1950), p. 161.

5.  Ibid., pp. 63—64.

6.  Herbert Spencer, The Classification of the Sciences: to which are added
reasons for dissenting from the philosophy of M. Comte  (N. Y.: Apple-
ton, 1864), pp. 27—48.

7.  Herbert   Spencer,   First  Principles   [of   a  New  System   of  Philosophy]
(N. Y.: De Witt Revolving Fund, 1958), p. 531.

8.  Pages 323—24 of Jay Rumney, Herbert Spencer's Sociology  (New York:
Atlierton   Press,   1966),   contain   a   bibliography   of       «Selected   Trans-
lations» of Spencer's works.

9.  Elisabett Game de Beaucoudry, La Psychologie et la metaphysique des
idee-forces  chez Alfred  Fouillee   (Paris:   Librarie  philosophique  J. Vrin,
1936), p. 233.

10.  W. H.  Simon, «Alfred Fouillee», Encyclopedia of Philosophy, III   (1967),
p. 215.

11.  Alfred Fouillee,  Esquisse d'une interpretation du  monde   («Bibliotheque
de philosophie contemporaine»; Paris; Alcan, 11913).

12.  As with Otlet, there is no full account of Henri La Fontaine's life. The
best we have is Georges Lorphevre, Henri La Fontaine et Paul Otlet...
(Bruxelles:   Editiones  Mundaneum,   1954),   16  pp.   It  is  interesting  that
the  two  men  did  not  share other interests.  La  Fontaine was    a fine
amateur musician,  an enthusiast for Wagner, and an alpinist. He was
keenly  interested  in the  Inter-Parliamentary  Union, in which    he  long
held  office,  and  in  other juridical  international  organisations.

13.  Jean   Limpins,   Repertoire   bibliographique   de   droit   beige,   1819—1945
(Liege: Les Presses Universitaiires, 1947), pp. 5—6.

3*                                                                                             35

14.  Edmond Picard and Ferdinand Larder, Bibliographie generate et raison-
nee du droit  beige   (Bruxelles:  Ferdinard Larder,   18812).

15.  Sommaire periodique des revues de droit, Pierre Blanchemanche, Joseph
Cassiers, Max  Hallet  and Paul  Otlet,  ediiteurs,   avec  une  preface   de
M. Edmond Picard. Table mensuelle de tous les articles et etudes juri-
diques publies dans les periodiques beiges et etrangers (Bruxelles: Lib-
rarie Generate de Jurisprudence, 1891).

(16. Paul Otlet, Un peu de bibliographie, extrait de Palais (Bruxelles: Vro-
mant, 1892), 20 pp. Quotations in the following paragraphs are from
this publication without separate citations.

17. Otlet does not use the word «abstract», but it is clear from the discus-
sion of «compte-rendu» on page 11, and the «notice-judiciaire» on
page 12, that he is, in effect, describing what today we would call a
substantive abstract.

!8. L'Office International de Bibliographie Sociologique ... (Bruxelles:
l'OIfice  [1894]), 8 pp.

19.  Henri La Fontaine, «Organisation internationale et collective du travail
intellectuel:   Union   Intellectuelle   Internationale,     esquisse     sommaire»,
Bibliotheque Internationale de I'Alliance Scientifique  Universelle   (public
par le Comite  de Bruxelles),  fasc. IV  (1894),  pp. i322—48.

20.  The verso of the title page of Office International de Bibliographie So-
ciologique lists collaborators, nearly all of whom were lawyers. Among
the names appear those of the prominent positivist scholars, De Greef
and Hector Dennis, together with Picard, Einile Vanderwelde, and rep-
resentatives  of most of  the countries   of Western Europe, the   United
States and Japan.

Chapter III
FOUNDATION   OF THE IIB

HARD TIMES

Though he had begun what was to be his life's work by
1894, Otlet was to experience constant interference with it
for1 a number of years to come, to have his attention and his
energies diverted from it by chronic difficulties in his family's
affairs. His decision in Paris at the end of 1888 to assist his
father in business, a decision taken only after a great struggle
between his sense of loyalty to his family and his penchant
for an independent life of scholarship, proved to have far-
reaching consequences. It committed him to a wheel of for-
tune which seemed to govern his father's business life. Not
long after his marriage, Edouard Otlet, building tramways in
association with the House of Lebon, had become a million-
aire.1 But in 1874 legal and financial difficulties connected
with the dissolution of that association forced the Otlets to
leave Brussels for Paris where Paul first went to school. In
1882, the family returned to Brussels, and, not long after,
Edouard Otlet's flourishing South American investments
brought them a gratifying and dramatic prosperity. From this
zenith, however, their fortunes soon declined. Edouard Otlet
was in a precarious financial position from 1893 to the time
of his death in 1907. Paul, having pledged himself to help his
father, was plunged into the difficult and frustrating business
of attempting to keep the family solvent and the patrimony of
the children, of whom he was the oldest, intact.2 A lawsuit
initiated by Edouard Otlet with the assistance of Picard had
two million francs at stake. Should they lose it, Otlet observed
in his diary, «the family is ruined, and the eventuality of this
disaster is imminent*. His father was forced to sell a consid-
erable art collection. The He du Levant, scene of so many
pleasant childhood memories for Otlet, for which his father
had once spurned an offer of a million francs, was sold for
just over 41,000 francs. The Villa Valere in Nice, the scene of
Otlet's renunciation of faith, having been closed for a number

87

of years, was also sold, though Edouard Otlet resisted this for
as long as he could.3 It brought a quarter of a million francs
in 1903. Above all, father and sons manipulated stock, and in
these dreary, never ending transactions Otlet took a major
share of the burden.

He was soon acutely aware of the changes in his own
situation. His was now no life «strewn with flowers» as it had
once seemed to him as a youth. As early as 1892 he was
sometimes without change for a newspaper or a tram ticket in
his pocket and he was forced to walk to the Palais de Justice
or home from it. He was obliged to borrow money in 1893 and
again in 1896. In 1891 he assessed the price of an independent
life of scholarship at 25,000 francs a year. Indeed, it became
clear that the annual income of 12,000 francs he had been
assured by his father upon his marriage, was no longer certain,
and the disparity between what he had and what he thought
he needed grew ominously great. It seemed that he might have
to leave Brussels for the country. «With a character not adapt-
ed to battle, disdainful of the little things of which life is
made up, scrupulously and stupidly grand seigneur», afficted by
« a continual need of money», facing the prospect of the eco-
nomy and obscurity of life in the country, he was in no situa-
tion to be lightly contemplated by one, as it seemed to him, so
little suited to coping with it. «Money!» he exclaimed

the symbol of the battle for existence... I am continually preoccupied
with it. Never did I conceive of the tyranny of money. Weren't we
rich? And, without being extravagent, wasn't the security given by
this richness one of the conditions for my disposition toward speculative
work. Now all our fortune is gone, perhaps momentarily, forever
perhaps ...It is necessary to work, to have a gainful position. In fact,
it might become necessary to sacrifice all the fine projects that I could
have carried out. But these sacrifices are themselves called into
question ten times a day according to the news which comes in from
Nice, from the Proces Normand ... the mines of Soria, from Rio, from
South American upsets. It is slow poison.

In the middle of all these difficulties and uncertainties, he
was presented with yet another which brought into sharper
focus than ever before the unresolved dilemmas of his life. The
Universite Libre de Bruxelles had grown more and more re-
actionary in the course of its history, a group of increasingly
vociferous adversaries alleged. Protest against its repressive-
ness and intellectual stagnation reached a peak in the 1890's
and boiled over when the university authorities attempted to
muzzle the eminent geographer, Elisee Reclus, who had a rep-
utations as an anarchist. The Rector was dismissed. The stud-
ents staged a strike and the university closed down. Guillaume
de Greef, a lawyer and sociologist whose teaching had be-
come increasingly influenced by the philosophy of Comte, and
increasingly less acceptable to the University authorities, spoke
out  violently  against  the  university's  actions.4 As  de  Greef

38

told his supporters after he had been suspended, «I am for
free, positive science*, and the University had gone out of its
way to find as a replacement for him someone who could de-
clare that «M. de Greef detests metaphysics as much as I love
it... while he loves Positivism as much as I abhor it.»5 In Octo-
ber 1894, taking what seemed the only course remaining open
to them, Picard, de Greef and a number of colleagues broke
with the Universite Libre and founded a new university, the
Nouvelle Universite de Bruxelles. The Faculties of Law, and
Philosophy and Letters were the first constituted, together
with an Institute of Higher Studies. This last was an innovat-
ive addition to the traditional university structure of faculties
by which it was hoped that this university, in contrast to the
Universite Libre, might become responsive to the exigencies
of contemporary society.

Today positive knowledge tends to have a more and more considerable
action on all the branches of human activity, from industrial production
to the elaboration of laws and political organisation of societies,
and the links uniting all the individual sciences appear more and more
clear. A view, at the same time speculative and practical, of the synthe-
tic whole of the intellectual domain is therefore indispensable... It
is the acquisition of synthetic knowledge that the new university
wished to facilitate by its Institute of Higher Studies ... the teaching is
therefore at the same time encyclopedic and practical.6

To the banner hoisted above the New University by Pi-
card and de Greef flocked many of Otlet's friends and acquaint-
ances. The request to Otlet to join this group come from La
Pontaine: «Well then! Have you decided to give us a subscrip-
tion and a course at the New University? You know our
goals, what we hope for, you approve of our ideas... There it is,
a 'yes', or a 'no'! Why conditions, distinctions?* But conditions
and distinctions were the stuff of life to Otlet's cautious, ref-
lective character. As he probed the consequences of a decision
he exposed the toils of the conflicting attitudes in which his
will to decisive, irrevocable action was so strongly caught. On
the one hand lay his duty towards his family, their business
affairs and the law. On the other lay his independence, his
desire for the cloistered isolation of a life of scholarship. If he
refused La Fontaine's request, he felt he turned his back on all
that he had dreamed of doing in bibliography and in other
aspects of the social sciences. Yet to accede to it would commit
him to a particular group, a party, and his nature rebelled
against the idea of partisan confinement.

Further, if he joined the New University, what would hap-
pen to his own family? How could he ensure their security
against the future. What would he be able to leave as a pat-
rimony to his children, once he was committed to the comparat-
ive poverty of a professorship?7 And then there was his father
struggling to reconstitute the unexpectedly diminished family

39

fortune. How could he leave him to this alone when all the
children including himself would inevitably receive great ben-
efit from it upon its reconstitution? Moreover, there was only
one way of making a fortune for himself, that fortune which
he hoped would give him the freedom necessary to follow some
work of science of his own devising, and that way was to work
with his father. He was himself, he believed, too anxious, too-
scrupulous, too passive, too little able to battle and struggle to
succeed independently of his father. Although he continued to
detest the law, how could he abandon it, even though now he
could imagine no one more «anti-scientific» than a lawyer?
Yet, always, there stirred painfully and urgently within him a
sense of creativity which demanded his recognition, demanded
immediate expression. «When I am confronted with a book, an
article, after every conversation I have, there surges within me
the desire to write, to undertake an investigation. A little
evokes a world.»

He weighed the pros and sonc of joining the New Univer-
sity again and again, exclaiming impatiently, «Aere I am twen-
ty six years old and not having made a decision! To be scat-
tered, to be as nothing, to be rushing after everything and
not to know how to follow anything, an education to improve,
to complete, to resume after six years in which it has been so
poorly continued.» He let himself be persuaded by La Fontaine
to support the New University and to give a course at it. But
then he changed his mind, and wrote to de Greef that the re-
sponsibility of becoming a professor was too great.

He had characteristically formulated the alternatives as.
though they were in some way mutually exclusive and had then
vacillated agitatedly between them. But the moment of decision
passed. The status quo was shaken by it but maintained, and
he continued to act as though in fact the life of lawyer,,
business man and «practical» scholar were not entirely incom-
patible. During 1894 and 1895 he worked on his father's affairs,
reported regularly to the Palais de Justice and collaborated
with La Fontaine at the International Office of Sociological
Bibliography, which they soon took to calling simply the Inter-
national Office of Bibliography. During this time, too, he
also wrote a number of substantial legal studies which must
have given some satisfaction to his need to study and write.5

THE DEWEY DECIMAL   CLASSIFICATION

In August of 1894 he took his annual vacation. There were
several congresses in which he wished to participate being held
at Ostend, and then a meeting of the British Association at
Oxford. After two or three days in London, he set out on a
bicycle trip around the south eastern coast of England. This
was cut short by indisposition and he returned through Bel-

40

gium to Toulon in France where he collected the money from
the sale of the lie du Levant property. Inconsequential as it
seems, this holiday has a particular importance, for, during
its course, Otlet first attempted to obtain the Dewey Decimal
Classification. While he was at Ostend, he had met a friend
just returned from England who told him of a new system for
the classification of books invented by an American. The
friend had read about it in an English daily newspaper, but,
unfortunately, could remember neither the name of the news-
paper, nor that of the author of the classification. Travelling
poste-haste to London, Otlet asked for it at the British Museum,
but no one there seemed to know of it. Eventually, however, he
learned that what he sought was something called the Deci-
mal Classification devised by a Melvil Dewey of New York.
He wrote at once to America that it be sent to him.

This story, told in later life to Georges Lorphevre, who
joined Otlet as his assistant in 1927, is not literally true, of
course.9 Otlet had known of the Decimal Classification for
several years, though it is clear that he had never seen it,
and he had intended to go to England that August in any case.
Looking back over the years his memory had played him false
in a way that suggests the significance he attached to the steps
which led to the first examination of the Classification.

Sometime early in 1895 a copy of the Classification arri-
ved and he and La Fontaine eagerly set about studying it and
translating the main divisions, the subdivisions for sociology
and the extended tables for some of these subdivisions. La
Fontaine had fluent English and Otlet was able to read it. On
March 24, 1895, Otlet wrote to Dewey to ask formally for per-
mission to use and develop the Decimal Classification:

Being very much occupied with all that can contribute to the progress
of bibliography and classification of books, I have made the acquain-
tance of your work with the keenest interest. Your Decimal Classifi-
cation is truly a masterpiece of ingenuity. I have studied it for several
weeks with the intention of making it the basis for our bibliographic
office, and on this occasion I take the liberty of addressing to you
the following questions:

1.  In your opinion would the Decimal Classification be applicable to a
bibliographic arrangement, and what modifications should it    undergo
for this application?

2.  I send you with this letter a notice on the Office of Sociologic Bibli-
ography which we have founded  in Brussels,  and  specimens    of two
bibliographical reviews that are published regularly. These reviews have
adopted   a   classification  entirely   conformable   to   European   ideas   for
law and sociology. According to your idea how would it be possible to
apply your system  to these subjects?  Your work    scarcely    furnishes
enough subdivisions in law and sociology. If our Office adopted your
system ... which would result in acquainting Europe with your idea —
could you put yourself to the task of introducing into your classifica-
tion,  with  our  collaboration,   all   the  divisions   and   subdivisions  for
law and sociology which are now lacking?

3.  Could we proceed to a French translation of your Decimal Clissifi-
cation, and on what terms?...10

Dewey did not reply immediately, and when Otlet wrote
again it was to tell him of the plans he and La Fontaine had
conceived for a universal bibliographic organisation which would
rest on the corner-stone of the Decimal Classification. When
Dewey replied to Otlet's overtures at the end of June 1895, it
"was to give the Europeans the right to translate the Decimal
Classification.

In the meantime Otlet and La Fontaine ordered more cop-
ies of the Classification from Cedric Chivers of the Library
Bureau Office in London, a subsidiary of the office originally
set up in Boston by Dewey and others," from which they also
requested a variety of other kinds of information, particularly
about Cutter's Classification, interest in which they had ex-
pressed to Dewey also. Early in March of 1895, Chivers wrote to
them that Cutter had completed many of the divisions of his
Classification but that it had not all yet been published. In the
months that followed he kept them informed of its progress.
From Chivers they also obtained a copy of the sales catalog
of the Library Bureau's main office in Boston, examples of
card stock, information about prices and processes, and the
Perkins's Classification.12

Gradually, their ideas about the future of their own bib-
liographic work began to crystallise in their minds. It became
clear to them that the Decimal Classification was not only an
improvement over other classifications, but that it must be-
come the veritable source and centre of their own endeavours.
As they saw it, the Decimal Classification had these
striking advantages:

It provides first of all a nomenclature for human knowledge, fixed,
universal, and able to be expressed in an international language —
that of numbers. It provides unity of method in the classification
of all bibliographies and permits an exact concordance between the
classification of libraries and that of a bibliographic repertory. Finally,
it provides an unlimited system of divisions and subdivisions of sub-
jects in which all connected parts are grouped near each other.13

Before the advent of the Decimal Classification, it was custom-
ary to arrange bibliographic materials under a variety of
subject headings related either through the arbitrary conjunc-
tions of the alphabet or related by an invariably incomplete, to
some extent idiosyncratic and tendentious classification of
subjects expressed in verbal terms often too long and too com-
plex for practical use. The development of schemes which com-
bined classification with a non-verbal, alpha-numeric code
seemed to obviate some of the difficulties presented by other
schemes. But the terms, the «indices» such schemes produced
were Undecipherable hieroglyphs that no larynx can pronounce,
such as for example — Djkm, or-Zwr, or even -3y3cd».14 In
"the Decimal Classification the agreement, dependence and sub-
ordination of  ideas were  all  clearly indicated,  Otlet  and  La

42

Fontaine believed, by the order of the figures making up a par-
ticular decimal number.

In effect, the figures which represent the classes and divisions of
each subject unite into a single extremely simple numerical expression.
The affiliation, the genealogy even, of the ideas and the objects, their
dependence and subordination ... find and adequate representation in the
bibliographic sign so formed. This representation nearly excludes the
conventional and the arbitrary. Not only does each figure express in
its fashion an essential idea, but the combination of figures, that
is to say, their order in the series and their place in the number, are
actually produced according to the laws of scientific logic. In this
sense they constitute a true new language in which the phrases (here
numbers) are formed according to constant syntactical rules from
figures (here numbers). It is a kind of synthetic language: the figures
are the predicative and attributive roots in it—< purely verbal roots
in the sense that they are neither substantive, nor adjectives, nor
verbs. They are placed above and outside grammatical categories, in
that they express abstractions, pure scientific categories. Under this
double head, the Decimal Classification constitutes a veritable inter-
national scientific language, a complete symbology of science, suscep-
tible of to-day bringing to intellectual workers, help analogous
to that which they received in the Middle Ages... from Latin.55

Apart from the linguistic and logical aspects of the classifi-
cation, the fact that an index to its tables could be compiled
in any language, meant that it could be used by anyone any-
where. As it had decimal numbers, it could also be extended
indefinitely without confusing the order of the numbers or
complicating the procedure for the arrangement of material
by them. «It responds to the essential principle of biblio-
graphic order, as of all order: a place for each thing, and each
thing in its place.»16 It was not a classification of science, Ot-
let and La Fontaine were quick to point out. «It is merely a
complex statement of the various subjects dealt with by the
sciences with a grouping of these subjects according to the
most generally adopted order, each being given a set place.»17
There is much in Otlet and La Fontaine's original account
¦of the Decimal Classification to which one might object today,
and much that is obscure. The distinction, for example, between
a bibliographic and a scientific classification is by no means
convincingly stated, especially as the bibliographic numbers
are said to respond to the «laws of scientific logic»- Neverthe-
less, it is clear that to the Europeans it was something novel
and full of possibility. It extended Otlet and La Fontaine's
horizons indefinitely. It seemed to them feasible, now that they
had discovered an appropriate classification, to develop the
work, as yet restricted in scope, that they had begun at the
International Office of Bibliography. It seemed to them now
not an idle dream to attempt to go beyond the various kinds
of specialised bibliographic repertories in limited subject areas
such as law and sociology that they had already begun. They
could hope to produce    a    universal    bibliographic    repertory

43

embracing all subjects whether existing at the moment or yet
to b e discovered. Here to hand was that «very systematic, very
precise synoptic table* with a standard nomenclature that Ot-
let had described as necessary several years before in Un pen
de Bibliographie.

In order to publicise the classification and the work that
they had already done and to odtain support for the extensions
they had already done and to obtain support for the extensions
national conference on bibliography. For the information of
those who would attend the conference they drew up a docu-
ment setting out their ideas about requirements of organisation
for a universal bibliographic repertory which was assuming
increasingly large proportions in their eyes as the mode of
bibliographic organisation of the future.18 A universal biblio-
graphic repertory, they declared, would be complete, organised
by both subjects and authors, and would exist in multiple co-
pies distributed throughout the world. It would be exact and
precise and would allow for easy correction of errors and
omissions. It would make full use of existing bibliographic
work, and would serve as a union catalogue for the material
included.

Of the necessity for the repertory, Otlet and La Fontaine
were fully convinced; and they set out in detail the use that
scholars, librarians, editors, publishers, authors and ordinary
members of the public could make of it. They pointed out that
though bibliography had a glorious past, its development had
been limited by lack of agreement and co-operation amongst
bibliographers. But with the Decimal Classification and an ap-
propriate organisation to co-ordinate international effort, they
were convinced that agreement and co-operation could be en-
couraged and extended. They described the work already un-
der way on the repertory at the International Office of Bibliog-
raphy in Brussels and suggested that with the Decimal Clas-
sification and movable cards permitting intercalation of entries,,
the major technical difficulties apparently inhibiting its
completion were removed. They stressed that it was important
to move ahead quickly, now that the work was begun, and in
order to bring it rapidly to some advanced stage where it
could begin to be useful, to tolerate an error factor of 25 to
30 per cent.

They drafted the following proposals for the consideration
of an international conference:

1.  That an International Bibliographical Institute be created having as
its object the study of  all  questions connected with bibliography in
general, and more specifically, with the development of the Universal
Repertory...

2.  That a great extension be made in the work begun by the    Inter-
national Office of Bibliography which    should   become    the    executive
organ for the  decisions  of  the Bibliographic Institute.    This    Office
whose present  organisation is  quite provisional,  should be definitely

44

constituted on the basis of a vast co-operative society whose members
should be all those interested in the creation of the universal
repertory: states, public administrators, scientific associations, libra-
ries, publishers, authors and men of letters. This Office should pub-
lish a universal repertory on cards classified by the Decimal Classifi-
cation. All existing bibliographic material should be fused in the
(repertory; local bibliographic centres open to all should be created in all
cities arid in all intellectual centres, and should receive continuously
from the Central Office all the bibliographic notices printed on cards.
These local offices should be set up in all large libraries where soon
they would be merged with the catalog department, today so costly to
maintain and of such incomplete usefulness.

3. A Bibliographic Union should be formed between governments
who will encourage the development of the repertory by subscribing
to copies of it proportional in number to their respective populations
and the amount of their annual literary production.19

The conference was rather hurriedly organised. A little
more than six months after they had first examined the Dewey
Decimal Classification, Otlet and La Fontaine had decided on
what was to become, for Otlet at least, a lifetime program, and
they pressed ahead with it with they utmost dispatch. In that
six months before the end of July 1895 when the invitations
went out for an international conference to assemble in Brus-
sels on the 2nd of September, barely one month later, they had
studied the classification, translated parts of it, begun to mod-
ify it, alerted many of their colleagues in Belgium to their
•enlarged bibliographic ambitions, and had set about classi-
fying the bibliographic notices already collected at the Office
of International Bibliography, notices which they suggested
should become the basis of the proposed universal repertory.
By the time they had finished their note, «On the Creation of
a Universal Bibliographic Repertory*, presumably printed in
time to accompany the invitations to the conference or not long
after, they had classified 200,000 notices.20 By the time the
conference closed they had brought the number to 400,000.21
They were assisted in this work by La Fontaine's sister, Leo-
nie.

Above all, in this period the two friends set turning that
machinery of acquaintance and influence which, socially and
professionally, they were in such a good position to exploit.
The eminent financier, Ernest Solvay,22 was prevailed upon to
give financial support. The Belgian government offered its
patronage through the Ministry of the Interior and Public In-
struction, and Edouard Descamps, a distinguished politician and
lawyer, undertook to preside at the Conference.23 As a result,
the invitations were endorsed by the Belgian government and
the conference assumed a semi-official character calculated to
give its deliberations, directed with authority and held in com-
fortable surroundings in the Hotel Ravenstein, a weight they
might not otherwise have had.

45

The conference pressed with almost breakneck speed upon
the invitations to it. In the normal course of events, such a
conference would have been given wide publicity, and the learn-
ed world would have been able to take its time in considering
the issues raised before preparing to attend. That there was
not enough time between invitation and conference for dele-
gates either from England, so near at hand, or from the United
States to make arrangements for the journey to Brussels, and
that others from Italy and France felt harried and rushed,,
created some suspicion of Otlet and La Fontaine's bibliogra-
phic enterprise that it took time to dispel.24

There was, however, good reason for haste. A movement
was gathering force in the Royal Society of London to under-
take a venture of international bibliography similar to their
own. For more than 30 years the Royal Society of London had
been issuing its Catalogue of Scientific Papers. Increasing in
size with every year, only meagerly subsidised by the govern-
ment, still lacking the subject index that it had been hoped
could one day be provided for it but which was becoming ever
more difficult and expensive to compile, the Catalogue at last
became a burden too great for the resources of the Society. In
1893 the Council of the Society appointed a special committee
to investigate ways of continuing the Catalogue by means of
international co-operation. Having received favourable answers
to a circular addressed to scientists and scientific bodies
throughout the world, the committee recommended, in a report
dated June 1895, that the Council call an international confe-
rence in July 1896 «with the view of discussing and settling
a detailed scheme for the production by international coopera-
tion of complete author and subject catalogues of scientific
literature*.25

As the time of year for such gatherings in Europe is the
summer months, had Otlet and La Fontaine wished to give more
notice of their intention to call an international conference of
bibliography, they would have had to hold it at approximately
the same time as the International Conference on a Catalogue
of Scientific Literature was meeting in London. They could not
hope to compete with the Royal Society in any way — an organ-
isation then, as it is now, of unassailable authority and pres-
tige. The assembly it was sponsoring was to be called by the
British government as a conference of governments with offi-
cial representation. The assembly at Brussels represented me-
rely a gathering of interested individuals under the benevolent
surveillance of the Belgian government. By holding their meet-
ing in 1895, Otlet and La Fontaine had a chance to establish
without competition the organisation they wished to see develop
their own venture, to obtain international appoval of it
and  participation  in  it,  and  time  to  publicise  any  apparent

46

success it might enjoy. They could then hope to take advantage
of the opportunity for propaganda presented by the meeting
in London in 1896, and attempt to draw the Royal Society and
the International Conference on a Catalogue of Scientific
Literature into supporting, perhaps actively collaborating with
them, in the development of the Decimal Classification and the
Universal Bibliographic Repertory. By holding their conference
in 1895, rather than being put in the invidious position of
declaring an intention in 1896, they were given the advantage
of announcing a fact.

THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF BIBLIOGRAPHY

The International Conference of Bibliography assembled
on the 2nd day of September, 1895 as planned, broke into stu-
dy groups, examined the matters placed before it for three
days and closed in a plenary session with resounding applause
by the delegates at what they had been able to accomplish.
As a majority of the delegates were Belgian the conference
could hardly be called representatively international, as a num-
ber of commentators pointed out with some asperity.26 Ne-
vertheless, an independent body of men, with representation
from a number of countries, had formally taken up the points
set out in the invitation to the conference27 and in its «work-
ing paper» had debated them and had passed a series of ap-
parently unanimous resolutions on them. The work of two Bel-
gians was therefore given a form of international sanction,
and they had got in ahead of the Royal Society. «Decimal
Classification unanimously adopted. Internationl Bibliographi-
cal Institute proclaimed you honorary member», cabled Otlet
to Dewey.28

The resolutions of the conference were as follows:

1.  The   conference   considers   that   the   Decimal   Classification   gives
fully   satisfactory   results  from   an   international   and   practical  point
of view;

2.  The conference observes the considerable applications   already made
of Dewey's Classification and recommends its adoption as a whole to
facilitate an agreement between  all  countries  with the briefest  delay;

3.  The conference resolves  that the  governmens  should    form    a  uni-
versal bibliographic union with a view to the creation of an Interna-
tional  Office  of  Bibliography.   It  charges  its  Bureau to  carry     this
resolution to the Belgian    government    and    respectfully    asks    that
it take whatever steps it thinks would be useful;

4.  The  conference  has  settled  on  the  creation  of   an     International
Institute of Bibliography;

5.  The conference,  considering that  any systematic classification pre-
supposes  the  existence of  complete,   accurate  national  bibliographies,.
points out to the  government the importance of uniform     legal de-
posit laws;

47

6. The conference resolves that publications resulting from individual
effort, and more particularly, collective catalogs prepared by booktrade
organisations, should likewise adopt the Decimal Classification.29

The Statutes of the International Institute of Bibliography
were drawn up in considerable detail.30 Essentially, the
functions of the Institute were to provide encouragement for the
study of classification in general and to promote a uniform
and international system of classification in particular. The
members could be individuals, institutions or associations, and
there would be no limit placed upon the size of the Institute's
membership. A Bureau would consist of a President, a Secreta-
ry-General and a Treasurer to serve for a term of six years.
The Institute would publish a bulletin periodically. A special
temporary provision waived the requirement that members be
admitted only upon formal nomination and after secret scru-
tiny by the General Assembly, until such time as the Institute
was stronger. The permanent Bureau was given power to ad-
mit members and to take whatever urgent measures were nec-
essary to develop the Institute. This temporary provision was
not formally rescinded until after the War of 1914—18. Baron
Descamps became President, Otlet Secretary-General and La
Fontaine Treasurer.

Less than two weeks after the conference closed the in-
fluential connections of the members of the Bureau of the In-
ternational Institute of Bibliography together with the thorough-
ness of their preparatory work were clearly revealed.
A report on the International Office of Bibliography signed by
the Minister for the Interior and Public Instruction appeared in
the Moniteur beige for 17 September, 1895.31. The same issue
of the Moniteur beige contained a Royal Decree formally as-
suming governmental responsibility for the International
Office of Bibliography. Its mission was described as «the estab-
lishment and the publication of a universal bibliographic rep-
ertory, the servicing of this repertory, and the study of all
questions relating to bibliographical work». The executive mem-
bership of the Office was to be appointed by the Crown and
would consist of effective members. Associate Belgian and
foreign members would constitute the rest of the membership.
Associate members were not to be limited in number but were
to be nominated by the effective members and approved by
the Crown. The Government agreed to place suitable accommo-
dations at the disposal of the Office and to offer a subvention
in a manner to be determined, to help defray the costs of the
Office. Baron Descamps, Ferdinand Van der Haeghen of the
University of Gand (Ghent), Michel Mourlon of the Belgian
Geological Commission, Otlet, and Maurice de Wulf of the
University of Louvain were appointed as the effective mem-
bers of the Office.32 La Fontaine, admitted the year before to

48

the Belgian Senate as a Socialist member, was politically sus-
pect and was excluded from the government of the Office.33

The results of the International Conference of Bibliography
must have been gratifying to Otlet and La Fontaine. The In-
ternational Institute of Bibliography was founded. The crea-
tion of a universal bibliographic repertory and the adoption
and development of the Decimal Classification were approved.
The International Office of Bibliography was placed under the
aegis of the Belgian government and was assured of perma-
nent support within its Department of the Interior and Pub-
lic Instruction. It is true that this created some confusion, for
the functions of the Office formally included those of the In-
stitute. The original notion recommended by Otlet and La Fon-
taine, resolved upon by the Conference, and reported to the
King by the Minister, of a documentary union of governments
with the International Office of Bibliography as its permanent
bureau, was lost sight of for the time being. No doubt that
seemed of little importance at the time. It would have been
pessimistic to anticipate conflict between the bureau of the
Institute, an international organisation, and that of the Office,
a national one, for while the inter-governmental treaties were
lacking, neither the Institute nor the Office, as private inter-
national organisations, had any identity under Belgian law.
The Office on the other hand, by virtue of its Royal Decree
being both local and governmental, could assume a protected
and responsible legal existence. In any case Otlet was the do-
minant figure in both organisations and La Fontaine was soon
drawn into the formal administration of the Office by the crea-
tion of the position of Director, a staff position requiring only
ministerial approval rather than the more formal approval by
the King.

WORK BEGINS

The tasks confronting the two friends after the Conference
of 1895 were prodigious. But there was already a basis for
giving the OIB a satisfactory institutional shape. In the years
before the Conference, the Office had been set up first in La
Fontaine's study and then in the Hotel Ravenstein. A group of
collaborators had assisted Otlet and La Fontaine with the
development of the bibliographical repertory for law and so-
ciology, classified so hastily according to the Decimal system
for the Conference. This repertory was housed in specially des
igned catalog furniture which, in a sense, constituted a founda-
tion for the physical existence of the Office. Yet there was
something tentative about it before the Conference. Its work ap-
pears to have been primarily focused upon its published bib-

4—3391                                                                                      49

liographies for law and sociology which were now called the
Bibliographie Internationale des sciences sociales and not upon
some institutional service based on the repertory itself.34

After September 1895, as part of the Belgian government,
the Office was now expected to carry out a much larger pro-
gram than it had had before. It was to become a center of
bibliographical planning, co-operation, information, supplies
land, expertise. It faced the translation and (development of the
Decimal Classification, and the rapid expansion for direct pub-
lic use of the Universal Bibliographic Repertory. To ensure an
orderly division and performance of the multitudinous tasks
that would devolve upon it and a systematic allocation of them
among a staff assembled to perform them, some kind of for-
malised,  bureaucratic structure had  become necessary for  it.

The assumption by the Belgian government of some consid-
erable measure of resposibility for the Office contributed
strongly to its bureaucratisation.35 In 1895 the Office received
10,000 Belgian francs from the government and this amount
was increased to 15,000 Belgian francs the following year and
was later increased again.36 But in order to continue to obtain
this subsidy the Office was required to provide the government
with a detailed accounting for all money received and spent by
it. Moreover, the drawing up and publication of the internal
regulations by which the Office was to be administered was.
also mandatory in terms of the Royal Decree of 14 September,
1895. These regulations were submitted in due course to the
Minister for the Interior and Public Instruction for approval,
and were gazetted in 1898.37 They defined the tasks that the
Office was legally obliged to perform, set the hours during
which it would be open to the public, indicated what the bud-
get was to contain and precisely when it should be submitted,
what kinds of extraordinary expenses were to be reviewed by
the Minister and so on. They also recognised that the services
of the Director and Secretary-General would be freely given,
but that other personnel could be employed as necessary and
as circumstances permitted. The Secretary-General was clearly
acknowledged as head of the Office, and set apart for him was
the responsibility of seeing that the decisions of the Commit-
tee of Direction were carried out, and that the minutes of its
meetings were kept. He was to be held ultimately accountable
for all general correspondence in the Office and for the dispo-
sition of its funds.

As laid down, these rules divided authority in the Office
between the Ministry, the Committee of Direction, the Secreta-
ry-General (and Treasurer) and the Director. They were de-
signed to maintain a certain consistency of action at the Of-
fice and to ensure a permanence of function. They brought the
Office into the realm of governmental bureaucracy as a physi-

50

cal, structured entity designed for public service and assured
of public support. This distinguished the OIB at the outset
from other kinds of international organisations of a non-gov-
ernmental, scientific kind. Other, but private international or-
ganisations of the time, by no means lacked structure. There
was usually the permanent commission of a scientific congress,
and a bureau and a secretary-general. Sometimes there was a
library, and a regularly published journal. But the organisations
existed for the congresses and the journals. The secretary-gen-
eralship often rotated at regular intervals from country to
country, either for reasons of equal distribution among members
of the power and responsibility considered to lie in the hands
of the secretary-general, or because of legal difficulties in set-
ting up the organisation permanently in any particular count-
ry. Where these problems did not arise, the secretary-general,
usually unpaid and busy with other matters, arranged confer-
ences, maintained a store of congress and review publications,
often in his own office or library, and generally existed in an
administrative vacuum. Compared with these organisations,
the OIB was given an unusually secure foundation by the Bel-
gian government.

Two days before the Royal Decree of 14 September 1895
brought the Office under the Belgian government's wing, a let-
ter was sent out from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to Bel-
gium's representatives in forty-three countries instructing them
to bring the creation of the OIB formally to the notice of these
governments, to acquaint them with its adoption by the Bel-
gian government, and to request bibliographical publications
from them for its use.38 Many encouraging replies were receiv-
ed together with a great many documents of one kind and
another.39 There were also some rebuffs, notably from France.40
Nevertheless, a way had been paved for the official contact
between the OIB and foreign governments. This was made yet
easier by the signing of an agreement between the OIB and
the Belgian Service for International Exchanges, which under-
took to send OIB documents abroad and to act as a central
receiver for foreign documents destined for the Office.

Within Belgium, the government proceeded as it had done
abroad. In July 1896 a dispatch was sent to the various Belgian
ministries requesting that the Office be placed on the deposit
lists for their publications. Another request in August 1896 led
to the Office receiving the publications of Belgian provincial
and city administrations.41 The Library of the Office was in
this manner placed in the position of receiving much useful
material free or by exchange, and its collections began to grow
rapidly. But above all, the existence of OIB as a semi-govern-
mental agency was widely acknowledged both within and
without Belgium, and a number of automatic steps had been

4*                                                                                              5!

instituted to ensure the steady, regular development of aspects
of its work.

Under Article Six of the Royal Decree of 14 September
1895, the Belgian government had undertaken to provide the
Office with more spacious and appropriate accommodations
than had been at its disposal at the Hotel Ravenstein. Accor-
dingly, part of the Palais des Musees Royaux in the Rue de la
Regence in Brussels, was made available to it in July 1896.
At this time, too, a paid secretary, Charles Sury, was appoint-
ed to supervise the internal activity of the Office. It should
not be forgotten that both Otlet and La Fontaine continued to
be occupied extensively outside the Office during this period,
the one by complicated and distasteful business affairs, the
other by his Parliamentary duties and international juridical
interests.

Sury took charge of the move from the Hotel Ravenstein
to the new quarters. In the summer of 1896, having gone to
London in the company of La Fontaine and de Wulf for the
Royal Society's International Catalogue of Scientific Litera-
ture Conference, Otlet went to Westend, the family holiday
resort, for a vacation. During" the months of July and August,
Sury wrote to him every several days reporting on the progress
of the Office, the setting up of which seemed to advance «ra-
pidly and normally», dispatching letters and acknowledging
and performing Otlet's instructions.42 While Otlet was still
away a number of the requests previously made of the Min-
istry of Finances and Public Works and its Administration
¦of Public Buildings were finally met. The rooms in the Palais
des Musees received two coats of paint. Arrangements were
completed for office furniture to be supplied, and special
catalog furniture for the repertories was ordered from a firm
of cabinet makers, Dammon—Washer. A number of women
had also been employed, and they worked industriously under
Sury's watchful eye dismembering the volumes of the Royal
Society*s Catalogue of Scientific Papers for inclusion in the
Universal Bibliographic Repertory. Four women averaged
about 2,000 cards a day in the period August 25 to 28. «It's
not very much!», Sury exclaimed impatiently when they com-
pleted fewer than 2,000. Nevertheless, this activity represented
a drastic expansion of the Repertory which had hitherto been
confined to the literature of the Social Sciences. Sury reported
the receipt of a number of interesting publications to Otlet.
and mentioned visits and correspondence. John Shaw Billings
called,43 for example, and General Hippolyte Sebert, who be-
came one of OIB's staunchest supporters, began what was to
become a regular, voluminous and indecipherable correspon-
dence with Otlet.44 The Librarian of the Ministry of the Inter-
ior    and    Public    Instruction,      heralding    things    to    come,

52

wondered if the Office would be disposed to classify the
20,000 cards of the catalog of the Library of the Ministry
and of the Statistical Commission. Sury answered yes.

Above all, during these first few months of the OIB's
official existence the word went out into the learned world
about the conference, the Classification and the Universal
Bibliographic repertory. They were described, discussed, criti-
cised, scorned and praised in a way that could only augur
well for the work of the two Belgian bibliographers.

FOOTNOTES

1.  The actual state of  Edouard  Otlet's financial  affairs at any one time
is rather  difficult to determine. A  number  of  documents  throw  some
light  on the not very substantive comments  in Otlet's diary. Part  II
of a deed: Liquidation et partage de la communaute des biens  \deM.Ed.
Otlet]   et sa defunte epouse et de la succession de cette derniere, 1877
is  a property inventory and shows  Edouard  Otlet to be worth about
l\ million francs. Chapter  14 of Part II of this deed sets up the Pat-
rimony of Paul and Maurice Otlet for | million francs. The main acco-
unt  of  the  fluctuation  of   the  family's fortune   is   a  largely   illegible
manuscript note in the  Otletaneum  in Otlet's  hand  dated      Brussels,
7 July, 1893. The latter part of this note reads: «1874 crisis. Father gets
the bullet of the Lebon liquidation (?). Hard times. We leave for Paris;
1882 return to  Brussels; the splendour of [Rio;  the  decadence of    the
Spanish affairs. The future? The mines of Soria, the Proces Normand:
demand   for   2   millions*.

2.  Edouard Otlet,  as well as having Paul and Maurice by his first wife,
had four sons and a daughter by his second. They and the tangle of
their financial affairs were to be thorns in Otlet's flesh for nearly twenty
years after their father's death.

3.  In the Otletaneum in Brussels are various MS letters and notes of the
negotiations for the sale of the Villa Valere to a Mr. Wilson. Edouard
Otlet kept interfering, though the Villa officially belonged half to Paul
and Maurice, and half to  their  stepmother. The notaries dealing with
the matter -reached an absolute frenzy of exasperation, and the notary.
Max Ectors, an old friend of Otlet and his father, intervened to ensure
that Otlet's share in the villa would not be overlooked through- a dis-
agreement between Maurice and his father. (Max Ectors a Edouard Ot-
tet (copte a Paul) 27 avril, 1903, Otletaneum.

4.  W. H. Simon, European Positivism in the Nineteenth Century, 151.

5.  Edmond  Picard,    La Nouvelle Universite    de Bruxelles, Extrait  de la
Societe Nouvelle;   1894, p. 2.  De Qreef,  1842—1924, was interested    in
achieving  social,  political   and  financial  reform  as    well  as  being  an
influential academic of the period.

6.  Edmond Picard, La Nouvelle Universite de Bruxelles  (Bruxelles,  1895),
4—5.  (The University still survives in the form    of the    Institut    des
Hautes Etudes).

7.  Another son was born to Otlet and his wife in  1894. He was named
Jean Jacques Valere Otlet.

8.  See the Bibliography at the end of this work for a list of the studies
written at this time.

53

9. Georges Lorphevre to John Metcalfe, 3 April  1950, Otletaneuon.

10.  Quoted  by John  Phillip Comeromi, A  History of  the Dewey    Decimal
Classification:   editions one     through   fifteen,   1876—1951   (Unpublished
Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Library Science, University of Michi-
gan,  1969), pp. 228—229. The copies of early letters to and from Dewey
are missing from the files in the Mundaneum in Brussels.

11.  The Library Bureau was organised by Melvil Dewey in the  1880s after
a similar venture which had had an initial success and had then declined.
It    was taken    over by    H. E.  Davidson and    a colleague, Dewey re-
taining a large holding in the company, and became a thriving business
dealing not only with library equipment but later and to a larger extent,
with office equipment, supplies and methods generally.   (Fremont Rider,
Melvil   Dewey,   Chicago,   American   Library   Association,    1944).

Cedric Olivers, 1854—1924, was most noted as a commercial book
binder who developed a new method of stitching. ,He operated a large
factory in Bath and opened an American factory in 1905. He was well
known in the United States. He was supposed to have crossed the
Atlantic 120 times in the course of his life and to have been in more
public libraries there than any other man. Towards the end of his life
he was Mayor of Bath for six terms. His connection with the Library
Bureau and its agency in London is rather obscure and only very scat-
tered information is available on him.

L2. The first six expansions of Charles Ami Cutter's Expansive Classifica-
tion were published between 1891 and 1893. The seventh expansion,
about which. Otlet and La Fontaine were curious, was intended for
extremely large collections, ilt was issued in parts, but Cutter died (1903)
before it was completed.

Frederic B. Perkins, 1829—1899, published a Rational Classification of
Literature for Shelving and Cataloging Books in a Library in 1881. He
devised this classification owing to his dissatisfaction with Dewey's sys-
tem which he had found in use at the San Francisco Public Library
which he joined as Librarian in 1880. He had had previous library ex-
perience at the Boston Public Library.

See also various letters ,from Chivers to Otlet and La Fontaine for
the period from 5 March 1895 to July 1895 — Dossier No. 239, ^Library
Bureau. Boston—Londres», Mundaneum.

13.  H. La Fontaine and Paul Otlet, Sur la creation d'un repertoire biblio-
graphique universel:  note.  Conference    Bibliographique    Internationale,
Bruxelles 1895. Documents (Bruxelles, 1895), p. 7.

14.  Ibid., p. 16. Otlet and La Fontaine are here referring to a scheme deve-
loped for   a  bibliography  of  mathematics  by  the  Societe  Mathematique
de France and adopted in 1889.

15.  Ibid., pp. 18—19.

16.  Ibid., p. 20.

17.  Ibid.

18.  Ibid.

19.  Ibid., p. 28.

20.  Ibid., p. 5.

21.  The first fascicule of the Bulletin of the International Institute of Bib-
liography   reproduces   Otlet   and   La   Fontaine's   note  «On   the  creation
of  a  universal  bibliographic  repertory*.  The  title  is  altered   and  it  is
stated that the question of bibliography had been under study in Brus-
sels for 6 years   (not 3),  and  the number of  notices  classified by  De-
wey for  the conference was 400,000   (not 200,000). <«Creation d'un re-

54

pertoire bibliographique universel. Xote preliminaire par Messrs. H. La
Fontaine et P. Otlet», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6) 15—38. The figure
400,000 was also mentioned in Edouard Descamps' closing address.
«Discours (de cloture de la Conference Bibliographique Internationale)*,
IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 5.

22.  Ernest  Solvay,   1838—1922,  discovered  an  ammonia  process for making
sodium carbonate.  He became  enormously wealthy,  and  turned  to eco-
nomic and social speculation. In 1888 under the influence of Paul Heger
he endowed the  Institut Solvay de Physiologie  at the Universite  Libre
de Bruxelles with Heger at its Head. In  1893 he set up the Institut des
Sciences  Sociales   (which became the  Institut      Solvay  de  Sociologie).
Otlet was acquainted with Solvay through the Institut des Sciences So-
ciales and had taken issue with some of  Solvay's  speculations.  Solvay
was  to  be  even  more  closely  associated  with  Otlet when  he  assumed
the  Presidency  of  the   International   Office  of  Bibliography  from   1907
to 1914.

23.  Baron Edouard-Eugene-Francois Descamps,  1847—1933, studied law and
taught   at the   Universite   de  Louvain.  He  was   elected  to   the  Belgian
Senate   and   eventually  became  Vice-President,   in   this   as  in  so   much
else,  following  a  career  parallelid   by  that  of  Henri   La   Fontaine.  He
was appointed by the King, Leopold II, President of the Conseil Super-
ieur de l'Etat du Congo. He became Minister for  Sciences  and Arts in
1907.  He was very much interested in international  arbitration and be-
came  Secretary,  then President  of  the  Inter-Parliamentary  Union.

24.  See  for example  «Address of  the  President*,  Royal Society of London
Proceedings,   LIX   (1895),   113;   Library  Journal,   XX   (1895),   337;   and
particularly  G.   Fumagalli,  «La Conference Internationale  de  Bibliogra-
phie de Bruxelles et  le  Repertoire Bibliographique  Universel», p.   11,  in
Archives Nationales de France F1713492, Repertoire Bibliographique Uni-
versel:  renseignements generaux,  notes et rapports,  and  a note  signed
O. G.  in Centralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen, XII   (1894), 481—2.

25.  An  account of these matters is contained  in the  Presidents' Addresses,
Royal Society  of London      Proceedings,      LVII   (1894),    43—44,    and
particularly LIX   (1895),   111 — 12.      The report      of  the      International
Catalogue  Committee  of the  Royal  Society for   1895  is  printed  in  IIB
Bulletin, I (1895—6), 107—112.

26.  G. Fumagalli, op. cit. and note signed O. G. in Zentralblatt fur Biblio-
thekswesen.  Baudoin  reported  a  gathering  of  «thirty came    from    the
whole world»  (M. Baudouin, «Le Probleme Bibliographique*, Revue Sci-
entifique, 7 decembre  1895, p. 709), whereas Fumagalli put the numbers
at «forty or fifty*.

27.  Fumagalli,  among others, was sarcastic about the circular of invitation
to the  Conference,   observing  «happy he who has  seen  it;   I have  not
seen it, nor has any of my friends, but it was known how to find our
names to send us the list of inscription to the new Institute*.  (Giusep-
pe Fumagalli,  1863—1939, was at this time Director of the Braidense di
Milano  and  later became  Director  of  the  Library  of  the University of
Bologna). Apparently responding to various requests that the Invitation
be  printed,   Otlet   included   it   in  the  2nd   issue  of   the  IIB  Bulletin   I
(1895—6), 141.

28.  Comaromi, p. 231.

29.  «Decisions et Voeux», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 10—11.

30.  «Institut International de Bibliographic- statuts*, IIB Bulletin, I (1895—
6), pp. 12—14.

55

31.  Moniteur  beige,  17  September 11805,  and  24 December   1895. Report  of
the Minister and the Royal decrees  are reproduced in IIB Bulletin, I
(1895—6), 58—61.

32.  Ferdinand Van  der Haeghen,   1830—1913, was responsible for the still
continuing, enormous Bibliotheca Belgica. This was begun in  1880 and
took the novel form  of  small  separate sheets.  It was continued  after
Van der Haeghen's death by his deputy, Paul Bergmans, and was com-
pleted in 1964. A new edition is now under way in conventional volume
form.                                                                                                            »

Michel-Felix Mourlon. 1845—1915, was a distinguished geologist and
paleontologist who became Director of the Service Geologique de Bel-
gique in 1897. He became Director of the Classes des Sciences in the
Academie Royale des Sciences et des Beaux Arts in 1894.

Maurice de Wulf, 1867—1946, like Otlet's old friend Armand Thiery,
was one of Cardinal Mercier's first group of students at Louvain. He
rose in the academic ranks to professeur ordinaire in 1899. He was sec-
retary to the Revue Neoscolastique founded by Mercier and became its
editor in 1906, a post he held for 40 years. He was a member of the
Academie iRoyale des Sciences et des Beaux Arts.

33.  La Fontaine, however,  soon  grew in eminence in  Parliament. In later
years   he   was   Premier   Vice-President   of   the   Senate   and   played   the
piano for Queen Elizabeth and went mountain climbing with King Al-
bert. It is of interest that before he ascended the throne in 1909, Albert
was himself a member of the Senate for the preceding six years.

34.  These bibliographies went through a number of rather rapid changes of
title and relationship which are described in IIB Bulletin. I   (1895—6),
146—148.

35.  *Bureaiucratisation»  is  used here,  not  in  any pejorative sense,  but in
the general sense given it in the literature of sociology and organisation
theory.

36.  «iNote pour  M.  le  Secretaire General   de l'Administration  des  Sciences,,
des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts,  10 Janvier  1897». Archives du Royaume
de Belgique,  Enseignement Superieur, Nouveau Fonds, No.  381.

37.  «Reglement d'ordre interieur de l'Office International de Bibliographies*,.
Moniteur  beige,   12  December  il898.  They were  reproduced    in  various
IIB publications such as Annuaire de I'lnstitut International de Biblio-
graphie pour Vannee 1899 (IIB Publication No. 23; Bruxelles: IIB, 1899),
pp. 20—23.

38.  Copy of a letter dated 11 September 1895 sent to forty-three countries,
Archives  du  Royaume de Belgique,   Enseignement   Suiperieur,   Nouveau
Fonds, No. 389.

39.  Henri  La  Fontaine.  «,Rapport sur  le progres  de l'organisation    biblio-
graphique  internationale  depuis  la premiere Conference Bibliographique
de 1895», IIB Bulletin, II (1897), 246.

40.  Archives  Nationales   de   France, Bibliotheques   et  Archives,   F 1713492:
iRepertoire Bibliographique  Universel,  ,«renseignements   generaux,   notes
et rapports*, and, «coT,respondence».

41.  Letters to and from the Service beige d'Exchanges Internationaux and
other  departments  about the exchange  of    OIB materials  are  to    be
found  in Archives  du .Royaume  de Belgique,  Enseignement  Superieur,
Nouveau Fonds, No. 381.

42.  The following information is taken from a small file of letters to which
separate reference is not made. They cover the period July and August
1896 and are contained in Dossier No. 183, «Otlet, Paul», Mundaneunu

56

43.  John  Shaw  Billings,   1839—1913, was  admitted to  the Medical    Corps
of the  United  Stales  and served  in the  Civil  War.  He    took    charge
of the    Surgeon-General's      library,    published    its    Index—Catalogue
in    1890,  having  begun  Index Medicus  the      year  before.      He  was
instrumental  in  United      States hospital      re-organisation  and      was
closely associated  with  the foundation  of  the  Johns  Hopkins Medical
School  and  Hospital. After retiring from the  Surgeon-General's office
he was  appointed  as the first Director of the New York Public  Lib-
rary in 1896. He became President of the American Library Association
in 1902,

44,  General Sebert,  1839—1930, graduated from the Ecole Polytechnique in
the French Corps d'Artillerie de Marin in 1860. He spent some time in
the service in New Caledonia  and was involved in the siege of Paris
in 1870. After notable research in ballistics he was placed in charge of
an artillery laboratory in the navy. He became President of the Asso-
ciation francaise pour l'avancement des sciences, of the Federation espe-
rantiste de France, and the Societe francaise de photographic and was
one of the senior members of the Institut de France.

Chapter   IV

INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS
AND EARLY DEVELOPMENTS

MAINLY EUROPEAN BIBLIOGRAPHERS

The International reaction to the Conference was con-
siderable. The participants in the conference, thirty, forty or
fifty of them according to different reporters went back to
their various countries, and were soon followed by the early
publication of the IIB—OIB — the French tables for sociology
of the Decimal Classification, the first fascicule of the
Institute's Bulletin, and the first bibliographies. By the end
of 1896 nearly 70 reviews of the conference and of these pub-
lications had appeared in an enormous variety of popular
trade, literary and scientific periodicals issued in France,
England, America, Germany, Spain and Belgium.1 Some
reviews were simply informative. In others, partizans, adver-
saries and sceptics declared themselves in no uncertain   terms.

In England, as in America, there was little passion. The
news that an International Office and Institute of Bibliography
had been launched was accorded a polite but cursory atten-
tion. The Athenaeum for example, expressed admiration for
the extent and variety of the accomplishments of the confer-
ence of bibliography, but concluded that the classification by
the Decimal system of nearly half a million notices upon which
the convenors of the conference had labored indicated that the
undertaking was «far too large for private enterprise, or even
for a society: and . . . cannot hope of success without the prac-
tical adhesion of the various governments*.2 This view was
also held in the United States, where the whole venture was
seen as something quite European and very far away.3

We are not fully informed whether the international bibliographic
conference which met recently at Brussels is entitled to so large a
name, or is, perhaps, the development of a private scheme... The value
of an international scheme is, of course, in its uniformity... The system
as perfected by Mr. Dewey is so widely in use in this country that
it would be difficult to conform to a new version at this late date.

58

On the other hand ... it is doubtless true that decided improvements
can be made in the original when under expert advice ... Messrs. La
Fontaine and Otlet of the International Bibliographical Office, have
certainly brought forward an interesting subject, and we trust it
may  be  taken  up  internationally  and  thoroughly  worked   out.4

On the whole the Royal Society was not much impressed.
The invitation for a representative from the Society to attend
the conference had come too late for it to be acted on in
sufficient time. Not long after the conference ended, however,
the Society's Senior Secretary had been able to visit Brussels
to look over what the Institute had begun to do there. He
noted «the skill and zeal with which the preliminary prepara-
tions have been made to carry the work into execution.»5 But
in the opinion of Lord Kelvin, the President of the Society,
while the energy and enterprise which had been displayed in
Belgium were to be admired, the Royal Society should not be
deterred from attempting to carry out its own bibliographic
program. «It is impossible», he observed, «to overrate the
difficulties* connected with the Brussels venture and concluded
that «to avoid unnecessary complication in the future, it is
essential that very many questions — especially the division
of the subject matter in the various branches of science and
the nomenclature to be used — be taken into consideration by
competent bodies and settled by general agreement*.6

In Europe, however, comment was not lukewarm or
criticism a decorous damning by faint praise. Eminent Euro-
pean bibliographers and librarians, especially in France, rose
up as one man in elegant tumult against the Belgians. A Uni-
versal Bibliographic Repertory would, no doubt, said Louis
Polain,7 be useful. But «we consider the manner in which
the authors of the project have proceeded to be very defec-
tive».8 He objected to the idea of cutting up existing printed
catalogs, and he objected emphatically to the Decimal
Classification which «far from helping searching, rebuffs the
reader».9 He was by no means convinced that Otlet and La
Fontaine had avoided, as they claimed, the faults of tradi-
tional arrangements of bibliographic material such as by the
alphabet or by the system of Brunet. The Decimal Classification
had a strong American bias and in many places was illogical
and arbitrary. «The whole of Europe occupies one of the sub-
divisions of the group 9 History with no distinction of period
or country, but North America and South America each have
one. Isn't that really ridiculous?*10

The initial reaction of Henri Stein11 to the Belgian scheme
was extremely hostile and he grew increasingly vituperative
about it as the years passed.12 Eventually he denounced «the
perfect inanity and actual uselessness» of the «grandiose and
rather temeritous projects* of the two Belgian bibliogra-
phers.13 For Stein, «not only is it indispensable   that   bibliog-

59

raphy, to be truly useful, specialise more and more; it is
necessary that it be systematic and explained*. Lists of ref-
erences are practically useless even when classified. «One must
read and understand and criticise. True bibliography should
be made deliberately by men knowledgeable in the matter
dealt with, and able to give a useful opinion on the manner
in which it has been treated.»14

The most judicious, though also negative criticism came
from Franz Funck-Brentano of the Arsenal Library, Leopold
Delisle of the Bibliotheque Nationale, and C. V Langlois, a
professor of Paleography and History in the Sorbonne.
Funck-Brentano gracefully paid tribute to the generous and
elevated thought of the two Belgians who had expressed them-
selves, he declared, with «an ardour, an enthusiasm, a breath
of youth and faith» that was quite disarming.15 But like his
colleagues, he suspected that not only would their work not
be really useful, it would be unrealisable because of inade-
quacies in the Decimal Classification. He was at his most
devastating, however, when he turned to its founders' idea that
subscriptions should be taken out to the Universal Bibliogra-
phic Repertory at the rate of 800 francs for 100,000 cards per
year. Otlet and La Fontaine had also suggested that three
million notices should be rapidly accumulated allowing for
25 per cent error. Funck-Brentano pointed out that it would
be difficult to correct such errors as might occur for it would
take 30 years to distribute the original cards. He suggested,,
moreover, that one hundred thousand notices a year would
not really begin to account for the annual bibliographic output
of the world. A figure like 600,000 would be nearer the mark.
Because most libraries would need several sets of cards — one
set to be in classified order, and one in alphabetical order of
author's names, for example, they would in fact need to receive
at least 1,200,000 cards annually. The subscription rates pro-
posed would make the whole venture prohibitively expensive
for libraries. He pointed out that a subscription to the British
Museum's Catalogue which was then being printed with an
estimated one per cent error was a mere fraction of the cost
of the Belgian scheme. It had just ten subscribers on the
continent.

Delisle undertook to review the fourth edition of the
Dewey Classification published in 1894, the Brussels Tables
for Sociology, Otlet and La Fontaine's preliminary note for
the 1895 conference, and the first issue of the I IB Bulletin.
He had intended to write two articles, and the first was firmly
addressed to the Decimal Classification under a running title,
«Public Libraries in the United States». In general, Delisle
was concerned at the lack of dissent when the classification
was adopted in Brussels, and he was alarmed at the apparent

60

aim of the Belgians to have libraries exchange in its favour
classifications already in use. «One should not, I believe»,
he said, «accept lightly and without having submitted it to
rigorous and repeated proofs, a procedure that, by leading to
a radical change of affairs, would expose our old libraries
to a complete disorganisation. It is necessary, therefore, to
seek out the weaknesses of the Decimal Classification to en-
sure that they do not outweigh its advantages.»16 He found
what he sought. The classification, he observed, clearly lacked
proportion and its emphasis was too American. He examined
in some detail the sections in it for philology, the Roman
Catholic religious orders, biography and history, pointing out
the manifest inadequacies of each. In his second article, which
was never published and presumably never written, he propo-
sed to study the use to be made of the classification in Brus-
sels. Whatever the readers of the Journal des Savants may
have thought was implied by the failure of his second article
to appear, the supporters of the Belgian Institute were
heartily glad that it did not.17 Elaborate pains were taken
thereafter by the Institute's staff to avoid any contact with
Delisle that might be thought to beard the lion in his den
artd shatter the golden silence of that second article.18

Langlois, like the others, was critical of the Decimal
Classification. In his view, Otlet and La Fontaine were in-
fatuated with it and led by the nose by it. «They love the
Decimal Classification to the point of wanting to introduce
it everywhere*,19 in libraries, in trade bibliographies,, even in
magazines, the articles of which should all be given their
own classification number. He considered it altogether un-
likely that governments could be persuaded to form a biblio-
graphic union, as the Belgians hoped, as had been done in
the case of the Postal Union, for example, and in many other
cases. Such agreement as these unions represented could be
negotiated only when there was imperious, demonstrable need.
«The states will hesitate to pledge themselves to indefinite
sacrifices for problematic returns.*20 He thought it prudent
indeed that the conference of Brussels had set up its own
private Institute of Bibliography and had not waited for the
governments of the world to unite to do it.

Like Stein and Polain, Langlois was concerned that the
projected repertory would be just a list of titles. «It is possible,
indeed, by an effort of imagination, to conceive that a body
of very numerous employees and indexers, trained and main-
tained by the Institute, could complete the formation of a
single repertory shaped in the mould of the Decimal Classifi-
cation out of all the printed catalogues of libraries, all the
old bibliographic collections and booktrade journals of all
countries.*21 But it would be impossible for them    to    know

61

more than the titles of the millions and millions of works
that they would thus catalog. He recognised that enumera-
tive, uncritical bibliographies had begun to multiply prodig-
iously, and that some form of co-operative approach to
bibliography had become necessary. The Royal Society had
made this latter point quite clear. But all these ventures,
co-operative, enumerative and uncritical though they might
be, were specialised. Even the Royal Society had limited itself
|o;ithe area of the sciences. It would-have been much better^
in his view, if Otlet and La Fontaine had been content to
devote themselves to forming a Bureau of Legal and Sociolog-
ical Bibliography. In such a limited area, in considerable
need of organisation, the Belgians might have had some hope
of success. The tone of Langlois' article was slightly disdain-
ful and at the Institute it was called a philippic.22

It is clear that the professional librarians and bibliog-
raphers of France could not accept Otlet and La Fontaine's
proposals for mainly two reasons. The first turned on their
attitude to the Decimal Classification, and the second on their
attitude towards the idea of a universal catalog. In their
discussions of both they were deeply influenced by prior
knowledge and experience. Their principal objection to the
Decimal Classification was not that it was imperfect, for,,
though this was a fact they were anxious to demonstrate at
length, no one would have undertaken to deny it. Rather, the
claims made for it seemed to imply that older classifications
should be thrown out, and with them should go the old biblio-
graphical order itself in which they had fully vested interests.
They responded therefore to the glowing account the Belgians
gave of the potentialities of the classification by declaring
flatly and at once that by no means did it represent the com-
ing of a bibliographical millenium. Nationalist and profes-
sional fervor surged through their pens as though from the
threat of some aggressive imperialism as they advised caution.

On the other hand, they brought to their study of the
International Institute of Bibliography and the Universal
Bibliographic Repertory a full but inhibiting knowledge of
similar schemes tried or projected elsewhere at other times.
Now that the catalogs of the great national libraries of
England and France, The British Museum Library and the
Bibliotheque Nationale, were at last being printed, the librar-
ians of Europe were all too ready to share the conviction of
those directing the production of these catalogs that they
could naturally and simply be transformed into the long hoped
for, panaceatic, universal catalogue. But, quite apart from the
universal catalog a bibliographer for them was an erudite
and discriminating man who frankly acknowledged boundaries
to   the   areas   of   his   competence.   Within   these   boundaries,

62

however, he was as mighty as a crusader wielding sword and
buckler amid swarming infidels. With a penetration which
derived from, as it was heightened by, a procedure of infinite
comparison, his task was laboriously, comprehensively, to ana-
lyse, criticise, interpret, describe and annotate the works fall-
ing within the consciously limited purview of his attention.
To his disciplines and his sense of fitting limitation the Bel-
gians had not chpsen to submit and so, callow and pjeten-
tious, stood doubly, damned.

FRENCH SCIENTISTS

It was not so with the scientists of France, who, like their
confreres elsewhere in Europe and America, had become increas-
ingly aware of the problems presented by their rapidly pro-
liferating literature. The publication during the last half of
the century of the Royal Society's Catalogue, of Scientific Pa-
pers slow though it was, represented a responce to a widely
experienced need. The recognition that this catalogue was no
longer adequate, the demand that it be expanded, and the rea-
lisation that it could be made full enough to be useful only by
international co-operation, was an example of a much more
general phenomenon. The International Institute of Statistics
as early as 1887, and the International Colonial Institute set
up in Brussels in 1894, had addressed themselves to organising
bibliographical services.23 The International Congress on the
Bibliography of the Mathematical Sciences in 1889 had attem-
pted to do for the literature of mathematics, what the Royal
Society proposed in 1894 for the literature of the natural scien-
ces as a whole. An International Congress of Applied Chemistry
had set up an International Bureau of Chemical Literature in
Brussels in 1894,24 and an International Congress of Zoology
had established the Concilium Bibliographicum in Zurich in
1895.25 The American Association for the Advancement of
Science was actively attempting to create for Botany a
bibliographical bureau similar to the Concilium Bibliographi-
cum, and the bibliography of geography was an important pre-
occupation of the International Congresses of the Geographi-
cal Sciences.26

When the Association franchise pour l'avancement des
sciences began to ponder the problems of bibliography, its
first deliberations were directed towards the difficulties encoun-
tered in formulating titles for scientific papers which would
be specific, concrete and accurate. A Committee of the Associa-
tion presented a report on the matter to the Association's
meeting in Bordeaux in August 1895. Its recommendations
agreed substantially with a more detailed proposal for uniform
citations of scientific papers prepared by a Committee of the

63

International Congress of Physiology. This had been brought
before a meeting of that Congress also in 1895. Some of the
provisions of this latter proposal were in their turn adoptions
of citation rules devised by Herbert Haviland Field and the
International Congress of Zoology for the Concilium Biblio-
graphicum.27 Aspects of international bibliographical standard-
isation were, it can be seen, on the order of the day of a
number of scientific congresses of the time.

Representatives of the French Association for the Advance-
ment of Sciences carried the Association's resolutions for
preparing titles of scientific papers to Brussels to the Inter-
national Conference of Bibliography for adoption.28 Gratified
by the favourable response they had received in Brussels,
they came away enthusiasts for the Decimal Classification and
the plans of Otlet and La Fontaine for the Institute of
Bibliography. Distinguished,, well-connected scientists all,
they soon broke into print with accounts of the conference and
the events arising from it, behind many of which lay their own
energetic attempts to be of practical assistance to the new
Institute.

Charles Richet29 decided that all the articles appearing in
the Revue scientifique, which he edited, from the beginning of
1896 would bear a decimal classification number. He admitted
that the classification was not perfect, but

it is impossible to imagine one which would please all the world —
but that of Dewey has the incomparable advantage that it exists, that
it is used, that it serves to classify in America more than 10 million
volumes, and that if one wanted to substitute another for it,
which would run the risk of not being better, it would not be fol-
lowed.30

Richet foresaw that, after a few years, the classification would
¦become widely used «and we are anxious to be the first to
apply it in Europe after Messrs. La Fontaine and Otlet».31
A few months after these observations were made, he returned
^gain to the defence of the Decimal Classification and sum-
marised his position thus:

1.  An international bibliographic classification is  necessary.

2.  Such  a  classification  should  be  at  once alphabetical  by  authors'
names, and analytical by subjects treated.

3.  Any analytical classification can be made only in an international
language,   and   the  only  universal   international  language  one could
adopt is the language of numbers, consequently a numerical classifi-
cation, which implies, clearly, the adoption of a decimal arrangement.

4.  Any analytical classification can only be artificial; it is absolutely
chimerical to hope for a  definitive, integrated  and faultless  classifi-
cation of all human knowledge.

5.  The Dewey system in use for a long time,   and having been   tested
from a practical point    of view, can by    successive    additions    very
well become an easy, commodious, and general classification.

6. Any overturning of the Dewey system, offering only very proble-
matical advantages, would, at a blow, ensure the serious inconvenience
of creating absolute anarchy, and the only chance of reaching biblio-
giaphic unity is to accept the system such as it is. Any other proce-
dure would end in failure.32

C. M. Gariel like Richet had formed a high opinion of the
Dewey Decimal Classification, indeed he went so far as to
observe that the idea of decimal numeration «was an idea
of genius».33 Marcel Baudouin undertook to translate into
French, German and Italian the Decimal Classification tables
for the biological sciences,34 which he began to develop and
apply at once to a medical bibliography he had begun com-
piling in Paris.35

These and other French scientists gathered together all
those interested into a French section of the International
Institute of Bibliography. Among those who joined was Gene-
ral Sebert. A specific aim of this group was to urge the
adoption of the Decimal Classification on the Royal Society
when it met in its International Catalogue Conference in
London in the summer of 1896.36 Not long before the actual
opening of this conference, the French section met in Paris
and declared:

The French Section of the International Institute of Bibliography,
having re-examined the decisions taken by the Conference of Bib-
liography of Brussels in 1895 and the program presented by the
¦Royal Society of London, expresses the wish to see the bibliographical
catalog of the sciences proposed by the Society, undertaken in ac-
cordance with the Universal Bibliographic Repertory. It believes that
the Decimal Classification, completed with the agreement of all in-
terested groups, is of a kind to respond completely to the neces-
sities of an international bibliographic classification.37

REBUTTAL OF CRITICISM, AMPLIFICATION

Sensitive to the criticisms directed against the Institute
and its programs, Otlet and La Fontaine were careful to
avoid the polemics of confrontation. In the second number of
the IIB Bulletin, Otlet attempted to provide a further general
explanation of what the Institute proposed to do which would
constitute an untendentious reply to its various critics.38 He
began by once again asserting the incontestable necessity for
a universal bibliographic repertory. Such a repertory, he be-
lieved, could properly be conceived of only as universal in
scope. However many were the divisions and subdivisions of
human knowledge, functionally, essentially it was a unity.
No more than in Nature could there be found within its cor-
pus isolated, absolutely independent facts. From such a view,
implying clearly the philosophical premises upon which the
work of the IIB was based, followed the desideratum that «all
documents, writings, books, brochures, articles, etc.» relative to

5—3391                                                                                      65

all subjects should be inventoried. For all that is written, there
should be prepared a general, synthetic contents table. No
matter how separate bibliographers might be in terms of dis-
tance, or how remote from each other in terms of subject, they
could all contribute to the essential bibliographical unity, of
whose existence Otlet was so firmly convinced, if they would
only agree to the relatively simple requirement of publication
of standardised bibliographical information on cards.

The RBU was not to be construed as prejudicing the auto-
nomy of what existed. It was not meant to be destructive in
any way. For its coverage of the past it had to utilise every-
thing presently available; for the present and the future, if
it had the co-operation of bibliographers in the ways projected,
it could slowly, naturally, evolve towards its goals. The knowl-
edge that the universal repertory could be completed only
upon immense labour was no argument, Otlet reasoned, for
not undertaking the labour, nor was the awareness that it
would, inevitably, contain mistakes. After all, error existed no
less in the bibliographical work of others. Otlet was now, how-
ever, rather more cautious in giving a figure for the per-
centage error, suggesting it might be from 15 to 20 per cent.
But one should, he observed in effect, emphasise the positive
aspect of this error: at least 80 per cent of the repertory
would contain invaluable information. It would be better to
have access to this much than to none at all, to be even
slightly misled by an error of fact, than to rest in complete
ignorance of the fact. The repertory, he stressed, was not a
work of art, but a tool. It should be compared with the fac-
tories and machines which had revolutionised contemporary
industry. It was a form of organising scientific work better
than it had been organised in the past — no more,    no less.

Some of the repertory's critics had feared that it would
contain gaps; others had feared that in its eschewal of selec-
tivity, it would contain too much. This touched again on the
problem of specialisation and Otlet was quite clear about it —
a bibliographer could not choose without appearing to be
arbitrary. He had to list everything for he could not know
how or why different persons at different times would approach
the literature of a subject.

Other critics Otlet characterised as bibliographical gene-
alogists. They had devoted themselves to tracing the origins
of the newly born work. This was commendable and potential-
ly constructive «for nothing comes of nothing . . But it would
be truly unjust to turn this historical preoccupation against
the institution one is examining.»39 Otlet mentioned the var-
ious proposals and schemes put forward in the past for a
universal catalog or a great union catalog of public libr-
aries, but argued that because such ventures had existed only

66

In the realms of possibility, one should not infer that the aims
of the IIB were unrealisable. «This Institute is the first in
which theory has courageously dared to descend to practice.
It was founded only after a careful study of the causes of
failure of previous projects, and after a preliminary experi-
mental phase of several years.»40 About other problems and
difficulties Otlet remained rather vague. Financial difficulties,
especially, he dismissed in a word: «really useful works . ..
have always found financial support*.41 In any case subscrip-
tions would be taken out to the Repertory both as a whole by
great national libraries, and in parts according to subject
areas by individuals and organisations with special interests.

As for the Decimal Classification, he repeated that «by
its extreme simplicity, its international intelligibility, its con-
cise notation in universally known symbols, those of arabic
numbers, finally by its indefinite extension, the Decimal
Classification applied to the organisation of scientific materials,
has very generally been appreciated as offering a definitive
solution to the bibliographic problem*.42 To those who argued
that the classification was not sufficiently scientific, Otlet
repeated that bibliographic classifications must be distinguish-
ed from classifications of science which from Bacon to
Spencer had continually been modified as science itself devel-
oped. Classifications of science must be flexible in contrast
to bibliographical classifications which must be stable so that
«in twenty years one can find in the same place, notices which
appear there today».43

Behind the Decimal Classification, he reiterated, which
had been demonstrated for over seventeen years in America to
be the most useful, the most immediately applicable bibliogra-
phical classification, there lay «an immense synoptic table of
human knowledge*.44 The classification was so constructed
that it had great flexibility to encompass new knowledge by
its infinite but orderly extensibility. The use of auxiliary
tables (the geographical subdivisions and the table of the «gene-
ralities») together with the use of the colon for combining
numbers gave it considerable synthetic power for description.
One could read the numbers in a «synthetic» way as combining
different ideas, that is, in effect, as a code, an approach
facilitated by the fact that «the sense attributed to each of the
numbers is permanent and absolute, identical in all the
combinations of which it is made part».45

Otlet admitted that the use of the classification was not
without difficulties, and he considered briefly those related to
the compilation of the classification tables and the index to them
and the indexing of bibliographical notices. He pointed out
that though the tables and the index needed extension and
correction they were very detailed at present and their improve-

ment could be done piecemeal by experts. Nor should it be
forgotten, he insisted, that the intellectual problems of inde-
xing were always present no matted what system was used
but the Decimal Classification with its index and tables could
give much assistance to an indexer by suggesting approaches
and relationships.

Otlet now developed his notions of what the Institute
should be like more clearly than before. Its aim, he believed,
should be sufficiently general to encompass both friends and
enemies of the Repertory and the Decimal Classification. It
should be «a sort of federation of distinct groups the union of
which is necessary: scholars, bibliographers, librarians and
publishers*. In many scientific fields international congresses
had set up sections for bibliography, but they had not been
co-ordinated. «In joining the Institute, as they have commenced
to do, they will constitute distinct scientific sections to which
the Statutes of the Institute, precise on this point, will give
extensive powers in the domain of their special  questions.»w

Otlet's article, though it was published in the IIB Bulle-
tin, was by no means the confident performance of a preacher
haranguing the converted. It was calculated to provide expla-
nation, correction, amplification and encouragement for those
who had become interested but remained sceptical, ill-infor-
med but open to conviction, aware of controversy and con-
fused by it. On the whole he avoided the clever, sophistical rep-
lies to which the misapprehensions and the superficialities of
his critics could easily have led him.

THE BEGINNINGS OF INTERNATIONAL ACTION

One reason Otlet and La Fontaine spent so little time in
the arena of public literary polemics immediately after the
founding of IIB was that they were too busy for them. The
Institute and the Office formally established, they began at
once to spend more and more time bringing pressure to bear
on friends and acquaintances well-connected in various spe-
cialised associations and societies in order to rally these organi-
sations to the IIB so that they might undertake the development
of appropriate parts of the repertory and of the classification.
They became inveterate conference goers, and promoters and
recorders of bibliographic resolutions, and they were success-
ful. Towards the end of 1895 the Bureau of the Office of
Bibliography was invited to the headquarters of the Royal
Society in London to explain what was afoot in Brussels.47
Herbert Haviiand Field put the Concilium Bibliographicum in
correspondence with IIB, suggested the use of the standard
American 75x125 millimeter catalog card instead of the long
thin  card  adopted by the  Conference    of  Bibliography    and

68

finally convinced Otlet and La Fontaine of its value. The
Concilium Bibliographicum then became not only a member
but a section of the Institute.48 Immediately following the Con-
ference of Bibliography the two friends set off post—haste for
Dresden where the Congres Litteraire et Artistique Interna-
tional (the International Copyright Convention Congress)
was meeting. On the agenda was a proposal by Jules Lermina
for a universal bibliographic repertory. Lermina had been
urging the Bureau of the Convention in Berne to set up such
a repertory for a number of years. Otlet and La Fontaine
hoped to encourage the Congress to support the idea, pointing
out how successful they had been already in getting such a
repertory underway in Brussels. The Congress appeared to be
sceptical and unenthusiastic and referred the matter to a
committee for study. The idea seems subsequently to have been
dropped.49

In 1896, accompanied by Maurice de Wulf, Otlet and La
Fontaine set off to England for the inaugural meeting of the
Royal Society's Conference on an International Catalogue ot"
Scientific Literature. Otlet read a long report to the Confer-
ence on the aims and methods of the IIB, and vigorously
defended the Decimal Classification when objections were made
to it, as they were with some spirit by John Shaw Billings
and others no less eminent. The effectiveness of the Belgian
delegates in promoting the IIB—OIB at the Conference was
limited in several ways. There were rigid rules of procedure
and a previously prepared agenda. Some preliminary inspec-
tion of IIB—OIB had already been carried out by the Royal
Society in 1895 and a decision had been made then to proceed
with the development of a special classification for scientific
literature. Otlet was a young man, not thirty, and when
compared with his colleagues both from Europe and from the
Royal Society itself, by no means a distinguished scientist.
The burden of presenting the case for the Decimal Classifica-
tion and for collaboration between the IIB and the Royal
Society seems to have fallen principally upon him. He spoke
in French, though La Fontaine had a good command of
English. He spoke enthusiastically, at length, and at times,
out of order. But though the Conference as a whole took little
notice of the Belgian demands, no member could have left it
unaware of the existence of the OIB—IIB and of its pro-
gram.50

From London Otlet went next to Italy to take up the
cause there. The Associazione Tipografico—Libraria Italiana
had called an Italian Bibliographical Conference for Septem-
ber in Florence in order to discuss formally the Institute of
Bibliography created in Brussels. More than 80 delegates
attended the Conference.51 The way was paved by an article

69

in the Bolletino delle Pubblicazione Italiane by Desiderio Chi-
lovi, the Librarian of the National Central Library of Florence.
In this article, Chilovi had undertaken to examine the
question: «Would it be useful for the libraries and tor the
book trade of Italy to adhere to the resolutions of the Inter-
national Conference of Bibliography in Brussels, and more
particularly, to co-operate in the elaboration of a universal
bibliographic repertory by accepting the Decimal Classification
of Melvil Dewey as a unique international system of biblio-
graphical classification?*52 Chilovi was very much in favour.
Otlet, accompanied by an Austrian colleague, Carl Junker,
expounded the IIB's program at the Conference. Giuseppe
Fumagalli, an early critic, was suspicious and satirical. Even-
tually, however, «the hostile resolutions of Fumagalli were
repulsed», and the conference declared that it applauded «the
intelligent initiative taken by the Bibliographical Institute of
Brussels, to which it conveyed cordial greeting*.M The Con-
ference recommended that the Associazione Tipografico—Lib-
raria Italiana appoint a commission to study the matters in-
volved in any active collaboration with the IIB. An Italian
Bibliographical Association, with Fumagalli elected one of its
officers, was formed at the end of the Conference.54 Problems
of organising support in Italy for the IIB continued to play
some though an increasingly minor part in the discussions of
subsequent meetings of the new association.55 That Otlet and
La Fontaine had turned fertile soil in Italy, however, cannot
be doubted. Many Italian journals began to assign decimal
classification numbers to articles appearing in them and
various Italian translations of the Decimal Classification and
commentaries on it began to appear.56

Other occasions were seized to promote the Institute. A
number of Otlet and La Fontaine's most enthusiastic support-
ers lectured and wrote on it. In France there were the French
scientists.57 Carl Junker in Austria, as well as lecturing on
the Institute and the Classification and publishing articles
about them, undertook to set up an Austrian Secretariat for
it.58 Also during 1896, Zech du Biez, Vice-President
of the Belgian Booksellers' Association, urged the first
International Congress of Publishers to attend closely to the
IIB' program. The Congress as a result, voted that it
would be desirable «to see the more generalised use of metho-
dical classification in booksellers' catalogs*. It also record-
ed a resolution that publishing houses of all countries should
«attempt to form national bibliographies which would serve
some day as the basis for the compilation of a Universal Bib-
liographical Repertory.*59 On yet another occasion, the Insti-
tute's supporters, headed by La Fontaine, turned out in force
at Liege for the Congress of the International Union of Pho-

70

(tography in August 1896. As a result of their participation at
the Congress, the Union joined the Institute and adopted in
principle the tables of the Decimal Classification for photog-
raphy which had been prepared by Louis Stanier, an attache
at the Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique in Brussels and J. Val-
lot of the Musee de Documentation Photographique in Paris.
¦General Sebert, for whom photography was an absorbing in-
terest, became the French member of the Permanent Interna-
tional Commission of the Union.60

By 1897 the progress of the Institute was impressive. Its
second conference was held in August that year in Brussels.
Charles Ami Cutter presented a paper on his Expansile
Classification to the conference. Inevitably the Decimal Classi-
fication came up for debate and an impressive array of figures
rose to support it, including Clement Andrews, the Librarian
of the John Crerar Library in Chicago. Two years before, the
Classification had been virtually unknown in Europe. Three
important resolutions were taken by the conference. First, it
was resolved that the Institute should appoint a commission
of specialists from «various countries for the purpose of estab-
lishing an international code of rules for forming biblio-
graphical notices». Second, that it should appoint another
commission to study «the most practical and economical method
of printing cards». The third resolution recognised «the useful-
ness of forming national branches within the International
Institute of Bibliography». These resolutions show the Insti-
tute beginning to grapple with quite practical problems of inter-
national co-operation both in terms of input to the RBU (rules
for forming bibliographic notices) and output from it (printing
cards from it for distribution). The third resolution involved
both notions though its implications were not explored by
Otlet until a number of years later.62

This second conference of the IIB had been postponed
from 1896 to 1897 for two reasons. On the one hand, it was
thought that a meeting in London of the Royal Society's Con-
ference which was to be held in 1896, and one involving many
of the same figures in Brussels shortly afterwards, would be
needlessly repetitive.63 On the other, by arranging the Confe-
rence in 1897, Otlet and La Fontaine were able to seize the
opportunity of participating in and exploiting a large interna-
tional exposition held in Brussels that year.64 Otlet, La Fon-
taine and Van der Haeghen, Librarian of the University of
Ghent organised a class, Bibliography, in the section
of the exposition for the sciences. A letter of invitation to
exhibit went out from them to members of the bibliographic
and library worlds. The participants in the IIB's conference
repaired to the exposition as well as to the installations of
the OIB and at both they were given guided tours and all the

71

necessary explanation of the OIB's work and methods. A com-
petition, from which nothing of interest came, was organised
for the best new method of printing cards cheaply, easily,
quickly and in small numbers. Technological innovation was
necessary if the rapidly growing riches of the RBU were to
be properly exploited and the exposition it was hoped would
provide the occasion for the necessary stimulus to invention.
It did not.

Outside of Brussels itself, the work of promoting and
organising IIB went on unabated during 1897 and 189b.
Articles continued to appear regularly about the IIB, about
its second Conference, and about aspects of its work. Journals
such as Science, the Library Journal, the Zentralblatt fur Bib-
liothekswesen and the Bolletino delle Bubblicazione Italiane re-
gularly reported on them.65 In 1897 Otlet spoke on the IIB
before the Second International Conference of Librarians in
London.66 Descamps brought up the RBU and its potential
scientific value before an international conference assembled'
in Paris to revise the International Copyright Convention."'¦
A meeting of the Austro-Hungarian Booksellers Association
resolved that its members should collaborate in every way
with the IIB.68

In 1898 Otlet read a paper before the Third International
Congress of Bibliography. This Congress, sponsored by the
French Society for Bibliography, was held once every ten-
years. The Congress of 1899 was the first in which biblio-
graphy of the kind Otlet was concerned with, was discussed.
Otlet's paper was entitled «The Universal Bibliographic Re-
pertory: its formation, publication, classification, consultation
and its organs». The Congress passed a resolution that
«learned societies and editors of periodical publications and
bibliographies should respond to the appeal for co-operation
which has been addressed to them by the IIB in Brussels,,
particularly by sending it their work».69

An important event of 1898 was a visit to the OIB by the
European participants in the Royal Society's second Conference
on a Catalogue of Scientific Literature which was held later in
that year. The members of the Royal Society's Conference
were invited to inspect the OIB's installations on their way to>
London to ascertain for themselves the extent of its work and'
its success. Otlet, La Fontaine and Baron Descamps went to
London as the official Belgian representatives. «On a number
of occasions*, it was observed, «the delegates ot the Conference
of London acknowledged the achievements of the IIB as
exemplified by what had been performed between the two
conferences (on a Catalogue of Scientific Literature) of
1896 and 1898».70 Nevertheless, the Royal Society and the
Conference sponsored by it continued to  develop their plans

72

to set up independently of IIB an international organisation
for the preparation of an International Catalogue of Scienti-
fic Literature for which a special classification was to be
devised.

During 1898, the IIB's French adherents set about organ-
ising a national office through which the French Section of
the Institute «could co-ordinate the efforts of those occupied
with the compilation of bibliographies*, and facilitate «the
realisation of their projects*.71 Such an office was formally
established in 1899, called the Bibliographical Bureau of Par-
is. It was to stand in a similar relation to the French Section
of the Institute as the OIB stood to the Institute itself/2 Be-
cause the Bibliographical Bureau was to edit for printing
bibliographical notices sent to it from a variety of participating
learned societies, it was evident that the development of rules
for compiling and editing such notices was extremely impor-
tant. Such rules would help limit editorial functions as well
as promote their efficient performance. The Bureau, therefore,
undertook to fulfil the charge of the second bibliographical
conference of Brussels in 1897 and set about drawing up
what was in effect, a code of rules for descriptive cataloging,
as one of its first tasks. This was immediately revised at the
OIB, and became standard.73 Another major task assigned to
the Bibliographical Bureau of Paris upon its formation was
the organisation of the Institute's third conference in Pans
on the occasion of the Universal Exposition to be held there
in 1900.74

By 1900 the IIB had achieved a not inconsiderable status
as an international organisation. The theoretical basis of its
work was firmly established by a number of important publi-
cations. Its repertories, the physical basis of its work, had
grown in four years from less than half a million to more
than three million entries. The classification used to order the
entries in the repertories had been considerably developed and
published in various of its official publications. It had more
than 300 members. Scholars and institutions from all over the
world, from Germany, Bohemia, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Rus-
sia, Austria, Poland, Holland, Sweden, Switzerland, Roumania,
Hungary, Mexico, Argentina, the United States, England and
France as well as Belgium had paid their ten francs to join
it.75 As far away as Mexico it had influenced the creation in
connection with the Mexican National Library of a Biblio-
graphical Institute which adopted the Decimal Classification
and was guided in its use by a Spanish translation of articles
on the classification by members of the IIB.76 The Austrian
Secretariat and the Bibliographical Bureau of Paris represent-
ed direct, if ultimately ineffectual responses, to its program.
The Concilium Bibliographicum in Zurich had become affiliated

73

-with it, prepared developments of the Decimal Classification
relevant to its subject areas and was publishing extensive pe-
riodical bibliographies on cards as part of the RBU.

In two major respects the Institute had enjoyed only a
limited success. Hard though its sponsors had tried, it had
failed to shake the confidence of the Royal Society in London
in the preconceptions which led the Society to devise its own
specialised classification for scientific literature, a classifi-
cation unrelated to the Decimal Classification, and to set up
an international organisation for scientific bibliography unre-
lated to the Institute. It had also failed to win the active
support of the International Congress of Publishers. Aware
of the need for standardisation in the preparation of trade
catalogues and bibliographies, the Congress had, in the final
analysis, made no commitment at all to the Decimal Classifi-
cation as providing a basis for their arrangement. Instead, it
had become more interested in the use of a simple system of
subject-headings.77 A major source of material for the RBU
was therefore prevented from being directly assimilable by it
in so far as the resolutions of the Congress were effective in
influencing the policy followed by various trade bibliographies.
Nevertheless, Otlet and La Fontaine's propaganda for the
Institute and the widespread appearance of its success, won
over a great many individuals to support it. In 1899 Richard
Rogers Bowker visited the OIB. He had had the impression
before he left America that many of his colleagues thought
that the Belgian Institution existed «more on paper» than as
a «practical working Office».78 To correct any misapprehension
of this kind, he published a report on his visit in the Library
Journal. He discussed the objectives of the Institute and the
extent to which they appeared to have been met. Among other
matters, he dwelt with satisfaction on the considerably ad-
vanced elaboration of the Belgian version of the Decimal
Classification. No doubt his was a typical reaction at the
time to the IIB—OIB: surprise at the energy of its suppor-
ters and satisfaction at its accomplishments.

THE UNIVERSAL EXPOSITION OF PARIS, 1900

A seal of early approval was set on the IIB—OIB in 1900,
the year of the Universal Exposition in Paris. The exposition
was the most magnificent of its kind yet held. Very large and
successful exhibitions had been held in Paris in 1867, 1878
and 1889. They «were manifestations of the positivist's faith
in material and scientific progress as panaceas for all man's
ills».7S The Exposition of 1867 had been largely organised by
Frederic Le Play, engineer, economist and sociologist. He had
attempted to make it an elevating expression of social, econo-

74

mic and politic universalism, and, at the same time, a testimo-
ny to the genius of France. It was important as a type. The
Exposition of 1878, «continuing the tendency of other expo-
sitions to concern themselves more and more with cultural
matters», was the first to devote great space and effort to
international, scholarly, diplomatic and scientific congresses*.
At the next universal exposition in 1889, owing to «the increas-
ing world-wide proliferation of knowledge and scholarships
this conference-sponsoring aspect of the exposition was
emphasised more heavily, and over 69 international conferences
of various kinds were held.80

The Exposition of 1900, the fourth of its kind, was attend-
ed by more than 50,000,000 people. Most of the nations of
the world erected extravagant pavilions wherein was
exhibited anything that could be adduced to their
national glory. International juries deliberated upon the
exhibits, and, according to the Scot, Patrick Geddes, continued,
as they had in the past, to stand for «the general desire to ad-
vance that widest utilisation of the best in which progress
lies».81 The aims of this Exposition had become much more
complex than those of earlier expositions. Among them was
the desire

not only to educate in the popular sense, but to ease communication
among the world's scholars. In 1900 Esperanto was «so to speak,
placed in the world's market*. Scholars from everywhere arranged for
correspondence in four languages and established systems of biblio-
graphical exchange... Ignored by the mobs, these hundreds of meetings
probably best illustrate the aspirations of the Exposition's organisers.
Almost every imaginable group with interests transcending national
boundaries met in Paris that summer.82

One of the 127 International Congresses which were held
¦on this occasion was the third conference of the International
Institute of Bibliography. Like most of the other conferences
at the Exposition, it was organised and presided over by
distinguished Frenchmen. The President of the Bureau of the
Commission of Organisation was General Sebert, a member of
the Institut de France and the Vice-President was Prince Ro-
land Bonaparte.83 All of the members of the Bureau were mem-
bers of the IIB. Among the individuals appointed as Members of
the Commission of Organisation, however, there were a num-
ber of distinguished French bibliographers and librarians
who were not members of the IIB. The only non-French mem-
bers of the Commission were Otlet and La Fontaine.84

In general terms, the aim of the Conference was «to dis-
cuss the problems of compiling universal or particular bib-
liographic repertories designed for students of all speciali-
ties»-85 The Documents of the Conference made in clear that
free discussion of all kinds of classification systems would be
permitted, but that   any resolutions which might suggest   that

75

the Conference was making a ruling in favour of or against
any individual scheme would be avoided.

The 1900 Conference of the IIB in Paris, represents a
high point in the early development of the Institute. It was the
first of its Conferences at which official governmental repre-
sentatives participated. This was, no doubt, due almost entire-
ly to its being held under the auspices of the Exposition. Ot-
ficial delegates attended from Belgium, Canada, Cuba, Den-
mark, the United States, France, Hungary, Mexico, Roumania
and Sweden. It is curious that there was no representative
from England (which regarded the Exposition with some sus-
picion) nor one from Germany (which was one of the most ge-
nerally successful exhibitors at the Exposition). Melvil Dewey
represented the United States. Ninety-one individuals and in-
stitutions signed up as participants in the Conference, fifty-one
from France, forty from outside France.86 Its meetings were
therefore larger and more representatively international than
those of either of the Institutes' earlier Conferences.

Debate seems on the whole to have been vigorous and
constructively critical in most instances, as bibliographers
described particular works for which they were responsible and
submitted examples of them to the Conference for examination..
The old controversy about the respective value of selective and
critical as opposed to complete enumerative bibliography, a
controversy which had pitted the traditional bibliographers, the
Arsenal Librarian, Funck-Brentano, Paul Bergmans, the Deputy
Librarian at the University of Ghent, and others against Ri-
chet, Baudoin and their bibliographically-minded scientist-col-
leagues, was aired once again. This time, however, Otlet in-
troduced a resolution to the Conference in which he tried to
conceptualise and present in a systematic way the various
kinds of national, special, selective, analytical, critical and
comprehensive bibliographies in relation to one another so
that each could be seen to have its own particular merits
which were, in the final analysis, complementary to those of
that ultimate bibliography, the RBU. He reported on the IIB
itself, on the development of the RBU, and on the Decimal
Classification.

The concluding resolutions of the Conference, as one
might expect from its very general program, were themselves
general. It was resolved that governments should improve and
standardise copyright deposit laws so that augmented national
bibliographies could be more effectively used in the formation
of bibliographical repertories. Reflecting a paper presented by
Otlet, for whom the subject had become increasingly impor-
tant, the Conference resolved that it was desirable to see estab-
lished by country, language, period, subject and category of
printed work, general statistics of printing since its inception.

76

Otlet had begun to study the problem of the statistics of print-
ing rather closely not long after Funck-Brentano had taken
exception to the figures he had projected for the size of a
complete RBU. How could one arrive at reliable statistics, and
what, tentatively, might they be? These were questions occu-
pying him in 1896.87 In order to encourage the continuing stu-
dy of these questions, he took them up again in 1900. An im-
portant result of such a study for him still remained an accura-
te prediction of the size of the RBU, but he also observed that
such a study would have wider implications. «The intellectual,
economic and social function of the book can be made the
object of statistical data as precise and various as any other
factor of our civilisation*.88 It would be possible, he believed,
to define exact and comparable measures relating to the «cre-
ation of the book by writers and scholars, its reproduction in
multiple copies by the powerful machinery of the modern
printing industry, its distribution and extended use, thanks to
the degree of perfection found in the commercial booktrade and
in the organisation of libraries».89 He suggested as a draft res-
olution for the Conference's consideration:

The congress votes to see published general statistics of printing,
summarising, coordinating and completing the fragmentary statistics
published until now. To this effect it is desirable that all bibliographic
publications and particularly official bibliographies provide a supple-
ment giving a statistical summary of the facts in the bibliographical
area that the publications embrace. In order to establish these
statistics, it is desirable to see adopted the same categories in a manner
to facilitate comparisons.90

This was adopted with some modifications.91

The Conference also adopted as a good statement of the
matter, Otlet's resolution setting out the nature of the various
kinds of bibliographies and their relation to one another.
A number of other resolutions were taken and the Conference
closed with a reception at Prince Roland Bonaparte's palace.

Otlet and La Fontaine arranged for part of the RBU
which had been steadily growing in Brussels to be exhibited
at the Exposition. Representative sections of the constituent
repertories containing over two million cards were set up for
the duration of the exposition in the Grande Salle des Con-
gres, together with charts and tables illustrating the prob-
lems to the solution of which the Institute was dedicated. Bib-
liographical accessories which the OIB was producing or
which could be had through its agency were displayed and a
catalog of them made freely available.92 Otlet and La Fon-
taine were constantly on hand to answer questions, offer ex-
planations, guide discussions, and lecture. Thousands trooped
through the Grande Salle and stopped to examine the exhibi-
tion. Most were scholars attending one or more of the confer-
ences of the Exposition. The Institute was awarded, a  Grand

77

Prize for its exhibition. This was a mark of the greatest esteem
and a distinction to be remembered.

The Exposition provided constant opportunity for bringing;
together the representatives of the IIB and others potentially
interested in it. The gathering of scholars of every persuasion
and their frequent meetings, must have led to much informal
publicity for the Institute. One may speculate that members
of the OIB staff met and conversed with many previously un-
aware of the work being done in Brussels, or badly informed
or sceptical about it. What must have been a typical, frequent-
ly recurring and valuable encounter, took place when Otlet met
Patrick Geddes in the early days of the Exposition. Geddes, a
Scottish scientist, town-planner, educator and social reformer
was Secretary of the Ecole de l'Exposition, set up, like the
IIB's exhibit, in the Palais des Congres.93 The Ecole de l'Expo-
sition was the continuation of a program of summer
schools organised by Geddes in Edinburgh beginning in 1887..
For the school in Paris Geddes and some of his colleagues had
drummed up support from the British and French Associations
for the Advancement of Science, and from contacts Geddes
made in America during a whirlwind tour in the early part of
1900. In Paris Otlet and Geddes met and chatted about expo-
sitions. From Brussels Otlet sent Geddes a copy of the Compte-
Rendu of the Exposition des Sciences in which IIB had par-
ticipated in Brussels in 1897 and was invited by Geddes to
lecture on bibliography at the Ecole de l'Exposition. This was
the beginning of an amicable, mutually rewarding, and far-
reaching association which lasted until Geddes' death in 1932.9*

After this great Exhibition the International Office and In-
stitute could look upon the dawning of the new century with
both hope and confidence. Its work was flourishing and the
decades before the First World War were to see enormous de-
velopments in the Universal Bibliographic Repertory and the
Universal Decimal Classification and, above all, to see a gra-
dual widening of the scope of the activity of the Office and In-
stitute as Otlet's thought began to take wing.

FOOTNOTES

1.  A  list of reviews    is  given without comment in    the IIB Bulletin,  I
(1896—7), pp. 141—142, 271—2. A further list appears in IIB Bulletin,
II  (1897), pp. 140—142.

2.  Athenaeum, 7 September 1895, pp. 321—322.

3.  The Publishers Weekly, 5 October 1895, p. 602 -and the Library Journal:
XX  (October  1895), 346 both echo the Athenaeum's comments.

4.   (Editorial), Library Journal, xx ,(October 1895), 337.

5.  «President's   Address»,   Royal   Society   of   London   Proceedings,      LIX
(1895), p. 113.

78

6.  Ibid.

7.  Louis   Polain,   1866—1934,   then  a   young  man   about   Otlet's   age   was
eventually responsible for the still standard Catalogue des livres impri-
mis au quinzietne siecle des bibliotheques publiques de Belgique  (Bru-
xelles: La  Societe des bibliophiles et iconophiles de Belgique,  1932).  In
1909 he edited from her manuscript the second volume of Marie Pelle-
chet's  Catalogue general des incunables des  bibliotheques publiques de-
France (Paris: A. iPicard et fils, 1897^1909).

8.  L. Polain, «Le Systeme decimal et les publications de l'Office Interna-
tional de Bibliographies Revue des Bibliotheques, VI   (1896), 66.

9.  Ibid., 87.

10.  Ibid., 73.

11.  Henri Stein,  1862—1940, had become by the last years of the century a
highly respected bibliographer. He had  reported  to  the Congres  Biblio-
graphique  International  in   1888 on  the progress of  bibliography  since
the previous conference in 1876,  and in   1897 his large Manuel de Bib-
liographie  Generate   (Paris:  A.  Picard  et  fils,   1897)   appeared.   It was-
subsequently reprinted  in  19G2.  In   1927 he took over the editorship  of
the  Catalogue Generate de la Librairie Francaise, vols.  29—32  for  the
years   1919—1925. Most  of  his working  life was  spent in the Archives
iNationales. He founded  and edited Le Bibliographe moderne and  foun-
ded  the .Societe Francaise  de  Bibliographie. He  also collaborated  with
the man to become his chief in the Archives Nationales, C. V. Langlois.

12.  Henri   Stein,  «La  Conference Bibliographique   Internationale  de  Bruxel-
les», Revue international de bibliotheques, 1895—1896, I (1897), 29—31.

13.  Henri Stein, «iL'Institut International de Bibliographie et le projet de iBib-
liographie Universelle», Bibliographe moderne, I  (1897), p. 121.

14.  Ibid., p. 124.

15.  Franz Funck-Brentano, 1862—1947, had studied in the famous Ecole des
Chartes. He became Librarian of the Arsenal Library where he edited the
catalogue of the archives of the Bastille and wrote a number of histori-
cal  works.   His   article   «L'Office   International   de   Bibliographie   et   La
Classification  Decimale»  in  Correspondence historique et archeologique,
III   ('1806), 40 pp. was reproduced in  a number of other journals  (see
IIB Bulletin, I i(1895—6), 271).

16.  Leopold Delisle,  «Decimal Classification  and   Relative  Index  for  Libra-
ries...,  premier article*, Journal des Savants,  Ii896,    p.  161.    Leopold—
Victor^Delisle,   1826—4910,  studied   at the   Ecole  des  Chartes   and   be-
gan  his professional  career   as   an  archivist.  After    a   period of   rapid'
promotion    he    became    Administrator-General    of    the    Bibliotheque
Nationale in 1874, a post he held for more than thirty years. He was re-
sponsible for the decision to print the iBibliotheque National's catalogue,,
the first volume of which appeared in 1897, the last volume of which is
still awaited. He was elected to the Institut de France at the age of 31.

17.  Leon  Losseau  to  Otlet,  29  January   1907,  Dossier  No.  256,  «Losseau»,.
Mundaneum. Only sweeten Stein with «a few flowers, a little holy wa-
ters, said  Losseau,  and Otlet might «have a second  edition of the se-
cond   article   of    Delisle».

18.  Sury of the OIB wrote to Otlet,  17 July 1896, that he had refused a young
man an introduction to Delisle from the Institute because he suspected
«Delisle and others at the Bibliotheque iNationale were not absolutely fa-
vourable to us». !The young man, thought Sury, would be better advised
to obtain a (letter from one of his professors. «Moreover, I would like to
observe that M. Delisle... would have great sport with this adolescent

79

who does  not  know  our work  with   the  Decimal   Classification, very
well», Dossier No. 183, i«Otlet, Paul», Mundaneum.

19.  iC.-V, Langlois, «A Propos de l'Institut      International    de    Bibliogra-
phies Revue Internationale de bibliotheques 1895—1896, il ,(1897),..p. 104.
Langlois refers to the IIB in his Manuel de Bibliographie, Hisforique
(Paris: Hachette,  1896), passim. Langlois, 1863—1929, became Director
¦of the Archives Rationales in 1912.

20.  C.-V, Langlois. «A Propos...», p. 114.

21.  Ibid., 119.

22.  Charles Sury to Paul Otlet, 25 August  1896, Dossier No. [183,    «Paul
Otlet», Mundaneum.

23.  «iNotes and Documents», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), p. 105.

24.  Ibid., pp. 113—118.

25.  Ibid., pp.   121—126. An  interesting account  of  the history  of  the Con-
cilium iBibliographicum is  to be found  in Katherine. O. Murra, «Some
attempts  to  organise  bibliography  internationally*, Bibliographic Orga-
nisation,   Jesse   Shera  land Margaret  Egan,   eds.,   (Chicago:  University
of Chicago Press, 1951).

26.  «Notes et Documents*, pp. 120—121, 130—133.

27.  oNotes et Documents*.

28.  C. M, Gariel, «Expose des propositions votees par le congres de l'Asso-
ciation francaise pour l'avancement des sciences, Bordeaux, aout, Jl895»,
IIB Bulletin, I  (1895—6), pp. 62—66.

29.  Charles Richet, 1850-—1935, descended from a prosperous medical family.
He did important work in immunology, became a member of the French
Academie de Medecine in  1898, won the Nobel Prize for physiology in
1913, was elected to the Institut de France in  1914 and became Presi-
dent of its Aoademie des Sciences in 1933. He was also very much in-
terested in spiritualism, what he called i«metapsychology».

30.  Charles .Richet,   «La  Classification      Decimale*,      Revue      Scientifique,
4e serie, IV (28 December, 1895), p. 801.

-31. Ibid., p. 805.

32.  Charles   Richet,   «La   Bibliographie   Decimale  et  le  Congres   de   la   So-
ciete JRoyale de Londres  (1896)». This article appeared in Revue Scien-
tifique,   11  July   1896,  and was reprinted in IIB Bulletin,  I   (1895—6),
pp. 293—299. Reference is made to the latter, p. 208.

33.  C. M. Gariel, «Les Travaux de la Conference Bibliographique de Bruxe-
lles»,   Revue  generate  des  Sciences,  VI   (30   September,   1895),   p.  834.
Gariel,   1841—1924,   a   physicist  or   biophysicist,   wrote  extensively  on
acoustics and hearing.

34.  M.   Baudouin,   «Le   Probleme   Bibliographique*,   Revue   scientifique,  4e
serie, IV (7 December 1895), p. 710.

'35. M. Baudouin, «La Classification Decimale et les sciences medicales»,
IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), pp. 166—181. Baudouin, 1860—1941, took his
Doctorat in the Faculte de Medecine de Paris and wrote a number of
works of scientific popularisation. In the last years of the century, how-
ever, his interests were turning to pre-history, a subject to which
he devoted the rest of his life and on which he published numerous re-
search monographs.

36. The formation of the French section of the Institute was announced in
«Chronique», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), p. 279.

«0

37. Charles Richet, «La Bibliographie Decimale et le Congres de la  Societe
Royale de Londres (1896)», p. 299.

38   Paul Otlet, «Le Programme de l'lnstitut International de Bibliographie:
objections et explications*, IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 73—100.

39.  Ibid., p. 79.

40.  Ibid., p. 81.

41.  Ibid., p. 83.

42.  Ibid., p. 85.

43.  Ibid., p. 87

44.  Ibid., p. 88.

45.  Ibid., p. 91.

46.  Ibid., p. 98.

47.  «President's Address», Royal Society of London Proceedings, XIV  (No-
vember 30, 1895), p. 113.

48.  Herbert iHaviland Field, «Les Fiches du Repertoire Bibliographique Uni-
versel»,   IIB Bulletin,   I   (1895—6),  67—712.   Field,  1868—1921,    was   an
American zoologist who had become increasingly    interested in the bib-
liographical problems posed by zoological literature. He set up the Con-
cilium Bibliographicum    in Zurich    in 1895. Its   main purpose    was the
publication on cards of bibliographical notices. Field was a firm believer
in    the value of the Dewey    Decimal    Classification    and    after    1895
participated closely in its expansion by the IIB.

49.  Jules   Lermina, «Le   Repertoire      Bibliographique      Universel»,      Droit
d'Auteur, VIII   (1895), 109—111; «Le Congres Litteraire et artistique in-
ternational de  Dresde  du  21   au 28   Septembre,   1895.     (compte-rendu):
Repertoire  Universeb, Droit d'Auteur, VIII   (1895), '134—35.

50.  Royal Society of London, Report of the Pioceedings of an International
Conference on a Catalogue of Scientific Literature (London: the Society,
1896), pp. 8—13 and passim.

51.  «L'IIB, Chronique», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 279.

52.  Desiderio Chilovi, «La Cooperation nationale et Internationale au Reper-
toire Bibliographique Universel», IIB Bulletin, I  (1895—6), 320—24. This
was a  translation of an article appearing in the Bolletino delle Pubblica-
zioni Italiane, ]15 September, 1896.

53.  «Notes, Documents, Analyses: Conference   Bibliographique de Florence*,
IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 330.

54.  Ibid., pp. 330—31.

55.  «Faits et documents:    societes, congres    et reunions    bibliographiques»,
IIB Bulletin, III   (1898), 206.    The question of the RBU   was discussed
at the 1897 Turin Conference where Luigi de Marchi acted as rapporteur.
(«Le Movement  en  Faveur  du ,RBU», IIB Bulletin,  III   (11898),  167).

56.  Desiderio Chilovi,  /  Catalogi e I'Istituto Internazionale de Bibliografia
(Firenze:   Fratelli  boca,   1897).      This was  designated    IIB Publication
No. 36; Vittorio Benedetti,  Classificazione Decimale ...   (Firenze:  Barba-
ra, 1897). This was designated IIB Publication No. 12; Luigi di Marchi,
«La Classificazione cosidetta decimale del Sig. Dewey», IIB Bulletin, II
1897), 98—107. This was separately printed as  IIB  Publication  No. 49;
Societa   Italiana   d'Antropologia,   Classificazione decimale  por uso degli
antropologia (Firenze: La Societa, 1896). This was designated IIB Publi-
cation No. 35;  Saladino Saladini Pilastri, Table Italienne developpee de
la Classification Bibliographique Decimale du droit (Firenze: Stabilimento

6—3301                                                                                                 81

Tipografico G. Civelli, 1899). This was designated IIB PublicatioH No. 46
and appears with French title in the FID list. It had appeared in seve-
ral parts in 1899 in the Bolletino di Bibliografia Giuridica Italiana Con-
temporanea. An «Esposizione Sommaria della Classificazione Decimale»
appeared in pages 1—8 in Fascicule I. The developed tables for law
appeared in Fascicule II in a separately paged 8-page section entitled
«quadro sinottico della posizione delle scienze giuridoco amministrative
della classificazione bibliografica decimale; classificazione bibliografica
decimale   per   le scienze   giuridoco   amministrative.»

57.  Charles  Richet,  for example, lectured on the Decimal Classification in
March 1896 in the Hotel des Societes Savantes in Paris, and a list of
the French Societies «informed of the question of Classification* was ve-
ry considerable. «L'IIB: les trois derniers mois», IIB Bulletin, I  (1895—
6), 157.

58.  For  the  setting up  of  the Austrian Secretariat by Junker  see the  IIB
Bulletin, I (1895—6), 162 and 280 and for a number of lectures, see the
Bulletin, p. 159. Junker published Eine Allgemeines bibliographisches Re-
pertorium   and   die   erste   Internationale Bibliographische   Konferenz  in
Briissel   (Wein:   A.   Holder,   1896);   and  Das Internationale  Institut  fur
Bibliographie in Briissel  (Leipzig: Ramm und Seemann, 1897). The first
was designated IIB Publication No. 6, and   the second IIB Publication
No. 19.

59.  «Notes, documents, analyses: Congres    International des Editeurs», IIB'
Bulletin, I (1895—6), 332—33.

60.  «Notes, documents,   analyses:    Union Internationale de    Photographies
IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 333.

61.  «La Deuxieme Conference Bibliographique Internationale, Bruxelles, 2 ait
4 aout, 1897», IIB Bulletin, II (1897), 247—257.

62.  Ibid., pp. 175—176.

63.  «Communications du Bureau   de l'Institut»,   IIB Bulletin, ,1    (1895—6),
140—41; and «IIB: les trois derniers   mois», IIB Bulletin, I  (1895—6),
164—65.

64.  «Notes, documents,  analyses:  Exposition Bibliographique de Bruxelles»,
IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 333—34.

65.  Bibliographie relative a l'lnstitut de ['organisation bibliographique inter-
national, IIB Bulletin, II (1897), 140—43; and III (1898), 169—73 and
215—16.

66.  Paul Otlet, «The International Institute of Bibliography*,    Transactions
and Proceedings of the Second International Library   Conference, Lon-
don, 13—16 luly 1897 (London, 1898).

67.  «Le Movement en faveur du RBU», IIB Bulletin, III (1898), 167—68.

68.  Ibid.

69.  Le Repertoire Bibliographique Universel: sa formation, sa publication, son
classement, sa   consultation,   ses organes.  (Extrait    du Compte—Rendtt-
des Travaux du Congres; Paris:   Au Siege de la Societe,    1899), 10 pp.
See also «Faits et Documents: Congres Bibliographique International de
1898», IIB Bulletin, VI (1901), 220—21.

70.  «La Deuzieme  Conference   Internationale  relative   au    Catalogue  de  la
Litterature Scientifique», IIB Bulletin, III (1898), 164.

71.  «Faits   et   documents:   section francaise    de l'lnstitut    International   de
Bibliographie*,   IIB   Bulletin,   III    (1898),    164.

82

1\2. -rfnstitutions diverses rattachant a l'IIB», Annualre de VI IB pour Vannee
1898 (Bruxelles: IIlB, 1898), p. 89.

73.  «Projet de regies pour la redaction des notices bibligraphiques», IIB Bul-
letin, III (1898), 81 — 113.

74.  «Le Congres International de Bibliographie de Paris, 11—18 aout 1900:
Documents ...», IIB Bulletin,.W (1899), 195—209.

75.  «Liste alphabetique des personnes et des institutions qui sont membres
de l'lnstitut International de Bibliographie, ont adhere a son program-
me, collaborent a ses travaux, ou font application de ses methodes», An-
nuaire de VIIB pour Vannee 1899, pp. 99—1,10.

76.  Secretaria de Fomento, La Classification   decimal   de    Melvil    Dewey,
traduccion de tres articulos por E.  Sauvage, Ch.  Richet, y el Servicio
geologico  de  Belgica   (Mexico:  Off.   typ  de  la  Secretaria   de  Fomento,
1899). This was designated IIB Publication No. 38.

77.  «Faits et document: Congres International ,Aes Editeurs de 1897 — reso-
lutions*,  IIB Bulletin,  III   (1898),  147—48.    See  also,  Paul    Otlet and
Ernest Vanderveld, La Refortne des bibliographies nationales et leur uti-
lisation pour la Bibliographie Universelle. Rapport presents au Ve Con-
gres  International des Editeurs, Milan,  1906  (Bruxelles: Administration
de la Bibliographie de Belgique et 1'IIB, June 1906), p. 1; and «Catalogue
de  Librairie  type  international   arrete  par    le    Congres     International
des Editeurs (1908).» IIB Bulletin, XIV (1909), 91—94.

78.  Richard Rogers Bowker, «The Institut    International  de    Bibliographie,
Brussels*, Library Journal, XXV (1900), 273—74.

79.  Richard D. Mandell, Paris 1900 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
¦1967), p. x.

80.  Ibid., pp. 14, 21 and 69.

81.  Patrick Geddes, «The Closing Exhibition—Paris 1900», Contemporary Re-
view, iLXXVIII      (November  1900),      656—57      (Quoted      in  Richard
D. Mandell, p. [111).

82.  Richard D. Mandell, p. 68.

83.  Prince Roland Bonaparte,  1858—1924, a great-nephew of Napoleon, was
a patron of the arts and sciences. His own special interest was Botany.
He assembled a great library and art collection and made copious dona-
tions for the encouragement of research to the Academie des  Sciences
to which he had been elected.

84.  «Le Congres International de Bibliographie de Paris ... Documents ... »,
IIB Bulletin. IV (1899), 197—208.

85.  Ibid., p. 196.

86.  «Compte—Rendu  du Congres  International  de Bibliographie tenu a Paris
du  16 au  18 aout 1900»,    IIB Bulletin,    V   (1900),    103—107     220—21
and 223.

87.  Paul  Otlet,  «La Statistique  internationale  des  imprimes:   quelques  son-
dages», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 301.

88.  Paul Otlet, «La  Statistique internationale des imprimes», IIB Bulletin,
V (1900), 109.

89.  Ibid.

90.  Ibid., p .121.

91.  *Compte—Rendu du Congres International de Bibliographie tenu a Pa-
ris ...», p. 243.

6*                                                                                             83

92.  L'Institut International de Bibliographie: but, organisation, travaux, ca-
talogue des publications: Exposition Universelle de Paris   (IIB Publica-
tion No. 47; Bruxelles: IIB, 1900).

93.  A standard work on Geddes is Philip Boardman, Patrick Geddes: Maker
of the Future (Chapel Hill, N. C: University of North Carolina Press,
1944), pp. 156—211 and 227.

94.  Dossier No. 210, «Patrick Geddes», Mundaneum. A letter from Otlet to
Geddes, 28 May  1900  gives  the  details mentioned  above.  This  is in a
file «92  G», in the Otletaneum, which contains considerable but frag-
mentary schematic material for  aspects  of the two  friend  s' work.  It
includes also a typed response to an enquiry made by Philip   Boardman,
student of Geddes' life, about Otlet's friendship with Geddes. The unda-
ted note is entitled «Patrick Geddes et Paul O'tlet—Le Palais Mondial».
See also Philip Boardman, passim.

Chapter   V
THE UNIVERSAL DECIMAL CLASSIFICATION

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE UDC

The two major tasks confronting Otlet and La Fontaine
after the International Institute and Office of Bibliography had
been formally constituted were the development of the Deci-
mal Classification and the Universal Bibliographic Repertory
(RBU). The two were not developed independently, of course,
though it is convenient to discuss them separately. The tool
became increasingly complex and sophisticated as the tasks
it was required to perform became so. The Decimal Classifi-
cation was viewed as a prerequisite for international biblio-
graphic cooperation in general and for the elaboration of the
RBU in particular. In the last part of 1895 and early in 1896
before the move to the new location, Otlet and La Fontaine
had arranged for the translation and publication of parts of
the classification. For the Conference they had translated the
tables for sociology and law with an alphabetical index in
English, French and German.1 This was followed by a transla-
tion of the first thousand divisions similarly indexed, and by
the general geographical tables.2 A brief explanation of the
nature of the classification and of its «bibliographic nomencla-
ture* was issued early in 1896,3 and this became part of other
early tables as they were published.4 These first tables, except
those for sociology and law, were not expanded,5 but were
simple translations of the 1894 American edition of the classifi-
cation.

These few publications formed the nucleus for further de-
velopment. This came rapidly in the next few years by a pro-
cess of co-ordinated decentralisation. The highly technical task
of developing the tables, the accomplishment of which with
any degree of depth and completeness demanded extensive
subject expertise, was assigned to groups of outside collabo-
rators. This was the taxonomic, enumerative aspect of the
classification by which it was related directly and intimately

85

to the systematics of knowledge. Other aspects of the classifi-
cation were elaborated centrally by Otlet and La Fontaine, who
carefully reviewed all developments in the tables to ensure
that consistency and uniformity were maintained throughout
the classification as a whole.

The work of co-ordinating and disciplining their collabora-
tors was not a mere formality for the two men. They had at
the outset at least one unfortunate experience. The editor of
the French indexing journal, Bulletin des sommaires, Charles
Limousin, undertook to develop parts of the classification and
to assign classification numbers to notices appearing in the
Bulletin des sommaires.6 Apparently he became intoxicated
with classification-building and departed happily but wildly
from the original scheme. Otlet was furious and drafted a
scathing letter which he thought better of and did not send.7
The only public comment appeared in an early chronology of
events at OIB. «The Bulletin des sommaires of Paris (M. Li-
mousin) worked out a classification with a decimal notation
different from that of the Institute. It was not followed.*8

To guide collaborators in a general way in their work of
developing the classification tables a «Rules for the Develop-
ments to be made in the Decimal Classification» was drawn
up.9 The purpose of this pamphlet was to provide some «rules
and advice on how to proceed in choosing new divisions while
maintaining an indispensable unity between all parts» of the
classification. It emphasised the final authority of the OIB on
all proposals for extension and modification of the tables. It
reminded its readers that one of the decisions of the Brussels
conference was that no numbers already existing could be mo-
dified for fear of conflict between past and future applications
of the classification. The 1894 American edition was to be an
inviolable standard. It was recommended, Therefore, that no
new subject should be dealt with until the index had been
thoroughly checked to see that the subject did not already
appear somewhere in it. It stressed that while a bibliographic
classification was related to the more strict classification of
science, its value was a practical one in relation to documents,
so that there was not much point in assigning numbers to
ideas or subjects on which there had been little written. In
preparing a detailed classification of their subject fields, it
was suggested that collaborators should take the following
steps:

a)   a complete enumeration of the objects to be classified;

b)   an examination of the specific characteristics of the objects;

c)   a choice of  one of the characteristics as the basis for classifica-
tion; subordination of the other characteristics to this one;

d)   an arrangement of the objects in classes and sub-classes by pro-
ceeding from the general to the particular and from the simple to the
complex.

86

In general, the Rules stressed the importance of preserving the
simplicity of the classification, and reminded collaborators of
the classification's facility for combining and recombining
numbers, a facility which could be used on occasion to obviate
the necessity for creating new numbers. They were also remind-
ed of the symmetrical and mnemonic features of the classifi-
cation and were urged to develop and extend them, even where
parallelisms might not in fact be complete and numbers
would be, for the time, unused.

With these very general rules to follow, a distinguished
¦group of scientists and scholars began to work on various tables.
Most notable among the collaborators were Herbert Field
¦of the Concilium Bibliographicum and Charles Richet, editor
of the Revue scientifique, a physiologist at the university of
Paris, and later a Nobel Laureate. The interests of the scien-
tists connected with the Concilium Bibliographicum and of
those belonging to the French Section of the IIB (Richet and
Baudouin among others) probably explain the early translation
¦of the American tables for the medical sciences. These were
soon taken up and revised. The Concilium Bibliographicum
published a brief pamphlet containing the tables for zoology
in 1897 with an index in French, English and German.10 Later
that year the first extension of the tables for anatomy appea-
red,11 and in the next year those for zoology.12 Richet worked
•on the tables for physiology and these were published by the
Concilium Bibliographicum, also in 1897.13 Other groups,
however, were working on other parts of the classification. At
the time of the conference, the Institut Superieur de Philoso-
phie at Louvain (to which de Wulf, and Otlet's old friend,
Thiery, were attached), the Belgian Society of Astronomy, and
the Belgian Geological Commission (headed by Moulon) had
pledged their help, both to develop the classification tables in
their areas of interest and to apply them to the notices in pe-
riodical bibliographies which they would undertake to pub-
lish.14 In the next few years the tables for philosophy,15 geolo-
gy,16 astronomy,17 as well as those for railway science18 and
photography19 made their appearance. In 1897 the Office itself
prepared and published the recast General Abridged Tables of
the classification20 and these were immediately translated into
Italian,21 Spanish,22 and German.2'1

The distinctive pattern of the Brussels classification emerg-
ed only very slowly from the American classification. The es-
sential differences were to lie in the development in the Brus-
sels version of the notions of parallelism, of mnemonics and
number-compounding adumbrated in the 1896 Rules and in
other material prepared at the same time at the OIB, but not
fully explained in any of it. Though for Otlet the notation of
the classification, what he called its «bibliographic nomencla-

87

ture»24 was pregnant with all sorts of possibilities for precise,
flexible, specific description and classification of documents,
it was not until 1899 that the classification was developed to
such an extent that it exhibited clearly what were to be regard-
ed as its characteristic features: procedures for the intro-
duction throughout the whole classification of highly elabor-
ated analytic common subdivisions.

As early as 1895, Otlet and La Fontaine had decided to-
abandon the convention of the American classification of plac-
ing the decimal point after a number always composed of
three figures. «Is the whole number», Otlet wrote to Dewey,
«a decimal, or a whole number plus a decimal point after the
third figure?»25 He concluded that it was better to regard the
whole number as a decimal, and to consider the decimal point
as serving primarily as a mark of punctuation. In his view, the
use of the point in this way would facilitate the reading of a
number and better indicate «the order and succession and sub-
ordination of ideas» in the number. Carrying the analogy of
punctuated numbers yet further, he had begun to wonder what
could be done with parentheses and the colon. «In a general
way...», he continued his letter, «we came to this rule: the deci-
mal classification is a system which permits the noting of all
bibliographic categories by means of concise symbols, figures
whose signification and value depend upon their position, and
upon certain signs of punctuation which accompany them.»2ti
In his «Objections and Explications* Otlet gave a brief expla-
nation of what the figures in a classification number meant,,
of how a number could become the basis of further develop-
ment by generalising its signification without violating the
principle that new numbers must not conflict with old ones,
and suggested how the point, colon and parentheses could be
used for combining or modifying numbers.27

As the Office's collaborators moved more deeply into their
work of developing the tables and using them in the preparation
of bibliographies, they began to appreciate inadequacies in
the classification's notation and obscurities in the current ex-
planations of its application and use. They began to offer in-
genious suggestions for improvements to make the classifica-
tion responsive to the difficulties that they had variously en-
countered. Marcel Baudouin, for example, working on the tables
for medicine, reached the conclusion that the use of the
decimal point after the third figure of a number was useful
only if the number were relatively short. He devised a system,
followed thereafter at the Office, of using long numbers bro-
ken up into constituent parts by the use of more than one
point. He also drew up a detailed system of parallelism for
the pathology of organs and for diseases and operations.2*
Victor Carus followed up Dewey's own suggestions for   devel-

oping the classification by introducing a series of letters for
geological formations and for geological time periods. In the
midst of the Office's search for techniques for extending the
classification's notation and of making it capable of greater
flexibility and specificity than it seemed to have, Carus,
foreseeing where all this might lead, sounded a note of warning.
«One should remember», he said, «that the decimal notation
is a means of registering bibliographic facts and nothing
more. One should therefore avoid attempting to express
by numerical indices the scientific results contained in a pub-
lication.»29

The Marquis Daruty de Grandpre, taking into account the
suggestions made in Otlet's «Objections and Explications»,
presented a succinct description of the mechanics of the classi-
fication and how he proposed to extend it by using recurrent
bracketed geographical numbers and the colon for his work on
a bibliography of the African Islands of the Southern Indian
Ocean.30 A note was added to this article, most probably by
Otlet, about the possible use of the plus ( + ) sign in the clas-
sification of documents with multiple subjects,31 an idea which
may have been derived from suggestions made by Simoens of
the Belgian Geological Service, who was working on the tables
for geology. Simoens had thought up a scheme for achiev-
ing what was called «bibliographic analysis of documents*
by multiple indexings, the classification number obtained on
each occasion of indexing being joined to each of the others by"
the plus sign.32

Otlet, drawing on all of this, made a major theoretical
statement in his «On the Structure of Classification Numbers».
which represented a summing up and distillation of the vari-
ous proposals received at the Office on the subject.33 He intend-
ed that this article should complement the Rules and his
«Objections and Explications*. It represented a step towards
a definite decision on still controversial aspects of the classi-
fication. Otlet based his examination of classification numbers
on the observation that certain ideas were recurrent in all
parts of the classification, such as the historical, geographical,,
and form categories already discussed by him in various places
and derived more or less directly from Dewey. A similar
observation was true of individual branches of the classifica-
tion where subdivisions seemed regularly to recur. Each spe-
cies in zoology, for example, could be envisaged from many
similar points of view. «The consequence of this observation is
that classification numbers should have a structure such that
to each category of modifying ideas which periodically returns,
there should correspond a distinct appearance and permanent
signification.»34 For Otlet there were now two ways of building
classification numbers.  One was to juxtapose complete num-

89

tiers taken from different parts of the classification and join
them with a colon. The other was to make use of «factors» or
^autonomous number elements with a distinct and unalterable
meaning»,35 whose autonomy in relation to the numbers to
which they were attached was preserved by enclosing them in
parentheses. He reviewed Dewey's own suggestions that letters
could be employed with decimal numbers to indicate catego-
ries such as geological time, physical places and so on. In
Dewey's scheme, the number 598.2 j 43 would indicate, Birds
in Germany in the Sixteenth Century. Otlet decided against the
melange that resulted from this combination of letters and fig-
ures, and ventured the opinion instead that one should «bor-
tow different categories of auxiliary indices from correspond-
ing classification numbers and place them between paren-
theses» to preserve them from assimilation in the main num-
ber. He showed how all of the categories mentioned by Dewey
could be dealt with in this way: (...5) would indicate geologic
time and (...4) would indicate language. The classification
numbers for «political» geography began at 913, so that 911
¦was free for use as a chronologic subdivision, and 912 for in-
dications of aspects of physical geography. The common 91,
indicating geography, could be suppressed and the 1 and 2
would appear in parentheses to indicate time and place res-
pectively with another number for further specification: (15)
would indicate the Sixteenth Century, and (27) Lakes. Simi-
lar formations could be devised for history, for directions of
the compass and so on. For the divisions that recurred within
a particular science, Otlet had a similar solution. One could
take that which is named and in general use in a science
-(physiology, pathology, the heart, the lungs, for example). The
numbers assigned to the «classified nomenclature* of a science,
its taxononomic nomenclature in effect, would be derived
from zero and would be placed between parentheses. Con-
sciously adopting the encyclopedic point of view required for
the development of the Universal Bibliographic Repertory, Ot-
let stressed the importance of avoiding attributing several
meanings to any one number. Confusion between the numbers
for the classified terminology of a science (derived from zero),
however, and the general numbers for time and place (derived
from 1 and 2), would be completely avoided, Otlet believed, if
the use of the former were strictly forbidden outside the par-
ticular science from which they took their meaning. An excep-
tion could be made when one of the «terminological» numbers
bore an indication of its source as a superscript. If (012) were
the common number for heart in the tables for medicine, a
number like the following would be possible: 368.42(01261),
health insurance against heart disease. But Otlet wondered if
the «simplest form of the principal determinant* might not have

¦90

been preferable: that is, 368.42:616.12. He did not pursue the
relative merits of this alternative.36

«On the Structure of Classification Numbers* is a germi-
nal paper. In it Otlet can be seen to be groping towards a
form and a terminology for what later became the common and
analytical subdivisions. He had submitted the notions of Dew-
ey to a number of his collaborators, such as Carus and Bau-
douin, for their opinion. In general in was thought the introduction
of letters would be useful. But the replies gave Otlet pause,
and this is reflected in his paper, for it was clear to him
that the specialists whom he had consulted were not much con-
cerned by the problems of the variation of numbers from science
to science and of multiple meanings which had become
clearly apparent to him from the proposals that they had in
turn made to him. He tried, therefore, to find solutions for
this problem. Nevertheless, it seems clear to a present-day ob-
server that the use of the parenthesis was bound to be trouble-
some. Too much was demanded of it. The requirement that the
first figure of the number enclosed in parentheses should act
as a signal for the different categories of subject, time and place
was ominous with potential confusion, and so were the var-
ious uses of superscripts that were contemplated. Moreover,
Otlet did not include a discussion of the form divisions and
«generalities» in this paper. These had sometimes appeared
with no parentheses as in the American Dewey, and some-
/times within parentheses. They too were derived from zero and
could be expected to provide all sorts of complication when set
with numbers for the other categories for which Otlet was
attempting to devise a characteristic notation.

Though the paper was tentative, it contained, nevertheless,
a clear statement of what Otlet hoped to be able to achieve
with the decimal notation and of the general principles which
guided his thinking. This statement suggested what little store
he set upon Carus's warning not to ask too much of the clas-
sification's notation. His imagination seems to have been com-
pletely captured by the notion of bibliographical analysis.

The Decimal Classification should constitute at one and the same
time a classification, and a bibliographic notation. As a classification
it should present a framework in which ideas are subordinated suc-
cessively and in different ways one to another according to whether
one assigns them to a principal rank or a secondary one. As a bib-
liographic notation, it should become a veritable universal language
susceptible of interpreting by numbers grouped in factors with separate
and permanent meaning, all the nuances of ideologico-bibliographi-
cal analysis.37

The subsequent stages in the evolution of the classifica-
tion are well marked. In mid-1897 a paper was prepared at the
OIB on the «General Principles of the Decimal Classification*

91

for the second International Conference of Bibliography at
Brussels. This paper represents a good informal indication of
where attempts to develop the classification had led by that
time.38 It dealt briefly with a number of aspects of the classi-
fication and its use for building card repertories not publicly
discussed defore. The use of specially shaped differently col-
oured divisionary cards in a repertory was touched upon also,
but no coding system was given yet for the colours of the
cards or for their arrangement. Nor was the problem of what
were now called «compound numbers and determining num-
bers*39 yet resolved. The second part of compound numbers
constructed with the colon were called «general determinants*,,
or what one might more intelligibly call, «general modifiers*-
«Any classification number which completes the sense of
another, limits and determines it, is called a general modi-
fier.*40 Special modifiers were few in number and all were
placed between parentheses: (0) for form divisions; (2) for
divisions according to physical place; and (3—9) for divisions
according to political place. To these could be added another
kind of modifier, that for proper names — 396:Moliere, would
be used for Moliere's views on women. The use of superscript
modifiers seems to have been abandoned, and the language
modifier was now treated as an instance of the general modi-
fier— 52(02):42, Chemistry Treatises in English. Another cha-
racteristic of special modifiers was discussed: they could them-
selves be compounded — 597(281:44), Fish in French Lakes.

The reworked tables of the classification to three and oc-
casionally four figures appeared in 1897 as the General Abrid-
ged Tables.41 The introductory discussion was short and dealt
mostly with rules for indexing bibliographies «decimally» and
for using the Decimal Classification as developed in Brussels
in libraries. Having presented a long statement of the advan-
tages of the classification, the introduction to the Tables did
advert briefly to the use of «symmetrical and modifying divi-
sions*. The form divisions were listed with parentheses removed,
and the geographic subdivisions discussed. Though the possi-
bility of other modifiers was mentioned, none of them received
any extended treatment. The tables themselves, however, dis-
played the form divisions as appropriate in the numerical array
and indicated which numbers could be subdivided geographi-
cally by placing after them empty parentheses. The geographic
subdivisions were listed fully as subdivisions within paren-
theses of 91, geography.

In 1898 the first Manual of the Bibliographic Decimal
Classification*2 was published. This was the detailed study of
the construction and use of the classification, the necessity
for which had become more and more evident. It gathered to-
gether, sometimes verbatim, sometimes   in    a    rewritten   more

92

extensive form, much of the material appearing in the prefato-
ry matter of the General Abridged Tables and in the «General
Principles of the Decimal Classifications which had been pre-
pared for the IIB's 1897 Conference, on such topics as the en-
cyclopedic nature of the classification, its advantages, the
concordance between the complete and abridged tables, the use
of divisionary cards in a repertory, and characteristic and
abbreviated ways of writing decimal numbers. Among newly
introduced general matter was a discussion of how a useful
concordance could be achieved between the Decimal Classifi-
cation and various special classifications for which it could
provide an internationally comprehensible index. The use of
subject headings arranged systematically or alphabetically was
also discussed. It was observed that the same card could be
used in an alphabetic repertory of author's names, in a reper-
tory classified by decimal numbers, and in an «analytico-
¦alphabetic» repertory by subject headings, provided that the
subject headings were indicated in some relatively simple way
in the titles given on the cards. Moreover, at any point of di-
vision in a decimal number, the individual bibliographer could
begin an alphabetic arrangement of subject headings, the de-
cimal number serving to establish a conventional relation bet-
ween main headings of a specified degree of generality. Such
a procedure would be facilitated by the attempt to establish
strict concordance between the Decimal Classification and spe-
cial classifications,, and to develop the Classification in terms
of the conventional nomenclature of particular sciences.

Under the heading «Concordance between the old editions
and the new editions of the Decimal Classification with respect
to Compound Numbers», the Manual presented a detailed
account of the Office's debt to the 1894 American Dewey, and of
how it had attempted to make explicit and to systematise by
means of auxiliary tables and special signs, suggestions only
partly developed of simply implicit in the American work.113
It was to this matter that most of the Manual was addressed
The various forms of the term, «determinant», were tinalh
abandoned for the terms «analytic and common subdivisions^

Three methods of subdivision were recognised for obtain
ing symmetry and concordance between parts of the whole
classification. First, actual classification numbers could be
divided in a similar way so that «only the first figures and the
meaning given to them are different*: 445.8, the Verb in
French Philology; 455.8, the Verb in Italian Philology.44
Second, analytic subdivisions could be employed throughout
the whole classification to form compound numbers. Third,
«common» subdivisions could be added from auxiliary tables
to numbers derived from the main tables. The first kind of
subdivision   would be evident   from   the   tables, but the other

93

kinds had to be constructed by each classifier independently,
and it was necessary that there should be simple and precise
rules for their formation and use.

The analytic subdivisions were just those recurrent divi-
sions within a particular science first discussed in «On the
Structure of Classification Numbers»- They were now, however,
taken out of parentheses and were to be indicated by a spe-
cial precedent «intercalatory zero»- If 633.12 were the cereal,
Rice, and 631.13 were the agricultural operation, Irrigation,
then 633.12.013 would be the Irrigation of Rice where rice is
the main subject. These subdivisions were not specially creat-
ed, but «are borrowed purely and simply from the analytical
part of the classification itself»-45 Analytics would, of course,
vary from one science to another, and their use and limita-
tions to their use would in every case be indicated in tables for
each of the sciences.

Of all the subjects discussed in the Manual, the common;
subdivisions were the most extensively treated. A quotation
from Leibnitz and one expressing the underlying principle of
the classification were placed at the head of the section which
dealt with them.46 From Leibnitz:

The measure of the richness of a language is not the large number
of its words, but the small number of its radicals and the facility
with which one can form precise combinations from them.

About the Decimal Classification:

From simple and elementary numbers... [it aims] to form an indefi-
nite quantity of compound numbers able to translate the most precise-
aspects of bibliographical classification into figures.

The ensuing discussion suggests the overtones of a residua!
conflict in the development of the classification between the-
inexhaustible possibilities of theory, of philosophy, of linguistic
parallelisms, and the limitations imposed by practice. It was-
stated quite clearly that

... common subdivisions should not be understood to be subdivisions
whose application is uniform and constant across the whole classifi-
cation, but only subdivisions whose application is as general as pos-
sible, and to which there are numerous exceptions. The common sub-
divisions can be used only with respect to the individual tables of
a science with all the limitations and exceptions that the subject leads
to. This fundamental rule follows: works should be indexed confor-
ming to the classification numbers indicated in the individual tables
and not with the aid of numbers Classifiers form themselves from;
rules and general principles.47

While recognising that «absolutely logical and quite ge-
neral rules would have been eminently desirable» given the
«encyclopedic nature» of the OIB's work, Otlet and his collea-
gues were forced to admit that

it would not have been possible to give the bibliographic classifica-
tion such  a  degree of perfection    without    prejudicing    other,    more

94

valuable advantages, especially, without abandoning the stability of
the classification and depriving specialists of a certain latitude to
develop the classification according to the needs of the various
sciences.48

The Manual revealed that the various problems and dif-
ficulties that Otlet had begun to struggle with in «On the
Structure of Classification Numbers», a struggle reflected in
the subsequent publications of the Office, had at last
been resolved. The common subdivisions were increased
to six in number — form, time, relation, proper name, place
and language, and a special sign was given to each. The form
divisions were finally returned to parentheses, to distinguish
them clearly from analytic subdivisions indicated by the inter-
calatory zero and to associate them clearly with the other
common subdivisions.49 The subdivision, time, was taken out of
parentheses and placed between French quotation marks, «»
guillemets. The «simplest form of the principal determinant*,
the juxtaposition of whole numbers joined by a colon, was now
simply called the «relation subdivision*. The language subdi-
vision was reinstated and was indicated by an extended equals
sign or double dash, = The geologic, place, politico-geogra-
phical subdivisions were all, as before, regarded as related
and derived from the geographic tables. Geologic time was to
be indicated by (1...), aspects of place or physical geography
by (2...), and political geography by the well-devloped (3—9)
subdivisions of the geographic tables. The extended tables for
the common subdivisions were appended to the end of the
Manual. The use of the various punctuation signs would, of
course, make filing very difficult and a conventional filing
order was established as: (), «», :, A—Z, 0, 1, 2, 3, 4,5,6,7,8,9,
proceeding from right to left.50 The = sign was omitted
from this formula, but was intended to follow the colon and
precede the guillemets.51 It is interesting that the plus sign
( + ) was still maintained for works with multiple subjects as
Otlet and Simoens had first suggested several years before —
961.1+965, History of Algeria and Tunisia. In such a case the
cards for the work would be filed under each number, the +
sign and the number following it being ignored in filing. This,,
in a sense, provided a kind of «subject tracing note», informing
the user that a work on a certain subject also treated another.-
But the necessity of using this sign rather than the colon and
subdivisions of relation seems questionable. It was further
suggested in the Manual, that the apprehension by a user of
the subject display of cards in a repertory could be facilitated
by the use of divisionary cards arranged according to a colour
code:orange for a specific subject and subdivisions of relation,,
blue for the form divisions; green for subdivisions of place;.
yellow for subdivisions of time, and so on.52

95

The publication of this Manual together with the Abridged
General Tables, did not by any means mark the end of the
Office's work on the classification. Indeed, it had only just
begun, for, in the period 1899 to 1905, the extended tables for
the whole classification were published in fascicules and in
special subject Manuals. The first of the fascicules was de-
scribed as «Summary of the Rules adopted for the Establish-
ment and Use of the Bibliographic Repertories*.53 This was at
once a summary and a revision of the 1889 Manual and was
included in the IIB Annual for 1899,54 and in each of the subject
manuals after that time until 1905.

The «Summary of the Rules» though substantially the same
as the Manual of 1899 did contain some modifications and
refinements. A number of signs of combination and abbrevia-
tion were introduced to complement the signs used for the
common subdivisions. These, it was thought, would facilitate
the presentation of numbers in the tables and the writing and
reading of complex numbers to be used in a card repertory.
A single dash was used to indicate «subdivide like» for the
analytic subdivisions in the tables. A new procedure for
joining the numbers for works with multiple subjects was de-
vised also. Instead of joining them horizontally by plus signs,
it was suggested that they could be joined vertically bu the
use of a curved bracket, especially when a kind of factoring

in r o
g93 4  (05)   (44—R.A.)  would    replace

385(05) (44—R.A.)+623.4(05) (44—R.A.) as the number as-
signed to the French periodical Revue d'artillerie which dealt
with the army and with military materials. Another form this
number could take, however, was 358+623.4 (05) (44—R.A.).
The use of square brackets was especially recommended for
compound numbers where the colon was used but to each of
which had been added a common subdivision such as that of
form: [016:355] (05), a periodical bibliography of military
science, instead of 016:355(05) which would indicate a biblio-
graphy of military periodicals. One extremely important addi-
tion to the 1899 Manual was an auxiliary table of the common
analytic subdivisions for «point of view» to be used with the
tables for pure and applied science and for fine arts. Common
analytics were to be signalled by the use of a double zero.
They assured a common method of indicating «theory of»,
«economic aspects of», ^manufacture of», «materials used
for», and so on.

As important segments of the classification were complet-
ed, they were published both as fascicules of the full edition of
the extended tables and in groups as special subject manuals
which comprised subject tables plus general fascicules such
as the «Summary of the Rules», tables of the common subdivi-

96

sions and so on. In 1899 a Manual for the physical sciences
appeared; in 1900 manuals for photography and agriculture;
in 1902 manuals for law, locomotion and sports, and one for
the medical sciences.55 Rules for editing bibliographic notices,
for the publication of bibliographies, and for the formation of
bibliographic repertories on cards appeared in 1900.66 In 1902,
the Concilium Bibliographicum, which had been revising the
sections of the classification appropriate to its work, issued
separate tables for paleontology, for general biology and
microscopy, for zoology and a combined table for these three
areas. In 1905 Richet and Jordan published a new edition of the
tables for physiology, and in 1906 Field published a second edi-
tion of the tables for anatomy with an IIB imprint.67 Finally,
during the period 1904 to 1907 the Manuel du Repertoire Bib-
liographique Universel, a volume of over two thousand pages,
made its appearance, incorporating all the fascicules of the
classification, and various revisions, corrections and extensions
to the tables which were made during that period.58

After 1907 the study of the classification continued and
proposals for developing it yet further were drawn up,
weighed and re-examined, though little new work was actual-
ly published before the outbreak of the First World War.59
The classification was now in the form it would take until the
second, much delayed edition appeared in  1932.

THE BELGIANS AND AMERICANS IN CONFLICT

As the works of publishing the first definitive edition of
the Brussels Decimal Classification got under way in 1902,
Otlet and La Fontaine began to correspond with Melvil Dew-
ey again.60 At first desultory, the correspondence grew in
volume and frequency after the Brussels Tables had been com-
pleted in 1905 and as work on the 7th American edition of the
classification gathered momentum. Underlying the Belgian
correspondence was an overriding desire to promote in Ameri-
ca through Dewey the general aims of the Institute, and par-
ticularly to maintain a close correspondence between the Ame-
rican Decimal Classification and the European version, a cor-
respondence upon which, as far as Otlet and La Fontaine were
concerned, all international bibliographic co-operation sponsored
by IIB was predicated. Over the American edition of the
classification they had no direct control, but they could try as
much as possible both to ensure that the Belgian edition did
not differ from the 1894 American Dewey upon which it was
modelled (for little notice appears to have been taken of the
6th, 1899 American edition of the classification) and then,
that any new American editions should resemble theirs as
much as possible.

7—3391                                                                                      97

Otlet's hopes of America and Dewey and his disappoint-
ments were expressed in a letter written to Dewey in 1903
after a mutual silence of over a year. Having explained what the
Institute had been doing in a general way up to that time and
the specific stage reached in the development and publication
of the classification (the subject manuals), Otlet, adverting to
the principal goal of all of this activity, observed:

If three years ago we had been able to get agreement in organising
bibliographic work in America in perfect concordance with that un-
dertaken by us in Europe, I think we would have been very much
further along today; we should have rallied all those who hesitated
to the cause of bibliographic unity and to international co-operation
in this matter. Unhappily our movement has not been sustained in
America, despite numerous appeals to those we thought could have
helped us. We cannot get here the considerable sums with which
your kings of Industry gratify your libraries. It is necessary for us
to do much with little.61

At the fountainhead of the cause of bibliographic unity
lay the Decimal Classification, and Otlet welcomed the resump-
tion of relations with its inventor:

I hope that from now on we will be able to have a regular correspon-
dence, and that you will not abandon any longer to an adoptive
father the care of supervising the progress in the world of the
Decimal Classification of which you are and should remain the
natural father.62

He voiced a similar sentiment four years later when the Brus-
sels edition of the classification was completed. Its principles
had been expounded enthusiastically by Henry Hopwood before
the Library Association in London,63 and Otlet drew this
talk and the subsequent discussion of it to Dewey's attention.6*
But the new American edition had still not appeared, and Otlet
was troubled by the delay. He feared that the new American
edition, when it finally saw the light of day, might show that
the «integrity» of the 1894 classification had not been maintain-
ed. Otlet had insisted from the very first on the essential in-
violability of the numbers of the 1894 edition as the only way
to avoid local variations in the classification. The 1894 edition
had been set up as an international standard guarded jealous-
ly by the Institute. Otlet had written to Dewey at the time the
printing of the Brussels edition was under way: «I hope you
are following our work attentively and are satisfied with the
effort that we have made to preserve the integrity of the Deci-
mal Classifications*.65 Four years later, rather anxiously, he
wrote:

There are complaints that so little is known about developments to
the 1894 edition! To those who pass on these complaints to me, I tell
them that you are the great culprit, that you do not interest yourself
any more in your own child now that it has grown up and married
bibliography. Wicked father! Show that you are capable of remorse and
use your good time to regain lost time.66

98

Dewey met Otlet's overtures graciously. He referred a
letter of enquiry about the classification in foreign languages
to Otlet with the remark that in future all such enquiries
would be directed to him, saying

We feel strongly the need of having the new edition in harmony
with your work and are willing to keep in harmony with you. Your
work has been done with rare sympathy, skill and efficiency, and you
deserve any co-operation we can render. It is, of course, to our mutual
interest that the same edition be used on both sides of the Atlantic
and we will as far as possible adopt the new features you have intro-
duced, and hope you will see your way clear to adopt most of ours
so that the joint book will be more useful on both sides of the Atlan-
tic. I feel the freer in this matter because from the first I have assured
you that the I IB was welcome to any returns it could get from the
sale of the book in French.67

Dewey repeated this sentiment reassuringly at regular inter-
vals, and a species of co-operation in the development of the
classification emerged. Otlet, hoping to make use of what little
time remained before the Brussels Dewey was finished asked
repeatedly for «a note summarising the principal criticisms
which have been made of the Decimal Classification*, and for
the proofs of any tables that Dewey's American collaborators
might have drawn up for the new American edition.68 Not
much seemed to come of these requests, presumably because
the American edition was not yet very far advanced.

Two sections of the classification tables not yet revised in
Brussels in 1903 had caused the Belgians distress: the tables
for mathematics, and those for chemistry, and Otlet wrote to
Dewey for help.69 Otlet had had great difficulty finding a suit-
able collaborator for mathematics. His friend Leon Losseau,
learning of this, had come across a professor at the Athenee
de Mons who was willing to undertake the work. Though Los-
seau pronounced the tables for mathematics that were drawn
up by the end of 1903 «very good», Otlet found that it was
almost impossible to make them take into account the headings
of the International Congress of Mathematicians. He wrote to
Dewey for an opinion on radically changing the classification
for both mathematics and chemistry. Dewey did not fully
understand the difficulty, though he had had a note about the
tables for mathematics from Field in Zurich which incorporat-
ed the opinions of a number of European professors, the sub-
stance of whose views he passed on to Otlet.70

One of the Belgian collaborators on the chemistry tables had
thought he had discerned the use of a particular manual on
chemistry in the American tables. Otlet, therefore, wrote to
Dewey asking for the name of the works that had been used in
compiling the 1894 edition of the classification. By referring
to these works, Otlet thought that the IIB's collaborators could
better appreciate what had been done in the 1894 edition, and

7*                                                                                             99

could therefore maintain its spirit more easily. Dewey answe-
red this letter with a rather full description of how the classi-
fication had been compiled:

There is hardly a subject of the Decimal Classification where we could
say we adopted anyone's classification. At first we collected all the
headings from all the subject catalogues of libraries we could get,
to find what groupings had been adopted in an effort to meet the
needs of libraries. Then, in consultation with professors and other spe-
cialists on each subject, we tried to arrange this material under the
heads that would practically be most useful. The inverted Baconian
order used by W. T. Harris, now U. S. Commissioner of Education,
determined the general order but the classes were bound to be pretty
nearly what they are. We have compared all along everything available
in classification, but in the nature of things, most classifications were
from the standpoint of a scientific specialist and not of a librarian
collecting and classifying a great quantity of books, pamphlets, clip-
pings and notes. Our advice has been chiefly from university professors
in the various subjects, and other specialists working from distinctly
practical ends.71

On the whole, the co-operation between the Belgians and
the Americans did not get under way soon enough or quickly
enough for it to have had much influence on the setting up of
the tables of the classification contained in the Manual of the
RBU. But after 1906 when the Americans began to work much
more actively than they had done before on the 7th American
edition of the classification, finally issued in 1911, Otlet and
La Fontaine found themselves fighting a protracted rearguard
action to protect their developments of the classification and
with them the cause of bibliographical unity between America
and Europe. It began with May Seymour, Dewey's editorial as-
sistant for the DC, asking La Fontaine for a list of the trea-
tises used by the Belgians to develop the Brussels Dewey.
Dewey without waiting for an answer followed her letter with
another:

I want to put it much stronger than has Miss Seymour. I admire
so greatly the spirit in which you and your colleagues have worked
that I shall strain a point wherever possible to make our people sa-
tisfied to accept your decisions. I want you, therefore, to give me
all the light you can that will help us to get your point of view.
Can you not make a list of people who did the work on the different
subjects, so if occasion arises we can ask further questions. My
attitude of mind is to keep in harmony with you unless it is going to
make serious trouble here.

La Fontaine, who wrote and spoke English with relative ease,
and with whom May Seymour seems to have preferred to cor-
respond, handed the letters to Otlet to answer, which he did,
much gratified by the expressions of good will and co-operation
they contained.72 Over the next few years a sporadic corres-
pondence ensued as parts of the Belgian tables were transla-
ted into English and sent for checking to Otlet and La Fontaine,
and as both new European   and   American   proposals    for re-

100

vision in the tables were drawn up. In 1908 Dewey received
modifications suggested by Field in Zurich for the tables for
610, 611 and 612 and he was inclined to accept them. They were
sent off to Brussels some time early in 1909 for comment.73

Early in 1908 Adolf Law Voge appeared in Dewey's office
with a proposal to develop 621.3, Electricity in Industry,
and with a request for $1,000 to permit him to go away to do
this. Dewey was impressed by Voge, and wrote off to Field
and to Otlet making enquiries about him. All that Otlet knew
of him was that he had worked with Field in Zurich, was an
intelligent and hardworking man with a good knowledge of
the Decimal Classification, and had left th-i Concilium Biblio-
graphicum to take a better position with an American
industrial concern. The negotiations for this position had fallen
through as a result of a general financial slump at the time.
Early in 1908, Voge had decided to turn once again to biblio-
graphy and to Europe, and was soon expected in Brussels. By
the end of 1908, Voge had made suggestions for modifications
in 640, 661 and 669. His study of the Classification of the
chemical elements in 54 had been published in the IIB Bulletin
and as a separate IIB Publication in that same year.74

A controversy flared up as a result of Voge's work, for he
had suggested, especially in chemistry, fundamental changes
in the subdivisions of the 1894 Classification. Otlet and La
Fontaine addressed a joint note to Dewey, Field and General
Sebert about it. A conversation with Sebert in Paris, and the
perusal of correspondence which had passed between the Ame-
ricans, Clement Andrews of the John Crerar Library and Wal-
ter Stanley Biscoe of the New York State Library (one of
Dewey's most faithful and hardworking students and assis-
tants), convinced Otlet completely of the unacceptability of
Voge's suggested changes in light of «the great effort which
was made in the preparation of the tables of the Institute to
conserve your [Dewey's 1894] classification numbers*. Appar-
ently the Americans acquiesced in this view, too, for a short
while later, Otlet wrote to May Seymour that he noted, with
respect to the development of 54 Chemistry, that «you have not
given approval to Mr. Voge, and very cautiously leave all ra-
dical modification to a future edition*. The question, he observ-
ed, «is not ripe and Mr. Voge, has no fixed opinions him-
self*.75

Nevertheless, a battle line had quite definitely formed by
this time. In 1904 May Seymour had sent a translation of the
Belgian tables for the military sciences to La Fontaine to
check. It was a good translation, he observed, but «first you
have not translated the introductory notes of the military tables
and these notes are absolutely necessary to understand the
whole scheme, and second you have not adopted our writing of

101

the decimal numbers. You write 355.342.1 instead of
35.534.21.»76 He went on to explain why this method of writ-
ing the numbers was so important and how in other parts of
the tables it freed numbers to be extensively developed by the
use of a zero and double zero. No comment seems to have been
made on this in America. Three years later, when Otlet had
reviewed the American proofs for 37 and 07, he asked: «Will
you adopt the use of the parenthesis, (), and of the two points,
in the sense that we have recognised. It is most important,
capital even, from the point of view of our progress in Europe...
Will you tell us your decision? I remind you of the English
study presented by Mr. Hopwood...». Again there was no answer.
A year later Otlet wrote once more to May Seymour that
still he had not been informed of any verdict on the use of the
common   subdivisions:

We observe, reading your drafts, that you have already adopted cer-
tain of our ideas on the subject, especially the use of 0 to form what
we have called the analytic subdivisions. (These are of the utmost
importance.) ... they have been the sole means we have found of recon-
ciling multiple desiderata: maintaining the Decimal Classification
(former editions) in its intergrity; giving to it the possibility of classify-
ing in detail as is necessary in bibliography; bringing a logical,
generalised, systematic character to the classification indispensable for
gaining adherents in Latin and German countries. We ask you again
urgently to study the question anew... the work of Mr. Hopwood...
has expressed our thought very clearly on this subject and was
published only after conferring with us.77

May Seymour did at last answer, and her lengthy reply
stressed the different points of view from which the American
and the Belgian classifications had been drawn up. She ad-
mitted, with regret, the existence of divergencies from the
Brussels tables in the new American edition:

We admire greatly the ingenuity of the IIB combining symbols and
appreciate their convenience for bibliography. In a few days we will
study them anew for use in the preface to Edition Seven, where we
shall recommend them for minute classification of notes and biblio-
graphic references ... Mr. Hopwood's exposition is admirable.

The  reasons we cannot  incorporate these  symbols  in  the tables
as essentials are:

1) Shelf numbers must be simple arabic numerals with a single deci-
mal after the first three figures. It is impractical to use signs or to
multiply or shift the decimal point to show logical refinements
because:

a)   makes  the  numbers  look  so  perplexingly  complicated    as  to
prejudice many persons at first glance beyond the power of argument;

b)  libraries   have   to   use   such   cheap help to get books from the
shelves  and  replace  them  that complicated    numbers    cause     many
mistakes;

c)   danger  of  errors  from complicated  number is  also multiplied
in a library by the many different places in which the class number
of a book is recorded;

102

d) the time required for the necessarily repeated writing of
library numbers is potentially greater for complicated than for simple
ones.

2) Our form divisions are used so widely in libraries for such a large
amount of material that the inconvenience and expense of changing
them on a vast number of volumes and records now bearing them
would outweigh almost any theoretic argument for your (O), even
if your curves did not add two characters to our rjumbers and lessen
their simplicity.

We greatly regret the difference between DC and CD numbers for
the same thing (i. e. form divisions) and the consequent use of the
same number for two different things (i. e. O by DC for form and
by CD for generalities [actually analytic subdivisions]). We ought if
possible to find some way to avoid this clash, since we mutually dep-
lore lit and recognise its disadvantages. For you, untrammeled by con-
sideration of library call numbers and shelf use, your plan has advan-
tages over ours; but for us, burdened by a heavy train of usage and
pledges not to make changes except for a gain outweighing their
cost and also by the fundamental principle of limiting our notation
to our tables, it is impossible ...7S

It was clear from this letter that divergencies would inevitab-
3y continue to occur, especially given the use of the common
subdivisions. By devising the tables of the common subdivisions
the Belgians had released many numbers for further and
parallel development in a way that was impossible for the
Americans to follow if they took cognizance of these common
aspects of subjects variously in the tables themselves. Inevi-
tably numbers would be blocked in the American tables and
the enumeration of subdivisions after them would differ from
that of the Belgians. Otlet fought back. He sent off almost im-
mediately two notes to counter May Seymour's arguments
against the Belgian classification. One was called «An Exami-
nation of the Arguments against the Use of Composite Num-
bers in Libraries*, the other, «How to Combine the Notation
of the Decimal Classification, Widespread in America, with
that of the CD, Principally used in Europe».79 Presumably they
had no effect and as more and more of the American tables
were prepared, Otlet and La Fontaine became increasingly
disturbed. After receiving the tables for 62, Otlet wrote, «At
first sight, I observe with great regret numerous divergencies
in the classification.* Later in the month, he received the tables
for 621.3—9 and for 614.84 and again he and his colleagues had
noticed with dismay

the considerable number of modifications to the CD, and we want to
ask you in all cases to conform as strictly as possible. We have made
a very great effort to maintain the original order of the classifica-
tion. It is therefore simple reciprocity that we ask... The Decimal
Classification has made great progress in Europe in these last years,
and its advantages are beginning to be understood; the tremendous
suppleness given to it by our Institute by way of the principles of
combination has also been noted. But all the fruits of numerous years
of propaganda and of battling for the superior principle will be lost.
It is necessary never to lose sight of the unification of classification —

103

the present eighth edition (sic) should not give to adversaries the
means of saying: look the decimalists themselves are not able to
agree amonst themselves.

Some weeks later, May Seymour wrote that she had had no
time to respond to a request by Otlet for detailed reasons for
the increasingly frequent and obvious divergencies between
the two classifications. In a sudden fury, La Fontaine picked
up his pen and addressed her in forceful but slightly broken
English:

You write: it has been impossible as yet to make out for us a schedule
of reasons for variation from CD tables. We can only answer one
thing: that variation is for the success whole over the world of the
DC the greatest hindrance which can be placed in our way. The CD,
as we have comprehended it, is penetrating in the most different do-
mains of science and knowledge. You are only thinking of library
work: that is the mistake. You affirm you wish to keep in perfect har-
mony with I. I. B. We are obliged to state that you are in perfect
disharmony. We unfortunately have no more hope to convince you. If
we must send to you notes about the drafts submitted by you it is
because we think it is our duty to do so. Please communicate this
letter to Mr. Oewey.

La Fontaine then proceeded to a detailed criticism of aspects
of the classification. Under 013 he wrote, referring to the use
of the parentheses and the colon, «how is it possible not to un-
derstand that the system of CD is more clear and adequate as
DC». At 641 his ire broke out again: «we can only say one thing
that it is vexing, vexing, vexing, to see all our subdivisions
changed without the least utility» and he pointed out that at
641.4 only one of the Belgian subdivisions was maintained by
the Americans yet many of the variations were quite arbi-
trary. He followed this remark with eight angry exclamation
points.80

This, however, by no means marked a rupture of relations
between the two groups, though there was a general slacken-
ing off of correspondence. In 1909 the Belgians had begun
to work on new tables for medicine, hoping to achieve a per-
fect parallelism between 611-Anatomy and 616-Pathology.
A provisional manual incorporating much of the new mate-
rial and many of the modifications of the old material was
prepared for Dentistry. Otlet wrote to May Seymour that the
International Federation for Dentistry (which published the
manual after the War) was showing great interest in it. It
required far-reaching and particularly «delicate» decisions, he
believed, and in a detailed letter, examined why discordances
between 611 and 616 had arisen and were now hindering the
development of the tables. He recognised that a final decision,
involving so much change from the original classification, lay
in Dewey's own hands, for the IIB had faithfully followed and
was firmly committed to following the earlier 1894 edition. It
proved impossible, despite repeated application, to get a   defi-

104

nite answer from Dew'ey. Late in 1909 and early in 1910 Otlet
had asked for a report and again towards the end of 1910 he
wrote to Dewey with an urgent request for some word on the
medical tables. The American edition of the whole classification
appeared in 1911, and the give-and-take of revision and
counter-revision more or less ceased without the matter having"
been resolved. Otlet examined his copy of the new Dewey with
pleasure and interest: «We proceed very much in agreement on
essential lines. The details will harmonise later by the very
force of things.» But the remark which followed seems to have
been half-hearted; «The principle is established, that there is
only one Decimal Classification and this classification is uni-
versal:^81

In the next year, Otlet received a request from a scientist
in Urbana, Illinois, for permission to translate the Belgian
Manual of the RBU. Otlet wondered what Dewey's opinion on.
this proposal might be, given the differences that had develop-
ed in the classification. He was rather brusquely informed of
this. Dewey was led by the letter to suspect that they in Amer-
ica had

not kept you well informed of our own methods of progress. We are,
as we thought you knew, using your tables as a basis for all our
work with the determination to accept your results without change,
except where the weight of adverse criticism, discovery of actual er-
rors, or departure from established usage make such acceptances
impracticable. Consequently we have translated and typewritten in
duplicate nearly if not quite two thirds of the big «manual» and have
much of it in the hands of the critics. I send you a set of the transla-
tions, omitting only those subjects already published in our 7th edi-
tion. You will doubtless find in this misapprehensions of French terms.
Since your expansions are under revision and likely to be changed in
many details before either you or we reprint them, publication of an
English translation would be sure to cause confusion and annoyance.

Dewey's point was clearly taken and Otlet wrote back to May
Seymour that he was pleased that an attempt at concordance
was still being made for «the only way to arrive at unity is to
have a close union between us, then all the dissident classi-
fications will end up by falling into desuetude and the offi-
cial version will triumph».82 The little contact between the two
groups after that time was in the service of this rather for-
lorn ideal. May Seymour visited Europe in 1913, and spent a
day in Brussels being shown over the OIB by Otlet and dis-
cussing the Decimal Classification. Early in 1914 Otlet visit-
ed America. At no time had he given up hope for the even-
tual unification of the two classifications, and an intermit-
tent correspondence was pursued until the First World War
descended on Europe and severed for a time all of the IIB's
transatlantic ties.

105.

FOOTNOTES

1.  Decimal Classification:  Sociology,  Sozialwissenschaft,  Sociologie   (Bru-
xelles:   OIB,   1895).  This  is  unpaged   and  bears  no  bibliographical   in-
formation beyond the title. A fuller version was also published: Classifi-
cation Decimale des sciences sociales et du    droit: table methodique en
francais et index alphabetique en francais, en anglais et en allemand —
edition   developpee   (Publication   No.   4;   Bruxelles:  OLB,   1895).

2.  Classification Decimale:  tables generates . . .   (Publication No. 2; Bruxel-
les: OIB, (1895); Classification Decimale. Tables geographiques generates
(Publication No. 3; Bruxelles: OiB, 1895).

:3. Organisation Internationale de la bibliographie   scientifique (Publication
No. 5; Bruxelles: OIB, 1896).

4.  For example:  Classification    Decimale des sciences     medicates: table —¦
edition francaise   (Publication No. 7;  Bruxelles:  OIB,  1896).

5.  «Editions developpees».

6.  Limousin's original undertaking was to apply the Decimal Classification
to the notices in the Bulletin des sommaires and to print them   on one
side of a sheet only so that the notices could be cut up for inclusion in
bibliographic repertories (IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 46).

7.  A draft of the letter, marked «ne pas envoye», is folded in the pages of
Otlet's Diary after the last entry for 1895.

8.  «Chronologie des principaux faits relatifs  au developpment de l'Institut
International de Bibliographie», L'Organisation systematique de la docu-
mentation et le developpement de  Vlnslitul International   de Bibliogra-
phie  (Publication No. 82;  Bruxelles:  IIB,  1907), p. 138.

"9. Regies pour les developpements a apporter a la Classification Decimale.
(Publication No. 34; Bruxelles: IIB, 1896). This is a short pamphlet of
113 pages and no further citation will be made to it in the following
paragraph.

10.  Concilium   Bibliographicum,  Systema  decimale ad  usum   bibliographiae
Zoologicae. Indices alphabetici. Conspectus methodicus.  (IIB Publication
No. 8; Turici   (Zurich): Concilium Bibliographicum, 11897).

11.  Concilium Bibliographicum, Conspectus numerorum systematis decimalis
ad  usum  bibliographiae  anatomicae      confectus      autoritate      Instituti

Bibliographici Internationalis Bruxellensis, ampliatis ab Dr. Hebert
Haviland Field ... (IIB Publication No. 10; Jena (Geneva): Fischer,
1897).

12.  Concilium Bibliographicum, Conspectus methodicus et    alphabeticus nu-
merorum systematis decimalis ad usum schedularii zootogici: auctoritate
Instituti Bibliographici Internationalis Bruxellensis, ampliatus a Concilio
Bibliographico (IIB Publication No. 18; Turici  (Zurich): Concilium Bib-
liographicum, 1898).

13.  Charles Richet, Conspectus Methodicus et alphabeticus numerorum «Sys-
tematis Decimalism ad usum bibliographiae physiologicae: confectus au-
ctoritate Instituti Bibliographici Bruxellensis et Societatis Biologiae Pa-
risensis, ampliatus ab CaroJo Richet...   (IIB Publication No. 15; Turici
(Zurich): Concilium Bibliographicum, 1897).

14.  «L'iInstitut International de Bibliographie: premiers resultats», IIB Bulle-
tin, I (1895—96), 49—51.

15.  The Revue neo-scholastique published by the Institut Superieur de Phi-
losophie and eventually edited by de Wulf had used the Decimal Classi-
fication for its Bibliographia Philosophica as soon  as it was  available.
The extended  tables  for philosophy were not separately published until
1900 when  a 2nd  edition  appeared:   Institut  Superieur de  Philosophie,

106

Classification Bibliographique Decimate des sciences philosophiqu.es:
tables methodiqu.es (2e edition; IIB Publication No. 42; Louvain:
L'Institut, 1900).

16. Service Geologique de Belgique, La Classification Decimale de Melvil
Dewey appliquee aux sciences geologiques pour I'elaboration de la Bib-
liographia Geologica (IIB Publication No. 28; Bruxelles: Hayez, 1898);
and, Service Geologique de iBelgique, La Classification de Melvil Dewey
completee par la partie 549—599 de la Bibliographia Universalis et ap-
propriee pour I'elaboration de la Bibliographia Geologica: Introduction,
table methodique et index alphabetique (2e edition; IIB Publication
No. 29; Bruxelles: Hayez, 1899).

37. Classification decimale des sciences astronomiques: introduction et index
alphabetique  (Publication No. 11; Bruxelles: OIB,  1897).

18.  Louis Weissenbruch, La Classification Bibliographique Decimale    et son
application a la science   des chemins de fer.   (IIB    Publication No.  17;
Bruxelles:  P. Weissenbruch,  1897). This pamphlet was also published in
English with the same IIB Publication number.

19.  Classification decimale des sciences photographiques: tables developpees

(Publication No. 16: Bruxelles: OIB, 1897).

20.  Classification Decimale:  Tables  generates  abregees   (Publication   No.  9;
Bruxelles: OIB, 1897), These tables were also published in IIB Bulletin,
II (1897, 1—73.

21.  Vittorio   Benedetti,  Classificazione  decimale.   Tavole  generali  di  Melvil
Dewey, ridotte e adoptate dall'  Istituto  Internazionale    di Bibliografia
(IIB  Publication  No.   12;  Firenze   (Florence):   G.  Barbara,   1897).

22.  Manuel Castillo,  La Classificacion bibliografica decimal. Exposicidn del
sistema y traduccion directa de las Tablas generates del mismo...   (IIB
Publication No. 13; Salamanca: Jmprenta de Calatrava, 1897).

23.  Carl Junker, Die Dezimalklassifikation. Gekiitze allgemeine Tafeln: Deut-
sche Ausgabe  (IIB Publication No.  14; Wein  (Vienna):  Holder, 1897).

24.  Organisation internationale de la bibliographie scientifique, op cit. This
work, like the Rules, was unsigned, but was presumably written by Otlet.
He acknowledged the «Rules» in his «Sur la structure des nombres clas-
sificateurs».

25.  Otlet to Melvil Dewey, ?? 1895, Dossier No. 259, «Dewey» Mundaneum.

26.  Ibid.

27.  Paul Otlet, «Le programme de l'lnstitut  International  de Bibliographie:
objections et explications*, IIB Bulletin, I   (1895—96), 85—93. This will
be  called   «Objections   and   Explications*   in   the   following   paragraphs.

A slightly fuller and more systematic presentation of these ideas ap-
peared in the pamphlet Organisation internationale de la bibliographie
scientifique. Here the form and geographical subdivisions were described,
together with number—compounding using the colon. Some discussion
was also presented about filing problems which would arise when num-
bers were complicated by the various punctuation signs.

28.  Marcel Baudouin, «La Classification Decimale et les sciences medicales»,
IIB Bulletin, I  (1895—96), 161—181.

29.  Victor Carus, «La Zoologie et la Classification Decimale», IIB Bulletin,
]   (1895—96),   189—193.  The  quotation  is  from  page   189.     Carus  was
commenting on various proposals submitted to him   by the   Office and
explained by Otlet in «Sur la structure des nombres classificateurs» (see
below).   Carus,   1823—1903,   was   an   eminent   German   Zoologist.   His
history of Zoology is still a standard work. He edited the Zoologischer

107

Anzeiger from 1878 to 1895 and continued to edit it when it became
Bibhographica Zoologica published by the Concilium Bibliographicum
after 1895.

30.  Daruty de  Grandpre,  «La Classification  Decimale  et  les  bibliographies
regionales: bibliographie des lies Africaines de 1'Ocean Indien Austrab,
IIB Bulletin, I  (1895—96), 205—221.

31.  Unsigned «Noite complementaire»,  IIB Bulletin,  I   (1895—96), 221—22.
(This is a note to the last page of the article cited in the preceding foot-
note).

32.  G. Simoens, «Quelques mots a propos de l'analyse bibliographique», IIB
Bulletin, I  (1895—96), 222—229.

33.  Paul Otlet, «Sur la structure des nombres classificateurs», IIB Bulletin,
I  (1895—96), 230—243.

34.  Ibid., ,p. 232.

35.  Ibid., p. 234.

36.  Ibid., p. 241.

37.  Ibid., p. 242.  He uses the term «pasigraphie» which I have translated"
«universal language*.

38.  Principles generaux de la Classification Decimale: Conference Bibliogra-
phique Internationale.  2e  Session, Bruxelles,  1897.   (This paper is ano-
nymous, and was published presumably only for use at the conference.
It does not  seem to have been printed  separately elsewhere either in
the IIB Bulletin or in the Publications series. Parts of it, however, were
repeated verbatim in the 1898 Manuel, see Note 42 below)

39.  Ibid., p. 5, «nomibres composes et determinants*.

40.  Ibid., p. 6.

41.  Classification  Decimale:   tables  generates   abregees, op.   cit.

42.  Manuel  de    la    Classification    Bibliographique    Decimale:   expose    et
regies  (Publication No. 20;  Bruxelles: OIB., 1898). This will be referred
to as the Manual in the course of the text and elsewhere in the notes
to this  chapter.  It was  also published  in the Institute's  Bulletin,   III
(1898), 1—80.

43.  Ibid., pp. 44—47.

44.  Ibid., p. 13.

45.  Ibid., p. 17.

46.  Ibid., p. 18.

47.  Ibid.,   p. 21.

48.  Ibid., p. 20.

49.  The final method accepted for the indication of the form divisions and
the reasons underlying it were explained in the section of the Manual
on the lIB's debt to the 11894 Dewey, Manual, pp. 44^47.

50.  Manual, p. 24.

51.  Ibid., p. 42.

52.  Ibid., p. 28.

53.  Classification Bibliographique Decimale: tables generates refondues. Fas-
cicule 1. Introduction generate aux tables de la Classification Decimale
et resume des regies de la Classification Decimale  (Publication No. 25;.
Bruxelles: IIB, 1899).

108

54.  Annuaire de I'Institut International de Bibliographie (Publication No. 23;
Bruxelles: IIB, 1899). This was also published in the Institute's Bulletin,
II  (1898), 1—193.

55.  Manuel  pour I'usage du Repertoire   Bibliographique des Sciences Physiques
etabli d'apres  la  Classification    Decimale.    Edition    franchise    publiee
avec le concours  du Bureau Bibliographique de Paris  et  de la  Societe
Francaise de Physique   (Publication No.  26;  Bruxelles:  IIB,  1899);  Ma-
nuel pour I'usage du Repertoire Bibliographique de Photographie... edi-
tion  rfancaise  publiee  avec  le  concours   du  Bureau  Bibliographique  de
Paris et de la Societe Franchise de Photographie  (Publication No. 45;
Bruxelles:  IIB, 1900); V. Vermorel, Manuel du Repertoire Bibliographi-
que   des   Sciences  Agricoles   etabli  d'apres   la   Classification  Decimale.
Edition francaise editee par V. Vermorel, avec le concours de la station
viticole de Ville-franche   (Rhone)      et du Bureau    Bibliographique    de
Paris   (Publication  No. 41;  Bruxelles: JIB,   1900);  Manuel pour I'usage
du  Repertoire  Bibliographique    des  Sciences  Juridiques...   (Publication
No. 43; Bruxelles: IIB (1902); Manuel pour la formation et I'usage du Re-
pertoire Bibliographique   Universel  de  la   Locomotion  et  des      Sports
(Tourisme, Cyclisme et Automobilisme.):  edition  franchise  publiee  avec
le concours du Bureau Bibliographique de Paris et du Touring Club de
France  (Publication No. 48;  Bruxelles:  IIB,  1902); Manuel pour I'usage
du   Repertoire   Bibliographique   des   Sciences   Medicates       (Publication

No. 44; Bruxelles: IIB, 1902). This last is a good example of how the
Manuals were put together. It comprised the first two fascicules of the
extended tables, numbers 9—13 (therapeutics, internal pathology, exter-
nal pathology, physiology and gynecology, pediatrics and comparative
medicine), Numbers 16 and 17 (summary of the tables, generalities,
bibliography and library science), number 28 (public and private
hygiene) and numbers 34 and 35 (General index and the organisation,
work and methods of the IIB).

56. Manuel pour I'usage des Repertoires Bibliographiques: organisation
Internationale de la bibliographie scientifique, regies pour la redaction
des notices bibliographiques; regies pour la publication des recueils
bibliographiques et la formation des repertoires sur fiches: tables ab-
regees de la Classification Bibliographique (Publication No. 40; Bruxel-
les: IIB, 1900). Draft rules for editing bibliographic notices, in effect
rules for descriptive cataloging, had been drawn up in 1898 by the Biblio-
graphic Bureau of Paris and this draft had been published in
the IIB Bulletin for immediate use and to serve as a basis for recom-
mendations for modification. The rules were, in fact, almost immediate-
ly revised at the office and they, along with the rules for the use of
the classification, were included in all the subject manuals: Bureau
Bibliographique de Paris, Regies pour la redaction des notices destinees
au Repertoire Bibliographique Universel (Bruxelles: Imprimerie Veuve
Ferdinand Larcier, 1898); «Project des regies pour la redaction des
notices bibliographiques*, IIB Bulletin, III  (1898), 81—113.

57. Concilium Bibliographicum, Conspectus methodicus et alphabeticus nu-
merorum classificationis bibliographici auctoritate Instituti Bibliogra-
phici Bruxellensis ampliatus a Concilio Bibliographico: 56 paleontologia
(IIB Publication No. 55; Turici (Zurich): Sumptibus Concilii Bibliogra-
phici, 1902); Concilium Bibliographicum, Conspectus Methodicus et al-
phabeticus numerorum...: 575—579 biologia generalis, microscopia (IIB
Publication No. 56; Turici (Zurich): Sumptibus Concilii Bibliographici,
1902); Concilium Bibliograhicum, Conspectus methodicus et alphabeticus
numerorum ... 59 zoologica (IIB Publication. No. 58; Turici
(Zurich): Sumptibus Concilii Bibliographici, 1902); Concilium Biblio-
graphicum, Conspectus methodicus et alphabeticus numerorum... 56—
57—59:   palaeontologia,  biologia  generalis,  microscopia,    zoologia  (IIB

109

Publication No. 58; Turici: Sumptibus Concilii Bibliographici, 1902);
Charles Richet and H. Jordan. Conspectus metho-dicus et alphabeticus
numerorum... systematis decimilis ad usum Bibliographiae Physiotogi-
cae (I,IB Publication No. 72; Turici: Concilium Bibliographicum, 1905);
Herbert Haviland Field, Conspectus methodicus et alphabeticus nume-
rorum systematis decimalis ad usum Bibliographiae Anatomicae... edi-
tio  secunda   (IIB  Publication  No.  74;  Bruxelles:   IIB '1906).

58.  The Manuel du Repertoire Bibliographique Universel  (Publication No. 63;
Bruxelles:   IIB,   1904—1907)   presents   something   of   a   bibliographical
nightmare.  It consisted of two parts:  introductory matter of one kind:
and another, and the extender tables and general index. The introducto-
ry matter, together with the abridged general tables and the abridged
auxiliary tables for the common subdivisions (which were also included)
were separately printed  as the      Manuel abrege      du Repertoire    Bib-
liographique Universel  (Bruxelles:   IIB,   1905). The tables  of the classi-
fication, forming the second part of the Manuel du RBU, were issued'
as   numbered   fascicules   of   the   Classification  Bibliographique  Decimate
tables generates refondues (Bruxelles: IIB, 1899—1905) which was given
the   publication    number    25.   Each   fascicule  was   thus   part   of     IIB
Publication No. 25. A number of these fascicules were   collected together
in  various  combinations  to form the subject      Manuals    listed  in  the
preceding  notes.  Each of  these subject manuals      was  given  its  own
IIB .Publication  number,  so  that any  Manual  consisted  of   numbered
fascicules  of  the  General  Tables   (Publication  25)   with  an  additional
Publication  number.  Moreover, each of  the complete Manuel du  RBU
(Publication No. 65), which represent the assemblage of all fascicules,
is potentially different from every other.

59.  The tables for medicine were under constant review and a manual for
stomatology and odontology was drafted though not actually published
until  after  the War   (Federation  Dentaire Internationale,  Manuel  pour
la Classification Decimate relatif a la stomatologie et a I'odontologie.
IIB Publication No.  112; Bruxelles: La Federation, 1920). A small sup-
plement to  the  general  tables  appeared  in  1908: Manuel du Repertoire
Bibliographique  Universel:  supplement No. I  aux tables de la Classifi-
cation Decimate   (Publication No. 63a;     Bruxelles:   IIB,   1908).  In that
same year a  manual for the use  of  the classification with material  in
and  about  Esperanto,  which was  a  particular  hobby-horse of  General
ebert   appeared:   Manuel   du   Repertoire Bibliographique   Universel:   ex-
traits  limites aux parties plus specialement applicables  a la  bibliogra-
phie de la langue auxiliaire internationale Esperanto — avec  appendice
sur l'emploi de cette langue en bibliiographie  (Publication No. 91; Bru-
xelles:  IIB,  1908). The appendix was also separately published in Paris
as Rmploi en bibliographie de la langue internationale auxiliaire Espe-
ranto  (Paris: Bureau Bibliographique de Paris, 1908). In 1910 a manual
for the use of the classification for the organisation of administrative
papers   and   archival  material  was  issued:   Manuel  de  I'administration:
recueil des principles, regies  et recommandations      pour  Vorganisation
des bureaux des secretariats et des archives, elabore en cooperation par
1'Association  Internationale de  Comptabilite,  l'lnstitut  International  de
Bibliographie   et   la   Sooiete   Aoademique   de   Comptabilite   de   Belgique
(Publication No. 119; Bruxelles: IIB, 1911).

60.  Otlet to Dewey, 13 January 1902, Dossier No. 259, «Dewey», Mundaneum.
(Except where indicated all letters cited hereafter will be from this file
and only the letters themselves will be   identified.)

61.  Otlet to Dewey, 2 March 1903.

62.  Ibid.

63.  Henry V. Hopwood, Dewey Expanded: Lecture an the      Classification
Bibliographique  of  the  Institut  International    de    Bibliographie    held

110

before the Library Association, 8 April, 1907. Reprinted from the Library
Association Record, June 1907 (Publication No. 88; Bruxelles: HE, 1907).

64.  Otlet informed  Dewey of this paper  19 August 1907 and sent him four
copies  of  the  Institute's  reprint   (Otlet to  Dewey   11 January    1908).

65.  Otlet to Dewey, 22 December 1903.

66.  Otlet to Dewey, 19 August 1907.

67.  Dewey to Otlet, 16 March 1903.

68.  Otlet to Dewey, 13 January 1902; 4 December 1903.

69.  Otlet to Dewey, 4 December 1903.

70.  Losseau to Otlet, 30 January 1903, Dossier No. 25, «Losseau», Munda-
neum; Losseau to Otlet,  11 November 1903; Otlet to Dewey, 30 January
1904;  Otlet  to  Dewey,  22  December   1903;   Dewey  to Otlet, 113 January
1904.

71.  Otlet to Dewey, 25 January  1904;  Dewey to Otlet, 5 February  1904.

72.  May Seymour to La Fontaine,  17 January  1906;  Dewey to La Fontaine,
17 January 1906; Otlet to Dewey, 3 February 1906.

73.  Dewey to Otlet, 7 November  1908; May Seymour to Otlet,  11  February
1909; Otlet to May Seymour, 2 March 1909.

74.  Dewey to  Otlet, 28 April   1908;  Otlet  to  Dewey,   19 May   1908;   Dewey
to Otlet, 7 November  1908; Adolf     Law Voge,      Grouping the Chemic
Elements (Publication No. 104; Bruxelles; IIB, 1908).

75.  La Fontaine and  Otlet to  Dewey,  Sebert  and  Field,  5  December   1908;
Otlet to Dewey, 19 January 1909; Otlet to May Seymour, 21 April  1909.

76.  May Seymour to La Fontaine, 10 November 1903; La Fontaine to May
Seymour, 3 December 1904.

77.  Otlet to Dewey,  111  January  1908      (see note 63:      Hopwood,      Dewey
Expanded); Otlet  to  May   Seymour, 21   April   1909.

78.  May Seymour to Otlet, 5 May  1909.  (Something of a convention arose
in  indicating the American  and  Brussels editions:   the  former,  Decimal
Classification (DC), the latter Classification Decimale (CD)).

79.  Otlet to May Seymour, 21  May '1909. Copies  of the notes are not pre-
served in the file.

80.  Otlet to May  Seymour,   15 March  1910;  31  March   1910; May  Seymour
to Otlet, 5 May  1910;  La Fontaine to May Seymour, 23 May  1910.

81.  Otlet  to  May  Seymour, 25  November   1909; 29  July   1909;    28  August
1909; 25 November  1909; |16 September  1900; 4 February  1910; Otlet to
Dewey, 8 November 1910; 7 August 1911.

82.  Otlet to Dewey,  13 February  1912; Dewey to Otlet, 3 April  1912; Otlet
to May Seymour, 7 November 1912.

Chapter VI
THE UNIVERSAL BIBLIOGRAPHIC REPERTORY

BIBLIOGRAPHIA UNIVERSALIS

The Universal Decimal Classification, the evolution of
which was described in the last chapter, was a tool, a means
to an end, only one element, though a major one, in the
IIB-IOB's programme of international bibliographic standard-
isation and co-operation for the compilation of a Universal
Bibliographic Repertory (RBU). In their first accounts of
this bibliographer's philosopher's stone, Otlet and La Fontaine
had only gone so far as to say that it should be complete, ar-
ranged both numerically by the number of the Decimal Clas-
sification and alphabetically by authors' names, that it should
be compiled on cards so that it could easily be kept up to date
and excerpted, that it should be reasonably accurate, that
scholars and others to whom it would be useful should have
ready access to it, and that it should take into account existing
bibliographical work.1

At the first International Conference of Bibliography, co-
operation for its development took two major forms. The first
was the acceptance by various individuals in the name of the
special organisations they represented or on their own initia-
tive, of the work of developing parts of the decimal classification.
The second was the application of the classification either to
the articles of substantive journals, or more especially to the
entries in periodical bibliographies. Indeed, a number of the
editors of these journals were among those who offered to help
in the work of expanding the classification tables. As a re-
sult of the Conference, a number of periodical bibliographies
were at once transformed to meet the requirements of the
RBU as described by Otlet and La Fontaine. Otlet and La
Fontaine's own Sommaire methodique des traites, monogra-
phies et revues de droit and the Sommaire... de sociologie were
now combined and retitled Bibliographia Sociologica. A Bib-
Uographia Philosophica   was annexed   to the Revue Neoscola-

112

stique edited by Maurice de Wulf in Louvain and a Biblio-
graphia Astronomica was sponsored by the Belgian Society
for Astronomy.2 Moreover, as a result of the agreement at the
end of 1895 between OIB and the Concilium Bibliographicum
in Zurich, copies of all the bibliographies of the Concilium
were forwarded as published to Brussels for the RBU. Prepa-
rations for the first of these bibliographies, a Bibliographia
Zoologica, were almost complete at the time of the Conference.
It was estimated that the card edition would contain about
8,000 cards a year and that subscriptions to any or all of its
parts could be taken out. This was actually the Zoologische An-
zeiger which had first appeared in Leipzig in 1878. It continued
to be edited by Carus until his death in 1903 when Field as-
sumed the editorship. The Concilium Bibliographicum also
planned to publish a Bibliographia Anatomica early in 1896
and, if these two bibliographies were successful, to follow them
with a Bibliographia Physiological In fact, the three biblio-
graphies appeared as planned and were published regularly
on cards until the outbreak of the first world war.

The OIB also began gradually to expand its own editorial
and bibliographical publishing activities in the service of the
RBU. Apart from the Bibliographia Sociologica, which seems
to have been brought out only three times in its consolidated
form, the OIB from its inception became closely associated
with the Bibliographic de Belgique. The main part of this was
¦examined at the Office and classification numbers assigned
entries in it. The Office also undertook to compile, as a second
part of the bibliography, a classified index to Belgian periodi-
cals. This became a feature of the work until the War. The ent-
ries in all of these bibliographies could be incorporated upon
publication, either directly because they were published in card
form, or after being cut up and pasted on cards, into the Uni-
versal Bibliographic Repertory which began to grow rapidly
as a result.

In the third number of the IIB Bulletin, the whole Univer-
sal Repertory was given the Latin name, Bibliographia Uni-
versalis, and it was reported that «The immense manuscript
of the retrospective part continues to be developed at the Of-
fice in Brussels, dealing at the same time with all the areas
of science and stretching out from the contemporary period
further and further into the past. The current part of the re-
pertory is kept up by special periodical bibliographies.»4 Short-
ly after this, the term Bibliographia Universalis was restricted
in its application to these bibliographies only, the names of
many of which took the standard Latin form. As the Decimal
Classification was developed in French, and parts of it were
translated into Spanish, Itaiian, German and later into other
languages, and as adequate rules for the arrangement of bib-

8—3391                                                                                               113

liographic information in notices issued in various forms were-
devised, a clear picture began to emerge of the RBU as a
physical entity and of the international co-operation which was
intended to support its development.

Otlet described the RBU in some detail to the second In-
ternational Conference of Bibliography which took place in
Brussels at the beginning of August 1897. When it is com-
pleted, said Otlet

This repertory will consist of an inventory of all that has been written
at all times, in all languages, and on all subjects. It will be the led-
ger of science, an Accounting Department where are registered all the
intellectual riches of humanity as they are produced. It will be an
instrument of study and of information without equal, which will give
immediate replies to these two kinds of questions for which, until now,
there has been no complete answer: what has appeared on such and
such a subject? What works have been written by such and such an
author? The repertory will contain twenty to thirty million references
according to the first estimates. Division of labour and co-operation
alone can assure its realisation.

Its present state is as follows. At Brussels there functions a Central
Office whose technical personnel, assisted by numerous employees, are
busy with collection and classification for the retrospective biblio-
graphy. Already a million and a half cards have been collected. There
is at the moment no question of publishing this work which is not
sufficiently far advanced and would, moreover, involve considerable-
sums; but this repertory is put at the free disposition of whoever
cares to consult it. The Office also provides copies of this or that part
of the manuscript in reply to all requests for information which are-
made to it by letter and which make some allowance for copying
costs.

As for contemporary bibliography, the Office has proposed not only
to include it daily in its repertory, but also to undertake with special
groups, notably scientific associations ... the task of publishing parti-
cular bibliographies on a uniform plan. All these collected special bib-
liographies will embrace the whole field of Universal Bibliography
(Bibliographia Universalis). Details of form are left to the free initi-
ative of those who direct these publications which have, however, two
common features: the first is that each entry carries the symbol of the
decimal classification established by convention (classification number
of the Decimal Classification); the second, is that each bibliographical
title forms in itself a complete whole in such a way as to allow it to
be cut up and pasted on a card.5

This statement suggests a fundamental difference between the
handling of current and retrospective bibliography at the Of-
fice, between the prototype manuscript of the RBU and the
Bibliographia Universalis. In 1899 the bibliographies recog-
nised as forming part of the latter were colled Contributions and
were 29 in number.6 They ranged from the bibliographies pub-
lished by the Concilium Bibliographicum, to individual bib-
liographic works such as Charles Sury's Bibliographie feminine
beige7 and Henryck Arctowski's Materyaly do Bibliografii
prac naukowych Polskich,& from an Italian Bookseller's cata-
log9 and the Belgian national bibliography to the contents tables

114

of journals,10 to say nothing of the catalogs of an English
and a Belgian public library." These works had in common one
or another of a variety of acceptable entry forms (of which
examples were given in the IIB Bulletin for 1899),12 the use
of the Decimal Classification, and an arrangement whereby they
were issued in card editions, in sheets or books with one side
of each sheet blank, or at the very least, in such a way that
each economical and standardised entry formed a complete
entity.

As the years went by a number of important publications
were added to the Bibliographia Universalis. One of these was a
Bibliographia Medico, edited in Paris by Richet and Baudoin,
who were of that first enthusiastic French group of OIB col-
laborators and who had been instrumental in forming the Bu-
reau Bibliographique de Paris. This bibliography was intended
to continue the famous American Index Medicus which had been
begun by John Shaw Billings in 1876 but which had termi-
nated in 1899. The Bibliographia Medica, however,, failed after
three years. «Our poor Bibliographica Medica is dead», Richet
wrote to La Fontaine at the beginning of 1902 in the hope
of an offer of financial assistance from OIB.'3 «We can do no-
thing for it», La Fontaine wrote back, «...I have a thousand
regrets for not coming to your aid, but we have to take a rad-
ical stand vis-a-vis all the publications which have adopted
our ideas — or it would close the institution*.14

The Office itself continued its program of bibliographical
publication. It issued a number of non-periodical bibliogra-
phies such as Sury's Bibliographie feminine beige, Vurgey's
Bibliographia Esthetica15 and La Fontaine's Bibliographie de
la Paix.16 La Fontaine also compiled a Bibliographia Biblio-
graphica which appeared as an annual between 1898 and 1902.
It also became associated with two substantive journals. The
first began as Index de la presse technique in 1903 under the edi-
torship of A. Louis Vermandel. Its title changed in 1904 to
Revue de I'ingenieur et index technique and English and Ger-
man editions of it were issued. The bibliographical part, called
Bibliographia Technica, was prepared by Vermandel but re-
vised at the OIB. The other journal began as Revue economique
hongroise in Budapest, but in 1905 was retitled Revue eco-
nomique international under two Belgian editors. Masure and
La Fontaine undertook to compile a Bibliographia Economica
Universalis for the editors, but the compilers had entire res-
ponsibility for the preparation and actual printing of the Bib-
liographia Economica Universalis which was also issued sepa-
rately from the Revue by the OIB.

The nature and «meaning» of the Bibliographia Univer-
salis and the relation of its Contributions created some concep-
tual  and practical  difficulties. Otlet,  for example,  responding

8*                                                                                            115

to a complaint from Herbert Putnam that the Library of Con-
gress had not received all the publications which constituted
parts of the Bibliographia Universalis, explained that the Bib-
liographia Universalis «is formed by a series of bibliographies
published on a uniform plan either by our institute itself, or
by specialists applying our methods. Among the latter there
are those remaining independent of our administration through
necessity or by particular individual agreement as the case
may be. We will cite the Bibliographia Geologica, edited by
the Geological Service of Belgium, depending on the Govern-
ment and naturally not able to carry on its title page the name
of our Institute*.17

Comments such as these help one to interpret the signif-
icance of the Bibliographia Universalis for OIB. One thing is
clear. The bibliographies that were part of this series were in-
tended in the first instance not to be any kind of direct output
of a centralised RBU, though Otlet and La Fontaine some-
times wrote about them as if they were. They represented enor-
mous, protracted effort to achieve international, standardised,
coordinated input to the RBU. Except for the bibliographies
published by the OIB itself, subscriptions were usually enter-
ed for Contributions to the Bibliographia Universalis directly
with the organisations publishing them.

The existence and the extent of the early development of
the Bibliographia Universalis suggest that initially Otlet and
La Fontaine's views about channeling current bibliographic
work into the RBU were practicable. In 1903, 14 items in the
Bibliographia Universalis, bibliographies appearing periodical-
ly over a number of years, contained nearly half a million no-
tices. From the period 1895/96 to 1903 there were 103,000 items
in the Bibliograhia Zoologica, approximately 25,000 in a Bib-
Hographie des Chemins de Fer, the compiler of which, Louis
Weissenbruch, had developed the appropriate parts of the Deci-
mal Classification, 93,000 in the Bibliographie de Belgique,
38,000 in the Bibliographia Geologica, and approximately
108,000 in the French Bibliographia Medica.n

By 1912, according to Louis Masure, who compiled a table
of the Bibliographia Universalis for the IIB's   Annual   Report,

The Bibliographia Universalis today contains more than a hundred
different contributions of which a number are periodicals and appear
regularly. Altogether there has been published as of today more than
1,250,000 notices. The following table indicates the state, as of 31 De-
cember, 1912, of the principal contributions to the Bibliographia Uni-
versalis. This is based on the receipt of volumes, fascicules and cards
at the headquarters of the IIB.19

In point of fact, the table shows that the Bibliographia Univer-
salis had yielded 1,293,652 notices for the RBU, and consisted
of at least 103 contributions.20 Masure's table and these
figures, however, need to   be   carefully   interpreted. At   least

116

103 numbers were shown as having been assigned to Contribu-
tions to the Bibliographic/, Universalis, but only 68 of these
were actually listed. The discrepancy cannot be accounted for
by the exclusion of minor items. A number of the titles includ-
ed, for example, contain as few as two or three hundred noti-
ces, as compared with a genuinely major item such as the
Bibliographia Zoologica which contained over a quarter of a
million notices by 1912. Up to Contribution No. 30, the follow-
ing numbers were omitted from Masure's table: No. 1 (the
Bibliographia Sociologica, which though it appeared only three
times in its consolidated form contained over 6,000 notices),
and Nos. 5, 7, 9—11, 14, 18—19, 21—25, 28—29. Some of the
titles so numbered can be found in the IIB's 1899 Annual.21
Many, but not all of these titles contain only a small number
of entries, and many of them represent short lived periodicals.
Some of the gaps in the numerical series may have represented
works which Otlet and La Fontaine had hoped to include in the
series. But even this conclusion is not a straightforward one.
Vurgey's Bibliographia Esthetica, for example, published by
IIB itself with the typical IIB covers and title page for a Con-
tribution to the Bibliographia Universalis, though by no means
insignificant in size, was omitted from Masure's list.

A characteristic one would expect of a list of Contribu-
tions to the Bibliographia Universalis is a quite direct corres-
pondence between the given numerical sequence of the items
and the chronological sequence of their publication. On the
whole this correspondence exists, though not completely.
No. 38, for example, Henri La Fontaine's Bibliographie de la
Paix was published by the Institute in 1910. The preceding and
succeeding numbers belong to the period 1902—03, so that it
is an interpolation in the list, presumably to take up an un-
used number. Contributions 68 to 73 for the period 1903 to 1911
seem to have the expected correspondence between number and
chronology. From this point on, however, the list shows increas-
ing confusion between the two sequences. Many of the later
numbers are given to works having a considerably earlier pub-
lication date than their numbers would lead one to expect.
Most of the publications involved were American or English
printed library catalogues or reading lists, and as such, often
employed decimal numbers and a standardised entry form.
They met, therefore, the criteria employed for determining eli-
gibility for inclusion in the Bibliographia Universalis but they
do not represent a genuine co-operative effort between the IIB
and their publishers.

In its earliest days, the IIB stressed that the Bibliographia
Universalis was a cooperative venture (though the Institute's
responsibilities for it were strictly limited), and many publi-
cations in the series (though not all, as Otlet explained to Put-

117

nam), carried on their covers their Contribution Number in
a standard heading explaining what this meant. After 1907,
thellB seems to have acted unilaterally on ever more frequent
occasions in declaring a publication part of the Bibliogra-
phia Universalis. Perhaps this was simply intended to show
the world that the series continued to grow and with it the
international bibliographic co-operation it originally represen-
ted. But by 1907 the series had become to some extent facti-
tious, and did not represent, other than indirectly and inciden-
tally, bibliographic co-operation springing from the IIB with
the RBU looming in the background. By this time, to say
nothing of several crises in Otlet's private life, he and La Fon-
taine had become involved in the expansion of the OIB into a
complex of different offices which were to form the nucleus,
the intellectual hub, of an organisation of international asso-
ciations. They were not able, as a result, to keep up the pres-
sure of advice and encouragement that they had first exerted
on behalf of the Bibliographic! Universalis, and there was a gen-
eral slowing down after that time in the production of bib-
liographies standardised according to IIB Rules and destined
for the RBU.

THE COMPILATION OF THE UNIVERSAL
BIBLIOGRAPHIC REPERTORY

At the central office of the Institute in Brussels, as the
years went by, the RBU, for which the Bibliographia Univer-
salis provided standardised material for inclusion, gradually
expanded. In 1897 it contained a million and a half notices.22
A problem in its early development was created by the ab-
sence of full classification tables. Many notices were classified
tentatively by the abridged tables, the rest by the full tables
where they existed. It was intended that the first group would
be classified a second time, and that eventually only one minute-
ly classified subject series would exist. In 1899 the Author
Repertory had grown to 1,274,000 notices, the «Abridged»
Subject Repertory contained 779,000 notices, and the Full
Subject Repertory 839,450.23

The organisation of these repertories did not prove to be
simple. A number of «transitional» repertories had to be estab-
lished to hold cards for «indexing in the course of execution
and to avoid confusion among notices which had reached dif-
ferent stages of elaboration and classification*.24 By 1903 it
was felt that the author and subject repertories were not enough
in themselves to ensure the maximum usefulness of the
RBU and to them were added others involving duplication of
elements taken from them. At this time, too, each of the reper-
tories was given distinguishing letters. The main alphabetical

118

author repertory was given the initial N (presumably for
Noms), the repertory classified by the extended Dewey tables
the letter A, and that by the abridged Dewey the letter B. To
the first repertory was added one for the titles of periodicals,
NR (Noms des Revues?) and one for the titles of books, NL
(Noms des Livres?). A subject repertory by geography (re-
pertory AG) was added to repertory A. Here were placed dup-
licate cards from the main repertory for items dealing with a
given geographical place — country, region, province, town,
¦etc. Another repertory was that designated NRT, for indexed
periodicals.

This repertory constitutes, in principle, a duplicate of other repertories
where they comprise notices of articles in periodicals. We have been
led to begin this repertory to ensure an effective control over our
other repertories. In these, the notices of articles of periodicals are
dispersed according to the order of the alphabet by author's names or
by words in the title, or according to the subject treated. In the Re-
pertory of Indexed Periodicals, on the other hand, under the name of
each periodical one should be able to find an indication of all the
articles which have appeared in it arranged by chronological order
of publication.25

By 1903 it had also become necessary to establish a control-
led list of the subject headings used in the Decimal Classifi-
cation. This was designated Repertory I and by the end of the
year contained over 20,000 headings in five languages «with
their references, synonyms... and the classification number cor-
responding to them».26 A careful record of all the sources
used in building up these various repertories was maintained,
and this record, designated Repertory IV, contained 430 items
by the end of 1903.

Among the principal sources of entries for the Author Rep-
ertory were the bibliographies of the Bibliographia Universa-
lis. Other major sources were the printed catalogs of the great
national libraries. In 1902 Otlet made an exchange agreement
with Putnam, Librarian of the U. S. Library of Congress. As
a result of this agreement two copies of all the printed cards
of the Library of Congress flowed into the repertory.'n There
they joined entries taken from the catalogs of the British Mu-
seum, the last volumes of which had appeared in 1899, from
that of France's Bibliotheque Nationale, the printing of which
was begun in 1901, from that of the Konigliche Bibliothek in
Berlin, begun in 1908, and from the Catalogo generate delta
Libraria Italiana. The IIB also received as a gift the printed
accession lists of the British Museum after 1899 to the War.
In return, the IIB sent off (as it did to the Library of Con-
gress) copies of its own publications. In 1910 Cle-
ment Andrews, Chief librarian of the famous scientific and tech-
nical John Crerar Library in Chicago, made an exchange ag-
reement with Otlet by which, in return for a corpus of Belgian

119

government documents, Andrews was to dispatch 80,000 cards
of the Crerar's classified Catalog for incorporation into the
RBU. It appears that Otlet received the cards but that Andrews
never received the documents.28 To these great national lib-
rary catalogs were added current national bibliographies such
as the Bibliographie de la France, the Bookseller, the Neder-
landsch Bibliographie, and, of course, the Bibliographie de-
Belgique.

The various subject repertories were apparently not com-
piled from exactly the same sources as the main alphabetical
author repertory but mainly from the Contributions to the
Bibliographia Univer satis, the current national bibliographies
and standard special bibliographies, prominent among which
were the Royal Society's Catalogue of Scientific Papers and
the International Catalogue of Scientific Literature.29

The growth of the repertories fed from this multitude of
sources, which Repertory IV in 1912 showed to be nearly
2,000 in number, was predictably rapid. From a million and a
half notices in 1897, the repertories swelled to 6,269,750 by
the end of July 1903. In 1903 the Author Repertory alone con-
tained 3,061,000 notices which required 3,384 catalog drawers
to house. At that time the full Subject Repertory (Repertory
A) contained 1,541,750 notices, the Abridged Subject Reperto-
ry (Repertory B), 942,000.30 A year later 350,000 notices had
been added to all repertories but no reclassification of entries-
in Repertory B was attempted during that time, or indeed,.
subsequently.31 Though by 1912 the rate of growth of the rep-
ertories had slowed down very considerably, the total in that
year, nearly 9,000,000 entries, was staggering.32

By 1912, too, a number of the 1903 repertories had been
consolidated. The repertory for titles of books and that for geo-
graphical place were abandoned. The repertory of the titles
of periodicals (NR) was merged with the repertory of indexed
periodicals (NRT), and the periodicals indexed were mainly
those indexed regularly at the Office for the monthly bibliog-
raphy of Belgian periodical literature for which the OIB was
responsible and which was issued as part of the Bibliographie
de Belgique. The geographical repertory may have been
merged with another repertory, the Repertoire Iconographique
Universel (Repertory PH) begun at the OIB in 1906, one part
of which was arranged geographically.33

The basic elements, the technology of the OIB's repertories,
were «information» cards (the cards bearing the entries), divi-
sionary cards, catalog drawers, the «meubles classeurs» or
the furniture containing banks of drawers.

The combination of these different elements ... permits the establish-
ment of card repertories similar to a true book. The information cards
constitute the leaves of the book; the divisionary cards, variously com-

120

bined, indicate the exterior parts, the chapters, the sections and the
paragraphs; the binding consists of the drawer itself, the movable rod
of which functions as the spine... The classification numbers on the
cards are really a pagination for a work whose contents table is the
table of the Decimal Classification. Such a book is consulted as readi-
ly as any other. It is necessary only to flick the cards over on their
lower edge, as one would turn the pages of a book, in order to read
them with the greatest ease.

The advantages of card repertories over other kind of repertories
compiled in the form of registers, books or notebooks are as follows:

1.  Successive   daily   intercalations   of   new   material   are   permitted;

2.  Classification can be maintained steadily in a strict and rigorous
order;

3.   Indefinite  addition  to the  amount  of  material  is possible;

4.  Immediate utilisation of material already collected, without needing
to wait for the completion of the work begun, is possible;

5.  Preparation of notices by a great number of people working at the
same time, however distant they might be from each other, is facili-
tated.34

This work, this great bibliographical volume growing in.
size and complexity in the Salle des Repertoires at the Inter-
national Office of Bibliography, 1 Rue des Musees, Brussels,
was intended for wide public consultation. The Salle des Re-
pertoires was thrown open daily from 9 a. m. until Noon, and
from 2 p. m. until 6, much after the fashion of a library's
Reading Room. But in order to make what were conceived of
as its riches available yet more readily, a card copying service
was instituted in 1896, and the OIB's staff undertook to
consult the Repertories comprising the RBU in response to re-
quests received through the mails. Even though only recently
begun, and by definition far from complete, consultation of the
RBU as early as 1896, it was thought, could offer inestimable
aid to scholars and men of letters in their work

The problem of accurately formulating search requests was
well understood at the Office, and brief instructions were issu-
ed to help potential clients make the best use possible of the
repertories. The dangers in a request of terms too general or
too narrow in signification were described, together with the
superabundance or meagreness of the material with which the
repertory might respond to them. It was also suggested that
requests should be accompanied by relevant decimal numbers.
The staff of the OIB would then know at once where in the Rep-
ertories to start searching and what kind of material was re-
quired. In the tables of the Classification «the degree of gen-
erality and specificity of each question is exactly determined
by the context*. Indeed, the tables, by displaying «divisions
and different aspects of particular questions*, might usefully
help a searcher in formulating his request, prompting him to-
wards bibliographic completeness as well as towards exact-
ness. It was decided at the Office that whenever the number of

12!

•cards relating to a request was more than 50, confirmation of
the original order would be sought «to obviate surprise*.35

The number of demand bibliographies provided by the Of-
fice gradually rose over the years. In 1896, 21 requests for bib-
liographical information of one kind and another were receiv-
ed. The next year the number had tripled, and over 1500 cards
were copied and sent off in response to them. By 1912 over
1500 requests were being received each year and the number
of cards copied had grown to over 10,000. The subjects of the
requests ranged from intelligence to coagulation of the blood,
from Bulgarian finances and comparative statistics for Euro-
pean public debts to the titles of collections of maxims and
proverbs from different countries, from the philosophy of
mathematics to the boomerang.36

DISTRIBUTING THE RBU

In writing about the RBU, Otlet had asserted that copies
of the whole would be distributed throughout the world to every
major center of learning, where it would soon become an in-
dispensable adjunct to libraries and laboratories. It was to be
possible also to take out subscriptions to parts of the reperto-
ry, and all of these duplicate repertories would be kept up to
date by regular shipments of copies of the cards added to the
prototype repertory in Brussels. Indeed, it had been suggested
that National Bibliographical Bureaux should be established
in the various countries of the world and that among their
diverse functions would be the maintenance of a copy of the
RBU.37 On several occasions there were attempts made at the
OIB to initiate ambitious subscription and distribution programs,
but these were nearly always one-time affairs serving to
highlight the problems faced by the Office in achieving
its goal of a fully or, at least, significantly distributed
RBU.

One such attempt followed the Universal Exposition of Paris
in 1900. Part of an enormous exhibit of two million cards pre-
pared by OIB for the Exposition38 was deposited in the of-
fices of the Bibliographical Bureau of Paris.39 Here was to be
1he first national office outside of Belgium having within it a
growing, duplicate portion of the RBU. The Bibliographical Bu-
reau, always in rather straitened circumstances, in fact limit-
ed its guardianship to a small duplicate of that part of the
repertory dealing with applied sciences. As a major part of the
Bureau's support derived from the Societe d'encouragement
pour l'industrie nationale, this particular subject bias is un-
derstandable.40 For several years after the Exposition, the OIB
dispatched to Paris parts of the contributions to the Bibliogra-
phia U,niversalis.u  These shipments were apparently    neither

\22

regular nor comprehensive, and in 1903 the classified repertory
at the Bibliographical Bureau contained only about
40,000 cards.42 Another attempt at distribution of the RBU was
made by Otlet in order to fulfil his part of the exchange agree-
ment with Herbert Putnam of the U. S. Library of Congress.
By May of 1903, 70,000 cards representing various contribu-
tions to the Bibliographia Universalis was assembled in Brus-
sels and sent off to Washington. A subsequent 50,000 cards
were exhibited at the St. Louis Exposition of 1904 and were then
sent on to the Library of Congress. Other small dispatches were
made by the Office's staff to Luxembourg43 and Bulgaria,44
but they occurred only once as a gesture of encouragement and
support to the libraries involved.

Perhaps the greatest event in the history of the distri-
bution of the RBU was the receipt of a request in 1911 from
the National Library of Rio de Janeiro for 600,000 cards to
form a general subject repertory. The Library agreed to pay
a fee of 15,000 francs for the cards. Having requested half of
the money in advance «to recruit personnel to do the work»,45
Otlet and his staff gathered together 230,000 cards and arrang-
ed them in classified order in 192 boxes. A reception was
held for the transfer of this material to the Brazilian ambassa-
dor, and to it were invited the diplomatic staffs in France and
Belgium of most of the South American states.46 By the end of
1913 the amount of material sent consisted of 351,697 notices.47
Anextra 33,00 notices were dispatched in July 1914, at which
point Masure, the Secretary of the OIB, wrote to the Director
of the Library to suggest that perhaps the Office should send
second copies of cards already sent to Rio for the construction
¦of an alphabetic author repertory.48 The cards which had been
¦sent were in the main derived from recent Contributions to the
Bibliographia Universalis, with one or two exceptional items
dating back to the period from 1895 to 1900. It is clear that
the problem of obtaining copies of the bibliographies making
up the Bibliographia Universalis but out of print by 1911 or
of other material in the RBU, was insuperable and the 600,000
figure contracted for was apparently never met. Nevertheless
a high value was set upon the cards received in Rio from the
OIB, and in 1914 an attempt was made to send someone from
Brazil to Brussels to study how the OIB worked in order to
make greater use of them.49 Unfortunately the War supervened
to make the visit impossible.

Patrick Geddes,, who had met Otlet in Paris at the Univer-
sal Exposition in 1900, had been very impressed by Otlet's
claims for the RBU. Scottish sociologist and town-planner, he
was drawn into the preliminary arrangements for spending the
funds that Andrew Carnegie had placed at the disposal
•of Carnegie's native town, Dunfermline, in 1903. Geddes believed

123

that the town's library need only be small if full utilisati-
on of the «million and more books» in the surrounding area
could be arranged. Some «bibliographical aid» was «urgently
required* for this, he wrote to La Fontaine. «Could you and
M. Otlet», he asked, «give me therefore such an indication as I
can lay before the trustees of how... the International Biblio-
graphical Institute would be prepared to assist them in the
matter — of course with an approximate indication of the nec-
essary outlay on their part.»50 They would also require, he
observed, «a bibliography as complete as possible of all that
is being done in Education, in Civic and Social Betterment,
in Parks and Gardening, and the like. Pray tell me... if the
Institute could suppiy bibliographies and under what condi-
tions?»51 La Fontaine had no doubt of the help the Institute
could offer. «I am going to get in touch with my friend Ot-
let», he replied,

and we will communicate to you soon our ideas and observations as
to the general plan of the whole city. As to the bibliographical part
we accept very willingly the preparation of the special bibliographies
for you at a nominal price, and if, as I suppose, you should want
them to be as complete as possible, it will be easy to do perfect work,
but the price of the cards will go up to 15 centimes each. As to the
methodical catalog prepared for all the books in the neighborhood of
Dunfermline, we could also do this and eventually furnish the neces-
sary number of copies. Only, for that, we would have to know if ca-
talogs existed already and if it is possible to obtain a sufficient num-
ber of copies.52

La Fontaine was of course thinking in terms of compiling a
union catalog on the basis of already existing and therefore
dated  printed  catalogs.

When Otlet in his turn replied ten days later to Geddes'
letter to La Fontaine, he wrote at great length in the most ge-
neral vein. What should be created, he said was a Scottish
section of the Institute, like the French section «which has
not developed rapidly for want of funds». The Scottish Insti-
tute would house a complete duplicate of the RBU, would con-
tain a union catalog of Scottish libraries (which would be ad-
ded to the RBU in Brussels) and would set up an indexing ser-
vice for Scottish periodicals.53 A year earlier Otlet had sketch-
ed a very ambitious program for the IIB in Scotland:

we would establish a complete duplicate of our repertories destined
for your principal libraries. This would be established in manuscript
and would be kept up to date by duplicates of all the new cards which
we insert each day in our repertories. We could also establish dupli-
cates of parts, such as, for example, contemporary bibliography, bibli-
ography of some of the branches of science, to be used by each of
your universities or scientific centers.54

But it was clear that the IIB could not have done any of
this, should negotiations have been successful with Geddes and
his colleagues. The nearest that the IIB ever came to the pro-

124

gram described for Scotland was the dispatching of cards to
the National Library in Rio de Janeiro, and ultimately this
was not successful. When in 1902, the year before his enquiries
about the participation of IIB in the development of plans
for Dunfermline, Geddes wrote urgently to Otlet that he needed
bibliographical help for his students in sociology, the IIB did
not seem to be able to respond adequately even to this demand.
«I wish to put before my students», wrote Geddes, «a set of
cards, including yours first of all, which they may use for guid-
ance in reading, and which they may themselves extend as
their studies proceed: an Elementary Bibliography of Sociolo-
gy — this is what we need.»55 Three weeks went by and Ged-
des wrote impatiently again for the information and estimates
of costs which needed «before my next lecture».56 Some re-
ply was made but the matter was allowed to drop.57

At this distance in time with the few statistics available
it is hard to attempt any evaluation of this service or of the
RBU itself. The RBU was compiled from secondary sources
(catalogs, bibliographies, booksellers' lists and so on) which
were simply cut up into entries pasted on cards, assigned clas-
sification numbers, and filed in drawers. The limitations of
this procedure were obvious, as the Office's critics pointed out
at the beginning of its work. Where several copies of an entry
were required for the duplicate repertories, or for multiple
entries in the main subject repertory, one of two procedures
had to be followed. A duplicate copy of the source document
could be cut up (and the Office seems to have generally re-
lied on this procedure for obtaining at least one author and
one subject entry for a listed work), or the entry could be
typed as many times as necessary on cards. Both procedures,
expensive and tedious, were likely to discourage multiple entry
and duplication of repertories.

The theoretical value of long, highly complex classification
numbers, which represented a kind of in-depth indexing of var-
ious works (or, at least, of their titles) in increasing the re-
call of relevant material from the repertories, was in practice
very much restricted by the practical problem of copying en-
tries to be filed under the various parts of the number. This
same copying problem may also account for the use of differ-
ent sources in compiling the author and subject repertories, so
that the repertories did not represent, as theoretically they
should have, two kinds of access to the same bibliographic
store. For current Contributions to the Bibliographia Universa-
lis as many copies as needed at a time for distribution could
be obtained and dispatched because the Contributions were
printed in the ordinary way. But multiple copies for distribu-
tion of a series of cards from the consolidated RBU were far
too expensive and difficult to make. It was necessary for them

125

to be typed. A member of the Office staff had to search the
repertories as we search a card catalog for cards apparently
relevant to a request, remove the cards or the appropriate
drawers from the repertory, type a copy of each card, and then
replace the cards or drawers.

That the copying problem was very seriously regarded at
OIB there is no doubt, both for compiling the repertories, and:
subsequently for consulting them and preparing bibliographies
from them. It lay behind Otlet and La Fontaine's concern to
find a cheap and simple method for the reproduction of cards.
Facing this problem for the first time in 1895, Otlet wrote for
advice to the Library Bureau in Boston.58 Shortly afterwards
he and La Fontaine began to explore the possibility of using a
certain kind of typewriter and a specially prepared zinc plate
for producing a master for copying. For this they sought ad-
vice and technical information from Cedric Chivers manager of
the London branch of the Bureau. 59 It seems that the problem
of using a typewriter for preparing printed card copy was ne-
ver resolved and cards for the repertories and from them had
to be laboriously typed again and again as necessary.

The printing of cards by conventional means was itself a
novelty in Europe when Otlet and La Fontaine proposed to
create and distribute their RBU. When they set about organi-
sing a class for Bibliography in the Section for Science at the
International Exposition of Brussels in 1897, they seized upon
this occasion as an opportunity to discover by means of an.
international competition a solution to their card copying prob-
lems. They offered a prize of 500 francs for a machine or pro-
cedure which would fulfil these specifications:

1.  Printing a small number of copies  (50—100)  should be easier and
more rapid than with the machines and procedures presently available;

2.  It should be more economical;

3.  The  type-plate  for  each  card  should  be  storable  in  a  handy  way
so as not to take up much space, in order to permit its future use.60

Nothing came of the competition, and at the second Interna-
tional Conference of Bibliography held in Brussels later in
1897, a commission to study the matter further was set up.el
Eventually in 1899 the Office appointed its own printer who
was to specialise in printing its bibliographic material.e2 Un-
fortunately this step proved something of an embarrassment
to the Office. Writing to Richet in 1902 to refuse financial
assistance for the Bibliographia Medica, La Fontaine comment-
ed: «We have ourselves a deficit of more than 22,000 francs,
and the heavy charge of a printing shop which Otlet has created
has taken us very much beyond what we had originally
forecast*.63

One must conclude that the OIB was simply not equipped
financially or technically to perform the functions which it ad-

126

vertised and promoted with a good deai of misguided and mis-
guiding zeal. Moreover, had the copying problem been solv-
able, the idea of distributing copies of the whole or of parts
of the RBU, was suspect for yet another reason. The RBU, as
has been indicated,, was a bibliographical hybrid made rather
mechanically from a large variety of sources. Some of it re-
presented original bibliography; most of it was derivative and
one might seriously question the value of any ambitious distri-
bution programme for it. This was equally true of the prepara-
tion and distribution of current material added to the RBU.
Either it must involve secondary sources, and therefore con-
stituted only bibliography made from bibliographies which were
readily available to others, or it constituted original bib-
liography compiled from actual substantive publications. By
the device of the Bibliographia Universalis original current
periodical bibliography for which OIB might have become re-
sponsible was decentralised and placed outside its control with
only the loosest agreements, when they actually existed, govern-
ing form of entry and presentation. There were a number of
exceptions, the primary bibligraphies published by the OIB
or closely supervised by it: the Bibliographia Bibliographica
(compiled by La Fontaine), the Bibliographie de Belgique
(edited at the OIB), the Bibliographia Economica Universalis
(compiled by La Fontaine and Louis Masure), and Verman-
del's Bibliographia Technica published in Revue de I'ingenieur
et de la presse technique (revised and classified at the OIB).
rent periodical bibliographies undertaken at the Office.
These may be considered the only effective publication  of  cur-

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SUPPLY AGENCY

Subscribers to the Contributions to the Bibliographia Uni-
versalis were expected to cut up each issue into entries and
paste each entry on a card of standard size arranged according
to the divisions of the Universal Decimal Classification in
standard catalog furniture. Cards of various shapes and
colours were to be used to indicate various kinds of divisions
in the classified arrangement of the entry cards. It is not sur-
prising, therefore, that at the very outset, the OIB should un-
dertake to become an agent for bibliographical equipment and
supplies. In 1895 when work began on the Universal Reper-
tory, Otlet and La Fontaine examined very carefully the prob-
lem of getting equipment and supplies for it. They had corres-
ponded at length with Cedric Chivers about weights and
colours of various kinds of cards and card stock and catalog
furniture and their relative cost. Otlet had hoped that an arrange-
ment   might be worked out for the   Library   Bureau to supply

127

all that was needed at the OIB at a cost it could afford. He
had speculated that, because the Repertory was to be distribu-
ted and the use of the Decimal Classification in the creation
of repertories would become increasingly widespread as a result
of OIB propaganda, perhaps a European Office of the Bureau
could be opened, an Office better able to cope with European
conditions and needs than either the Office in London or that
in Boston. Chivers and the manager of the Boston Office met
Otlet in Brussels in May 1896 to discuss relations between their
organisations. Some kind of agreement between them was
reached in which it seemed that the OIB would participate in
the formation of a European Office of the Library Bureau in
Brussels. This would supply all OIB equipment and materials.
The Library Bureau, in its various locations, would undertake
to distribute OIB-IIB publications. It would be given a mono-
poly in English-speaking countries for them and would receive
a commission on sales of them. The OIB, in its turn, would
receive a commission on the sale of furniture and supplies by
the Library Bureau's European Office in Brussels. Apparently
Otlet, who prepared a draft of the agreement, misinterpreted
the conversations leading to it, and the notion of a close colla-
boration between the OIB and the Library Bureau lapsed.64

Eventually Chivers learned that Otlet had gone ahead to
deal with the problem on his own. He was incensed and wrote:

I understand that you are selling cheaper cases of a similar construc-
tion to ours for cards. I shall be glad to have particulars of these
cases with prices ... Perhaps you will be good enough to recognise
that it is a little painful for us to observe our experience and expen-
sive initiative resulting in competition with our goods. We recognise
that the continental market must be supplied with suitable commodi-
ties. I would like to see what you consider the quality and price which
is likely to be satisfactory.65

Otlet wrote back that he had been forced to proceed unilateral-
ly, and had, indeed, been able to make good use of the Libra-
ry Bureau's experience:

By force of circumstances we have been obliged to have had card ca-
talogues made at a price we can afford on the continent. You will
have no difficulty in recognising that the experience that the Library Bu-
reau has acquired in this kind of manufacture, like that of other
English and American firms ... has been eminently profitable for
us . . . We had a moment's hope that the Library Bureau could take
into consideration the propositions we discussed during your trip to
Brussels, but we have seen nothing come of it, and we have been
forced to turn elsewhere.66

From this point on, the OIB acted as an agent in Europe
for cards and for furniture of the kind used in its work. It pub-
lished a catalog of bibliographical accessories in 1897,67 and
this appeared thereafter in various forms in the advertising
matter in the IIB Bulletin, in irregularly issued Notice-Cata-
logues, the Annuals, and in various other places. These catalogs

128

-were apparently widely used, particularly in Belgium but
also in other countries. Various government departments in
Belgium, and someone as remote as Pierre Nenkoff in Bulgar-
ia, bought most of their bibliographical supplies through the
OIB.68 As a commercial enterprise one may suppose that it was
not particularly successful. Its commercial activities were in-
cidental to and extensions of its own requirements. The cost
of cards and furniture seems not to have changed from 1897
to 1907.69

Examples of the various kinds of cards, divisionary cards
with or without printed headings and of different colours,
white card-stock of different weights for the bulk of the rep-
ertories, furniture with or without rods consisting of banks of
2, 4, 8, 16, 24, 36 and 72 drawers were deposited with Carl
Junker at the Austrian Secretariat in Vienna, and at the Offi-
ces of the Bibliographical Bureau of Paris.70 This material was
also exhibited at the international Expositions in which the
IIB-OIB took part. As the OIB developed other kinds of rep-
ertories, such as its repertory of dossiers and of photographs,
and continued to encourage others to follow its methods and do
likewise, it became ever more important that it ensure the
availability of appropriate equipment and materials.

FOOTNOTES

1.  Henri La Fontaine and Paul Otlet, «Creation d'un Repertoire Bibliogra-
phique Universel, note preliminaire», IBB Bulletin, I   (1805—6),  16—17.

17.

2.  Communications diverses: A — application de la Classification Decimale»,
IBB  Bulletin,   I   (1895—6),  45—47;  «L'Institut   International   de Biblio-
graphie:   premiers   resultats»,   IIB   Bulletin,   I   (|1895—6),   55—57.    Each
of these bibliographies is described in detail in «Analyses    et    compte-
rendus», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 146—1150.

3.  «Notes et Documents: The analytical card cataloque of current zoological
literature*, IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 124—6.

4.  «L'Institut International de Bibliographie:  Les trois derniers mois», IIB
Bulletin, I (1895—6), 162.

5.  «Compte-rendu  sommaire  des   deliberations:   Conference  Bibliographique
Internationale, deuxieme session, Bruxelles, 1897», IIB Bulletin, II  (1897),
225.

6.  «Collection   des   contributions   imprimees   au   Repertoire   Bibliographique
Universel—Bibliographia   Universalis»,   IIB   Bulletin,   IV   (11899),   178—
84.

7.  Charles Sury, Bibliographie feminine beige. Essai de catalogue des ouv-
rages publies par les femmes beiges de 1830 a 1897 (Contribution No. 24,
Bibliographia Universalis; Bruxelles: Gh.Bulens, 1898).

8.  Menryk Arctowski,    Mate/yaly do Bibliografii prac naukowych   Polskich
...   (Materiaux  pour  servir  a la bibliographie  des  travaux scientifiques
polonais, Index des memoires publies dans les [14 premiers volumes des

9-3391                                                                                    129

Memoires   Physiographiques  de  Pologne;  Miedzynarodowy  Institut Bib-
liograficzny, 1897).

9. G. Barbera, Catalogo perenne delle edizioni e delta opere in deposito
per ordine chronologico e con la classificazione decimale secondo il
systema Melvil Dewey (Firenze: Barbera, 1897). Two supplements were
issued to this catalog bringing it up to 1900. It was Contribution No. 27
to the 'Bibliographia Universalis.

10.  Bureau Bibliographique de Paris, Sommaires bibliographiques du bulle-
tin de la Societe d'Encouragement pour I'Industrie Nationale, 1896. (Pa-
ris:   Le  Bureau,   1898);    Bureau  BibHographique  de  Paris,    Sommaires
analytiques des principaux articles des  comptes-rendus des seances de
la Societe Francaise de Physique, 1897  (Paris:  le Bureau,  1898). These
were contributions No. 29 and No. 28 to the Bibliographia Universalis.

11.  Andrew Keogh, Catalogue of the Stephenson Branch of the Newcastle-
upon-Tyne   Public      Libraries,  1897       (Newcastle-upon-Tyne:     Andrew
Reid, 1897); C. J. Bertrand, Catalogue de la Bibliotheque Publique d'Ath.
(Gand:   Host,   1898).  These were  Contributions  25  and  26  respectively.

12.  «Modeles   des  publications   bibliographiques»,   IIB  Bulletin,   III   (1898),
193—204.

13.  Richet to La Fontaine, 2 January 1902, Dossier No. 257, «Richet», Mun-
daneum.

14.  La Fontaine to Richet, 29 January 1902, ibid.

15.  Vurgey, Bibliographia Esthetica:  repertoire general des  travaux d'esthe-
tiques   (Bruxelles:  IIB,  1908). No Christian names or initials are given
for the author. This was Contribution No. 44 to the Bibliographia Uni-
versalis.

16.  H.  La Fontaine, Bibliographie de la Paix   (Bruxelles:   IIB,   1910). This
was Contribution No. 44 to   the Bibliographia Universalis.

17.  Otlet to Putnam, 23 November 1903, Dossier No. 297, «Library of Con-
gress», Mundaneum.

18.   IIB, Rapport sur la situation et les travaux, 1903 (Bruxelles: IIB, 1904).
The report was also published in IIB Bulletin, VIII  (1903), 247—70. No
reasonably full account of all the titles of the Contributions to the Bib-
liographia Univei salis occurred until 1912, and this was by    no    means
complete. A table of the more important Contributions and the number
of notices contained in them was given in the Manuel abrege du Reper-
toire BibHographique Universel  (Bruxelles:   IIB,   1905),  pp. 55—56. This
was as of 5 September 1904. Another table listing the same Contributions
as  of  May  1905  showed  an  overall  increase  of  30,000  notices  by  that
time. («Etat de publication et statistique de la Bibliographia Universalis,
arete du   1"   Mai,   1905»,   IIB  Bulletin,  X   (1905),  51—52).

19.  Louis Masure, Rapport sur la situation et les travaux pour I'annee 1912
(Bruxelles:   IIB,   1913), p.  43.   (Annual  Reports were not issued    every
year, but only in 1903 and 1912).

20.  Ibid., p. 51.

21.  IIB, Annuaire de I'Institut    International de Bibliographie pour I'annee-
1899 (Bruxelles: IIB, 1899), pp. 104—110.

22.  «Compte-rendu  sommaire  des   deliberations;  Conference   BibHographique
Internationale, deuxieme session, Bruxelles 1897», p. 255.

23.  Annuaire de 1'IIB pour I'annee 1899, pp. 91—93.

24.  Rapport sur la situation et les travaux, 1903, p. 9.

25.   Ibid.

130

26.   Ibid.

27.  There are a number of letters about this agreement from Otlet and La
Fontaine  for  the  period   1902  until  the War  in    the    Mundaneum    in
Dossier No. 297, «Library of Congress*.

28.  Andrews to Otlet, June 27, 11911, Dossier No. 468, «John Crerar Libra-
ry*, Mundaneum.

29.  A description of the various repertories comprising the RBU as of 1912,
and the principal sources used in developing them appeared in Masure,
Rapport.. . pour I'annee 1912, pp. 18—20.

30.  Rapport sur la situation et tes traoaux, 1903, pp. 10—11.

31.  «Repertoire   Bibliographique   Universel,   statistique  au  ller   Janvier   1905
(table)», IIB Bulletin, X  (1905), 49—50.

32.  Masure, Rapport... pour I'annee 1912, pp. 18—22.

33.  «La Documentation et l'Iconographie», IIB Bulletin, XI   (1906), 29—69.

34.  «Section VII, formation des repertoires bibliographiques; subdivision  16:
fonctionnement  des repertoires  a  fiches», Manuel abrege du Repertoire
Bibliographique Universel, p. 73.

35.  «Communication   des   fiches   du   Repertoire   Bibliographique   Universel*,
IIB Bulletin, II  (1897),  142—43. See also    Renseignement sur I'Institut
International de Bibliographie; ses services et ses travaux:  Le Repertoire
Bibliographique Universel (s. 1., s. d.), 21 pp.

36.  Masure, Rapport... pour I'annee 1912, pp. 93—97.

37.  «Organisation des instituts nationaux de bibliographie»,    IIB Bulletin,
VI (1901), 174—178.

38.  IIB, L'Organisation systematique de la documentation et le developpe-
ment de I'UB  (Publication No. 82; Bruxelles:  IIB, 1907), p. 42.

39.  «Inventoire  des  bibliographies   envoyees   au  Bureau   Bibliographique  de
Par,is», Dossier No.  186, Mundaneum. This file seems to imply that the
whole exhibit at the Exposition of Paris  was  sent  to  the Bureau.  But
this was not actually so  (see the work cited  in note 40).

40.  General Sebert, Note sommaire sur le Repertoire Bibliographique Univer'
sel base sur la Classification Decimate (Paris: Typographic Philippe Re-
nouard,  1903). This is an extract from the Bulletin of the Societe d'En-
couragement pour l'lndustrie Nationale, for 1903.

11. «Inventoire  des  Bibliographies  envoyees  au  Bureau  Bibliographique  de
Paris».

42.  General Sebert, p. 12.

43.  See  Dossier  No.   518.   «Bibliotheque   du Gouvernement    du  Grand   Du-
che de Luxembourg*, Mundaneum.

44.  See  Dossier No. 515, «Nenkoff», Mundaneum.   (Pierre  Nenkoff  was the
Librarian of the Pleven Public Library)   and W. Boyd Rayward, «Pierre
Nenkoff...   and  the  IIB ...», Libri,  24   (1974), 809—228.

45.  Otlet to Manuel Cicero   (Director of the Library), 9 May  1911,  Dossier
No.  504,  «Bibliotheque  Nationale  de  Rio  de Janeiro*,  Mundaneum.

46.  Otlet to various  diplomats,  29  November   1911   (form  letter),  ibid.

47.  «Total des fiches envoyees a la Bibliotheque Nationale de Rio de Janei-
ro*  (note), ibid.

48.  Masure to Cicero, 20 July 1914, ibid.

49.  Cicero to Masure, 5 August 1914, ibid.

9*                                                                                            131

50.  Geddes   to  La   Fontaine,   12  October   1903.   Dossier    No.   210,   «Patrick
Geddes», Mundaneum.

51.  Ibid.

52.  La Fontaine to Geddes, 21 October 1903, ibid.

53.  Otlet to Geddes, 28 July  1903, ibid,   (this is a 5 page letter).

54.  Otlet to Geddes, 26 April 1902, ibid.

55.  Geddes to Otlet, 8 October 1902, ibid.

56.  Geddes to Otlet, 28 October 1902  (a card), ibid.

57.  There is a note  (by Masure?)    on the card cited above giving prices:
«27 francs, 1000 — 5 centimes the card as usual».

58.  Otlet to the Bureau in Boston  (an undated letter written after the Sep-
tember  Conference  in  Brussels  in   1895),    Dossier    No.  369,    «Library
Bureau. Boston—Londres, 1895 a 1900». Mundaneum.

59.  Various letters between Otlet, La Fontaine and Chivers, November  1895
to January 1896, ibid.

60.  «Faits et documents: Exposition BibLiographique de Bruxelles», IIB Bul-
letin, I  (1895—96), 120—21.

61.  «Compte-Rendu  sommaire  des deliberations:  Conference  Bibliographique
internationale,   deuxieme  session,   Bruxeltes,   1897»,  p.  262.

62.  «Imprimerie   de l'lnstitut   International   de   Bibliographies-,  Annuaire  de
1'IIB pour Vannee 1899, p. 119.

63.  La Fontaine to Richet, 29 January 1902, Dossier No. 257, «Richet», Mun-
daneum.

64.  The draft agreement is  headed «Avant-projet de  convention entre l'Of-
fice  International  de Bibliographie  et  le Library  Bureau*.  Various  let-
ters  passed  between  Chivers  and  Otlet  about  it  during  the months of
May   and  June   1896.   Dossier  No.   369,   «Library  Bureau.   Boston—Lon-
dres, 1895 a 1900», Mundaneum.

65.  Chivers to Otlet, 9 June 1897, ibid.

66.  Otlet to Chivers, 10 June 1897, ibid.

67.  «Catalogue   des   accessoires   bibliographiques — meubles   et   f iches»,   I IB
Bulletin, II (1897), 161—66.

68.  Various requests for cards  and furniture  appear in  the  dossiers  of  the
government departments. The Nenkoff file in this  connection  also con-
tains  a long drawn out  and, in retrospect,  amusing drama  over a key
which was lost in transit to Bulgaria for some locked catalog furniture
(Dossier  No.  515,  «Nenkoff»,  passim, Mundaneum).   In  the preliminary
advertising matter to the IIB Bulletin, V Fasc. XII   (1907),  at the end
of the  catalog  of  accessories  is   appended  a  list    of «References»    for
the material advertised. These references include a number of  Belgian
government   departments,   and   various   universities,   museums   and   col-
leges.

69.  The  same   prices   are  listed   in  the  «Catalogue   des   Accessoires   Biblio-
graphiques...»   (1897),   and  the   advertisement  in  the  IIB  Bulletin for
1907 described in the preceding note.

70.  «Institutions   diverses   se  rattachant  a l'IIB»,  Annuaire  de  V1IB    pour
Vannee 1902 (Bruxelles: IIB, 1902), 14—16.

Chapter  VII

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE  INTERNATIONAL
OFFICE AND  INSTITUTE OF BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE OIB

Charles Sury, the first secretary of OIB, resigned after
a number of years to join the Library of the Universite Libre
de Bruxelles. He was succeeded by the young historian,
Eugene Lameere, to whom, as to Sury before him, was assign-
ed some editorial responsibility for the publication of the
IIB Bulletin. This vehicle of information, news and scholarly
articles was issued by the OIB continuously but irregularly
from 1895. It gradually decreased in size and regularity as
time went on and contained an increasingly large number of
errors, from which, indeed, it had never been particularly
free and for which it had been criticised by the IIB's adver-
saries. «It is not worthy of an Institute of Bibliography*,
declared Otlet in a note to Lameere. «In the future I desire
to see all the Bulletin and above all the annexes, such as
tables, covers and introduction*.1 Lameere died at the untimely
age of thirty not long after taking up his duties at the
OIB and was replaced by Louis Masure.

Louis Masure, like Otlet and La Fontaine, had taken a
Doctoral en Droit, and had been admitted to the Bar. His
was one of the most important appointments made by Otlet
and La Fontaine. As Secretary he dealt with all the routine
matters of internal administration. He did much of the
editorial work, and the indexing and preparation of printer's
copy at the Office. He assumed responsibility for its general
correspondence, both with various Belgian government de-
partments with which the Office had continuing relations,
and also with foreign collaborators. When Otlet, aware that
he could and did behave in a manner he himself described
as «scrupulously, stupidly grand seigneur», was hasty and
unsympathetic or evasive in correspondence, or aloof and
impatient in person, Masure stepped    in    with    softer   words,

133

Office International de Bibliographie
La Salle  des  Repertoires,   1903

fuller explanations, discreet indications of when and how the
great man should be approached. He was on familiar terms
with most of the government officials with whom the Office
came regularly into contact, and this must have contributed
a great deal to the smoothness and effectiveness of their
routine interaction. Without him the Office might very well
have been less successful than it was, for he relieved Otlet
of the necessity of attending to those ubiquitous, nagging
minutiae of administration which confront every executive in
any organisation. Otlet was by temperament very little capable
of dealing systematically and pertinaciously with them.
Apart from all of this, Masure had a talent beyond price: he
could read the curt notes in which Otlet frequently conveyed
his instructions to his staff both when he was busy in Brussels
or on his frequent trips out of it. More often than not these
notes were hastily scrawled in an almost indecipherable,
crabbed handwriting which was the despair of Otlet's friends,
and the subject of much exasperated   badinage.   As   Secretary

134

of OIB, then, Masure seems to have been intelligent, faithful,
meticulous, unassuming, unassertive, competent, patient,
persistent — in a word, indispensable. He provided an often-
tested but strong thread of administrative continuity in the
Office for twenty seven years.

In 1901, the IIB published a note in its Bulletin on the
«Organisation of national Institutes of Bibliography*.2
Among the functions of these institutes as here set out were:
the preparation and keeping up-to-date of an integrated
bibliographical repertory on cards for all the material, cur-
rent and retrospective, published in a country, a repertory
which could provide a base from which to publish various
kinds of official bibliographies; the maintenance of a duplicate
of the RBU and the organisation of an information service
in connection with it; the preparation of a union catalog of
the libraries of a country; the publication of a bulletin of
information about bibliographical activities being carried out
within a country; and the compilation of an annual report
on the state and statistics of national bibliographical organi-
sation. National institutes of bibliography were also to serve
as the national liaison body with the IIB and be counsellor to
and, when necessary and if feasible, the agent of national
governments in ail matters of national or international bib-
liographical import.

Some of these functions the OIB performed automatically
for Belgium as the headquarters organisation of the IIB. But
other aspects of the work thought appropriate for national
institutes of bibliography were taken up very seriously. The
organisation of a union catalog for Belgian public libraries
was begun in 1902. By 1903 over thirty printed catalogues of
various libraries had been dismembered, pasted on cards, and
interfiled to form an alphabetic author repertory. To this were
added several important publications concerning astronomical
and geological material in Belgian libraries.3 Over the years
this general catalog grew in size and comprehensiveness
as the catalogs of particular libraries were printed, so that
by 1912 it represented the holdings of 73 libraries and contain-
ed locations for over 30,000 periodical titles.4 It was planned
eventually to print excerpts from it under the title Central
Catalogue of Belgian Libraries. Only one such excerpt,
Periodicals of Medicine, appears to have been issued,5 though
negotiations were held with the Belgian Chemical Society in
the hope of gaining its support for the publication of a second
catalog dealing with chemical periodicals in Belgian lib-
raries.6

From its inception, the OIB was directly involved in the
completion of the Belgian national bibliography, Bibliographie
de Belgique, published by the Belgian Booksellers' Association,

135

under contract from the Belgian government. In 1895 the OIB-
prepared a second part to this bibliography, an index to
selected Belgian periodicals, and provided classification num-
bers for the books listed in the first part of the bibliography.
The periodicals' index appeared again in 1896 slightly aug-
mented in size. In 1897 and 1898 the OIB did not participate
in preparation of the Bibliographie de Belglque. But after 1899'
the association of OIB with the Bibliographie was continued
uninterrupted until after the War. In 1906, with a subsidy
from the Government, the Office became responsible for an
edition of the bibliography on cards, copies of which were
distributed free to a number of great foreign libraries.7 This
was an important step for the OIB in its role as a national
institute of bibliography attempting to cooperate as fully as
possible with the International Institute of Bibliography in
the elaboration of the RBU. The Bibliographie de Belgique,
as Otlet and its editor, Ernest Vanderveld, proudly pointed
out to the fifth International Publishers' Congress in Milan
that year, now fulfilled all the requirements formulated by
the IIB for a national bibliography.8 The relationship of the
OIB with the Bibliographie de Belgique was constantly rene-
gotiated over the years as the contracts for the publication
of the bibliography expired and were themselves renegotiated.
In 1911 Otlet was appointed to a Commission supervising the
publication of the bibliography.9 In 1912 and 1913 the periodi-
cals' index, now called «Bulletin des sommaires», which, like
the parent bibliography itself, gradually increased in size with
the years, was issued on special lightweight sheets of paper
printed on one side only. When the Mandate of the Commission
of 1911 expired in 1914 and the compilation of the biblio-
graphy was assigned at that time to the Bibliotheque Royale
He Belgique, it was announced that «the publication of the
'Bulletin des sommaires' . . will henceforth be exclusively
entrusted to the OIB».10

The fact that the OIB saw the entire bibliography in
various stages of preparation gave it ample opportunity to
fulfil another of the tasks of a national institute of bibliogra-
phy — the gathering of publishing statistics, and these were
tabulated and published from time to time in the IIB Bul-
letin.

The OIB did little, however, for retrospective bibliography
in Belgium though it tried to the extent of entering into a
series of negotiations with the Ministry of the Interior and
Public Instruction for the compilation and publication of a
Bibliographie Naiionale for the period 1880 to 1900. This
was to continue work already completed and published for
the period 1830 to 1880. The negotiations, however, seem not
to have ended in any agreement.11

136

Nevertheless, there were other ways in which the Office
could promote the cause of bibliography in Belgium, especially
by encouraging and helping various institutions to print the
catalogues of their libraries. It participated, for example, in
the preparation of the catalogs of the libraries of the Mi-
nistry of Railways, the Central Statistical Commission of
Belgium, and the Ministry of the Interior and Public Inst-
ruction. The first was carried out over the period 1899 to 1902,
the second from 1903 to 1908 (involving the printing of vo-
lumes 1 to 4 of its catalog), the third from 1902 to 1911
(involving the printing of volumes 1 to 7 of its catalog).
The Office indexed and revised bibliographical notices sent
to it for these catalogs, and, when the various volumes were
published, dismembered and interfiled them so that each libra-
ry would have only one, integrated, catalogue of its holdings.12
In return for these labours the Office received for its own
use up to as many as 12 copies of each of the printed vol-
umes.13 It performed these same tasks for other non-govern-
mental organisations in Belgium, or advised them how to
proceed themselves,14 and participated in the compilation and
publication of various special catalogs such as, for example,
the catalogs of various expositions arranged by the Cercle
d'Etudes Typographiques of Brussels.15

In 1906 the OIB began to publish a list of Belgian patents,
first in the Journal des brevets, and then separately in Brus-
sels. This was a culmination of a number of years of study on
the nature and functions of Patent Offices and the application
of the Decimal Classification to Patent Literature.16 That
same year a «Notice on the Organisation of Publicity for
Patents: Bibliography of Patents», appeared in the IIB Bulletin
which suggested that a

Patent Office, from the bibliographical point of view and from the
point of view of research, is not only a Library where volumes are
conserved, it is a centre of documentation whose function henceforth
should be quite clear: to gather together the printed documents in
different countries on patents, reduce these documents to a certain
number of primary categories or patent descriptions, thereupon to clas-
sify each patent according to the categories of a uniform classifica-
tion; to form in this way from the numerous publications in large
collections, a homogeneous, always up-to-date whole.'7

This note explored the application of the Decimal Classifi-
cation to patent literature, and the OIB began to correspond
with the International Bureau for Industrial Property in
Berne and with groups in America.18 The formation of a
Repertory of Patents on cards classified according to the
Decimal Classification seemed to be a logical outcome of the-
OIB's studies and of the various international recommenda-
tions for the handling of patents.19 In Belgium, patent notices
were  published  sequentially  in  no  particular    order    in  the

137

Moniteur beige as a form of simple registration. The OIB
took each of these notices from the Moniteur beige, classified
it, and every fortnight published a collection of notices thus
obtained in a Repertoire des brevets d'invention delivres en
Belgique, described as a separately printed extract of the
Journal des brevets.20 The notice for each patent contained
only its registration number at the State Patent Office, the
name of the inventor, its title and a classification number.
The classification was made by A. Louis Vermandel, the
editor of Index de la presse technique, or Bibliographia Tech-
nica. The Repertory of Patents was seen as «part of the whole
work of co-operative documentation established by the Ins-
titute*.21 At least 47 issues appeared from 1907 to 1909 con-
taining well in excess of 15,000 notices.22

The OIB, in its role as national bibliographical institute
acting for Belgium in the sphere of international bibliography,
eventually became the regional bureau for Belgium of the
Royal Society sponsored International Catalogue of Scien-
tific Literature, but only rather reluctantly. At the end of 1899,
the Minister of the Interior and of Public Instruction wrote
to Otlet as Secretary-General of the OIB, asking his opin-
ion on the Royal Society's proposed organisation for the
International Catalogue. Otlet replied with a description of
the OIB's programme, and pointed out that

with respect to the bibliography of works published in Belgium, our
Office already constitutes the national organisation which the Royal
Society wishes to see created as a 'regional bureau' by the institution
of which the Royal Society hopes to facilitate the collection and dis-
patch of material to London. Indeed, among other work, our Office
carries out the regular and systematic registration of all the books
and periodical articles which appear in Belgium. It would therefore
be possible for us, at relatively little new cost, to furnish the Royal
Society of London with the material it asks for and to permit Bel-
gian scientific literature therefore to figure in the future international
catalogue of the Sciences.23

Otlet, La Fontaine and one other member of the OIB's
Committee of Direction had acted for Belgium at each of the
conferences held by the Royal Society on the International
Catalogue of Scientific Literature. The International Catalogue
-was a venture on the scale of the work projected for the
IIB, and it was potentially either a formidable rival or a
powerful ally. Both at the various conferences on the Cat-
alogue and in his writings Otlet ceaselessly and unsuccessfully
enjoined the Royal Society to reject its isolationism, to co-ope-
rate with the OIB, to adopt its methods and participate in
its work. Over the years, the IIB Bulletin carried the doc-
uments issued by the Society about the Catalogue, and reports
of the meetings to which Otlet had repaired.

In 1899 Otlet published a detailed, point-by-point and
highly critical examination of the final specifications    adopted

138

by the Royal Society for the Catalogue. To this he joined the
closely reasoned, equally adverse critiques of Field and Richet
and published them as a separate fascicule of the IIB Bul-
letin.24 By 1902, four volumes had appeared. Concluding a
general appraisal of them and the enterprise which had produced
them, Otlet remarked:

Bibliography to-day has truly become a technique; it has a history,
numerous applications, rules gradually arrived at from several centu-
ries of experience gathered throughout the world. Why at Burlington
House, does pleasure seem to be taken in transgressing principles
which seem definitely established to-day, and why is there a refusal to
recognise the irresistible force of the contemporary movement towards
co-operation, towards uniformity, of methods, towards co-ordination of
existing scientific undertakings?25

In 1905 the Manual of the RBU containing the fully deve-
loped tables of the Universal Decimal Classification was tab-
led at a meeting in London for the International Catalogue
of Scientific Literature. A note accompanied it requesting that
some agreement between the Catalogue's Council and the IIB
should be reached whereby the scope of the Catalogue would
not be extended as had been suggested at a meeting of the
Executive Committee of the Catalogue in 1904. The IIB would
assume the direction of similar catalogs for «social and
technical sciences*. The note suggested that the regional
bureaux established to co-operate with the Royal Society in
the compilation of the Catalogue could easily extend their
work to include the collection of appropriate material in
¦each country for the new subject areas. A formal resolution
>of intent to co-operate with other bibliographical organisations
(the IIB was not specifically mentioned) and a decision to
limit the scope of the Catalogue to the natural sciences was
as much as the Belgians achieved at this meeting.26

Perhaps Otlet's reservations about the Catalogue as well
as his emphasis on the international work of the OIB—IIB
explained his reluctance to set the OIB up formally as a reg-
ional bureau for the Catalogue, though he acknowledged as
early as 1900 that it could act as one. Eventually in 1907
Henryk Arctowski, a distinguished Polish geophysicist and
Polar explorer, complained that though Belgium subscribed
to a number of copies of the Catalogue, Belgian scientific
work was not properly represented in it. He acknowledged
that OIB had done something already for the Catalogue, but
it was not enough.

In Germany, in France, in Poland and elsewhere committees have
been formed ... by the academies or the learned societies; in Belgium,
on the contrary, we are disinterested in the work which touches us
so directly, and we have abandoned completely to the care of the
OIB work which, in my opinion, should be done more or less under
the responsibility of a competent commission, composed in consequence
of men of science, one specialist for each science, for example.27

139

Arctowski's plea and the implicit criticism of OIB had con-
siderable effect. After a number of meetings between various
interested individuals, a Commission of the kind he had pro-
posed was set up. A Decree issued on 5 May 1908 indicated
its function as

to lend its scientific collaboration to the OIB for indexing and class-
ing works published in Belgium concerning the sciences. The biblio-
graphical notices which will be prepared are destined to enrich the
Repertories and Bibliographical collections of Belgium, and are regu-
larly to be sent to the Bureau of the International Catalogue of Sci-
entific Literature in London.28

The OIB undertook to prepare and maintain the manuscript
of the notices involved, and to limit and co-ordinate the work
of the various specialists compiling them, the final manuscript
being reviewed by a plenary session of the Commission before
dispatch to London.29 Though the original suggestion for the
work of the Commission was limited to preparing material for
the Royal Society's Catalogue, Otlet had ensured that the
Commission's charge was couched in more general terms.
One meeting, for example, concluded with the resolution

there is occasion to collaborate in the preparation of the RBU,
characterised by the use of cards, the development of the Decimal Clas-
sification, and the publication of bibliographical notices for each
branch of science from a central organisation; there is also occasion
to encourage the publications of the Concilium Bibliographicum, the
Bibliographia Universalis, (and to) collaborate in the International
Catalogue of Science for the bibliography of Belgian scientific
works.30

Otlet prepared a list of societies likely to be able to assume
responsibility for various subject areas,31 and became anxious
to develop a concordance between the Royal Society's classi-
fication and the Decimal Classification.32 During the following
years he supervised and organised the co-operation of Belgium
with the Royal Society, for the OIB did in fact become the
Belgian regional bureau of the Royal Society's Catalogue,
although it seems that its collaboration was never wholeheart-
ed nor particularly persistent.33

A natural extension of the OIB's work in co-ordinating
bibliographical activities in Belgium and facilitating the co-ope-
ration of various associations and societies concerned with
it, was the gathering at the OIB of information on Belgian
learned societies. In 1904 a circular was prepared and sent out
to determine the name, the headquarters, the date of found-
ation, the officers, the sessions, the work, services, collections,
publications, affiliations, the library holdings and the state
of their organisation, and the budget, of these groups, for an
Annuaire des societes scientifiques, artistiques et litteraires de
Belgique which was published in 1905.34 This small volume,
limited to notices about «free associations of all kinds whose
objects and endeavours complement the action of official aca-

140

demies and institutions and that of the great universities*,35
was important as marking a stage in the evolution of OIB
into a bibliographical centre for these associations.

The work described above, which OIB carried out with
greater or less regularity, was in a sense specifically national
and did not involve much in the way of systematic publica-
tion. As a bibliographical institute which was also headquar-
ters of the International Institute of Bibliography, it also
assumed, as has been indicated, a not inconsiderable program
of bibliographical publication. Of first importance in this
program was the IIB Bulletin, the IIB Publications, and of
course the various Manuals of the Decimal Classification. The
IIB Bulletin appeared regularly from 1895 until 1911 when it
ceased to appear except for a brief revival in 1914. During
1912 and 1913 the Institute was «very strongly engaged in
work for the government and for other institutions: that is
the reason for provisionally stopping the publication of the
Bulletin».36 During the first ten years of IIB's existence most
of its publishing activity was directed towards the Bulletin
and the completion of the elaborated Decimal Classification.
It did, however, publish a number of individual bibliographies
and Henri La Fontaine's annual Bibliographia Bibliographica.

With the completion of the Manual of the RBI) and its
printing during 1904 through 1907, the OIB was freer to
undertake other publications than before. It continued, of course,
to collaborate in the preparation of the Bibliographie de
Belgique, the catalogues of a number of libraries as described
above, and in the Bibliographia Technica which appeared
regularly from 1903 until the war, and resumed immediately
after it. But it also assumed a fuller responsibility for the
Bibliographia Economica Universalis, attached to the Revue
economique Internationale.

The main part of the Revue was printed by the Imprime-
rie Goemare, but the quotations by this firm to print the
bibliographical part compiled at the OIB by Masure and La
Fontaine were so outrageously high,37 that, after some inves-
tigation, the work was given to the firm of R. and H. Fou-
rez.38 In a note prepared for the prospective printer, the
bibliographical part of the Revue was described as «an inde-
pendent publication first appearing in the Revue economique
Internationale, and then, separately in 12 fascicules a year
which, at the end of the year, are brought together in a
single volume».39 The Revue agreed to pay 65% of the costs
of printing the bibliography. It was imperative that the Revue
should receive the bibliography by a specified time each
month so that it could meet its publication schedules. This
became the source of a great deal of trouble. The October
and November  1908 issues, very much delayed, caused recri-

141

minations between the publisher, Fourez, Masure and the
Revue's editor, which were exchanged well into 1909, Masure
alleging that he had sent the copy to Fourez in time, Fourez
claiming it had come late.40 This altercation was particularly
rancorous because in 1907 the three parties had worked out
a system of penalties for lateness at 20 francs per day exacted
by the Revue.il By 1910 the position had become impossible.
Desperately preparing for the 1910 Brussels Exposition and
a series of conferences organised by the OIB, Masure wrote
that the bibliography would be late, but «to apply the penal-
ties in this case would be very unfriendly*.42 This elicited a
stiff response: «The Revue cannot disorganise its services be-
cause the OIB organises a conference!*43 By June the penalties
for the previous three months had reached more than
1200 francs. «\Vhat», wrote the editors, «will the Institute
offer to pay?»44 In 1911 the OIB was punctual except for
January, but in 1912 and 1913, when more conferences took
place, the trouble began again. At the end of 1912 (when the
OIB had been late with the Bibliography every month), the
total penalties for the three years, 1910, 1911, 1912, reached
3,850 francs. The first payment for a number of years made
by the Revue to the OIB for the printing of the Bibliography-
was made in July 1914: 115 francs!45

It was clear that the Conferences of 1910 and 1913 ab-
sorbed most of OIB's energies, so that it could not keep to the
printing schedules for the Revue economique internationale.
It also became clear that in its relations with its own printer,
Fourez, the OIB was, economically, walking a tightrope.
Fourez's bills for 1905, 1906, 1908, for example, could not be
paid at once. The most often repeated excuse was the absence
from Brussels of the peripatetic La Fontaine, who had become
Treasurer, or the necessity of waiting for the OIB's govern-
mental subsidy.46 Evident in all of this is a reaching by its-
directors just beyond the OIB's budget and organisational
ability, a tendency to move on to a later series of tasks before
a basis in the assured consolidation of former ones was
achieved. Consequently the assumption of new work at the
OIB invariably interfered with the performance of former
work. As the Office expanded, most of its publishing activities
were interrupted and in some instances terminated. La Fon-
taine, beginning his work on the Bibliographia Economica Uni-
versalis, ceased to compile the Bibliographia Bibliographica.
The expansion of the Institute in 1910 led to the cessation of
the Repertoire des brevets and the silence of the IIB Bulletin
which was only broken briefly in 1914. Though the Decimal
Classification was discussed, revised and newly developed in
part after 1905, very little of it was published after that time
and none of it was published on a regular basis.

142

Nevertheless, whatever difficulties and inadequacies were
revealed as time went by and as the growing Office and
Institute creaked and groaned in their reaching towards inter-
nationalism, the Bulletin did appear for 16 years; the Biblio-
graphia Economica Universalis, a comprehensive but by no
means complete work,47 appeared for 11 years; the enormous
Manual of the RBU was published; and regular work was done
over the decades from the beginning of the Institute's active
life to the War, on the Bibliographie de Belgique and the
Bibliographia Technica. If this work was not consistent in-
quality, and was neither always efficiently nor punctually per-
formed, it was at least undertaken and met some need. This
is an achievement which should not be deprecated.

OTLET

Once an obscure advocate practising law unwillingly and
with little success in the Court of Appeals in Brussels, by
1905, a decade after the foundation of the OIB—IIB, Otlet
had become a man of sufficient stature to act for the govern-
ment at important international gatherings concerned with.
bibliography. He was at the head of the OIB, a semi-official
agency of government, and of the IIB, which he always rep-
resented as nestling, because of the OIB, in some vague,
ill-defined way under the protective mantle of the govern-
ment. Dedicated, hard-working, friend and acquaintance of
many placed high in the social, professional and political
circles of the day, he soon settled into a position in Brussels
of assured but not obtrusive eminence. From this position and
cementing it and increasing its importance, he took an active-
part in various ventures related to his interests.

In 1905 he helped form a Musee du Livre with the participa-
tion of a number of organisations concerned with printing and
publishing, and became its President. The source of the
collections of the Museum was, at Otlet's suggestion, an
exhibition of photogravure held in 1906 and sponsored by the
Cercle d'Etudes Typographiques of Brussels.48 In 1906 the
Musee du Livre organised an exhibition of Belgian art and
literary books and a series of lectures at Ostend in the holiday
season. One of a formidable series of lecturers which included
his old maitre, Picard, and the poets Lemonnier, and Ver-
haeren, Otlet opened the exhibition with an address entitled
«Aspects of the Book».49 Later he delivered the inaugural
address at the official opening of the Musee du Livre in
Brussels.50

One of the organisations which participated in the forming
of the Musee du Livre was the Union de la Presse Periodique
Beige. As editor of the IIB Bulletin, Otlet had been a member
of the Union for a number of years. In 1906 be  became Vice-

143

President,  and President in  1908,  a position he still held as
late as 1923.51

An extremely important appointment was to the Ad-
ministrative Council of the Royal Library and to its sub-com-
mission for the inspection of the library. Otlet had long been
interested in libraries, of course, and had studied Belgian li-
braries for a number of years.52 He prepared reports on the
Royal Library's catalogs and its collections with sensible
and extensive recommendations for their improvement. This
work brought him some public notice.53 He retained his seat
on the Council until 1914.

In 1906 he was elected to the Libre Academie de Belgique
and became active within it. In the year following his election,
he prepared a report for the Academy on a «Program for the
Minister of Sciences and the Arts». This was a new ministry
centralising administrations which had previously been scatter-
ed inappropriately amongst other government departments.
The administration for Science, Letters and the Fine Arts, for
example, had been attached to the Ministry of Agriculture
in 1884. In 1888 it was transferred to the Ministry of the
Interior and Public Instruction. In 1895 matters connected
with the Fine Arts were returned to the Ministry of Agricul-
ture. The members of the Libre Academie and the organisa-
tions affiliated with the Musee du Livre were active in campaign-
ing for the creation of the new Ministry. Baron Descamps,
President of OIB, was appointed to the portfolio. Otlet's report
on the new Ministry was detailed and listed the various institu-
tions over which it would exercise control, including the
OIB, and discussed certain urgent problems with which it
would have to concern itself.54

During this time, however, Otlet's family was still in
financial trouble, and Otlet was a busy man much divided
between their affairs and his responsibilities for the OIB—
IIB. The family quarrelled bitterly on occasion over money.
Eventually the two brothers Paul and Maurice and their
stepbrothers and stepsister, Raoul, Adrien, Gaston, Edouard
and Rita, formed themselves into a company, Otlet Freres.
Paul, the oldest and least interested, became President. The
company's main purpose was to guard the family's Spanish
interests, mines at Montcayo and the Soria railway. Raoul
spent much time in Spain as the family's representative but
Otlet was on occasion forced to journey thither himself.
Suddenly, in 1907, his father died at the age of sixty-five.
«With him», Otlet wrote, «disappeared an enlightened, tena-
cious, useful energy».55 As far as Otlet was concerned his father
carried to his grave the possibility of the recovery of the
family's lost fortune. All that was left was the melancholy
and frustrating task of putting his father's tangled business

144

affairs into a final order. This was no easy task, nor one
from which he could expect to gain. He did not even have the
sustaining prospect of the ultimate renunciation of the uncon-
genial world of business and a total surrender to his intellec-
tual, even spiritual, world of internationalism and bibliography,
a world whose enticements grew stronger as he became more
deeply involved in it, for the disorders of Otlet Freres had not
yet reached, their peak. Two years after his father's death,
Otlet still struggled with the estate and he still remained un-
certain of anything of value to him from it. It seemed that
nothing..financial that he touched was straightforward. The
year before his father's death, his maternal grandfather,
Michel Van Mons, died. Otlet and his brother, Maurice, shared
in Van Mons's estate, of which Otlet was made an executor.
A difficulty in the will, however, was so serious and the search
for a solution so prolonged, that Otlet referred to its ultimate
settlement in a will of his own made in 1913.56

Divorce proceedings were initiated between Otlet and his
wife, Fernande, in April 1908. It was said that his preoccu-
pation with his work and his frequent absences from Brussels
were responsible for the rupture between them.57 Perhaps it
was inevitable that they should separate. From Otlet's Diary
we have a picture of Fernande as a gay, light-hearted, rather
flighty girl. Presumably as she grew older her interest in
her husband's work became no more lively than in earlier days.
Nor, one imagines, did she become any more able to compre-
hend the dedicated rather obsessive student and idealist
which formed such a large part of Otlet's character. Often
alone, with two teenage children at school, excluded by her
own temperamental indifference from that all-absorbing,
oddly institutionalised intellectual world of her husband's, she
must have found life drab and uneventful. There can be no
doubt of the intensity of Otlet's feelings for her when he was
a young man struggling towards the maturity of a life guided
by a confident sense of direction. Anxious, often depressed,
lonely and unsure of himself in the various European cities
into which his travels and studies took him, he continually
faced the spectre of failure at examinations and the sacrifice
at his father's insistence of a way of life that he desired passion-
ately to follow. In the midst of his difficulties, he dreamed
of the felicity of a future given richness and meaning by a
beloved wife. Her image and the prospect of their union stead-
ied and comforted him. For Fernande the future realised
itself in marriage to a man torn between business affairs
which he detested and in which it was not expected that she
should take an interest, and a vocation which failed to capture
her imagination but to which her husband wished to sur-
render himself utterly.  He  appeared not to  seek her amuse-

10—3391                                                                                  14 5

ment nor to encourage her to find a congenial occupation of
some kind. There was now little money and few of those
diversions characteristic of Edouard Otlet's household in the
days when Otlet courted her, days in which the family was
aggressively prosperous. She must often have felt isolated and
bored. The death of his father released Otlet from any familial
constraint to prolong the marriage.

These years of Otlet's private life, however, were by no
means completely shadowed by the death of his father and
by his divorce. He was a regular visitor to the house of Henri
La Fontaine's sister, Leonie. The visits eventually assumed an
almost invariable pattern as the years went by. He dined with
her every Tuesday evening. Indeed, so strong became the
habit of these visits for Leonie that they were continued for
a time, as it were, by proxy after Otlet's death, by his collea-
gue and disciple, Georges Lorphevre. At some time during the
period of his divorce proceedings he met a friend of Leonie
La Fontaine's, a wealthy Dutch woman, Cato Van Nederhas-
selt, who was older than he. She expressed interest in his
work and desired to participate in some way in it. Their
acquaintance developed apace through visits and correspond-
ence and the consequence, disappointing a tenuous hope
that Leonie La Fontaine was thought to cherish,58 was Otlet's
second marriage in 1912 to Cato Van Nederhesselt. This was
a very successful marriage, as far as one can gather, from,
which   Otlet   continually   drew   strength.

THE CONGRESS OF MONS AND THE MONT DES ARTS

In 1905 an International Exposition was held at Liege in
Belgium. The OIB exhibited excerpts from its repertories
and examples of bibliographical equipment and supplies. It
was also a member of the Exposition's Commercial Office and
it assembled, classified, and prepared for consultation at the
exposition a large collection of catalogs, prospectuses, cir-
culars and other industrial and commercial material. As on
similar occasions, a large number of international conferences
were held. Though no conference of the IIB was called, its
officials participated in a number of others such as that of
the International Union of Photography, a Congress for the
Extension of French Language and Culture and the Interna-
tional Congress of the Press. A culmination of these inter-
national conferences was one sponsored by the Belgian govern-
ment. It was intended to provide a kind of «summary» and
«crown» of all the others.59 Presided over by the King and
held at Mons, it was called the International Congress for
World Economic Expansion. Otlet presented a long report to
it containing proposals for the  development  of the OIB    by

146

means of a Documentary Union of Governments into the world
documentation centre of which he had always dreamed. The
report emphasised the necessity for reliable, current informa-
tion as a basis for planning economic expansion and he explored
the various ways in which private and official information
agencies could best be organised.

Among the resolutions taken by the International Con-
gress for World Economic Expansion were a number of the
utmost importance to the OIB. Perhaps the most impor-
tant was:

Considering that rapid, integrated current documentation related to
matters of world expansion is necessary for the full utilisation of the-
oretical and practical information scattered in innumerable publica-
tions which are printed each day; Considering that the task of guiding
researchers through documents should be the responsibility of special
organisations charged with providing direct information; Considering
the results of organisations created up till now for better organising
documentation and the work that they have done towards this goal;
Considering especially the activities of the International Institute of
Bibliography which are based on international co-operation and stan-
dardisation of methods; Considering that the sections of offices of
special technical and scientific documentation offer the public more
precise and complete information than do public organisations, ...;
Considering that similar institutions, which it is desirable to see de-
velop and multiply, can become a force in documentation by unifor-
mity of method, the world character of their documentary collections,
and by federation with the International Institute of Bibliography:
The Congress adopts the following resolutions:

1.  Information services which act as intermediaries between the pub-
lic and documents, furnishing, upon written or verbal consultation to
those interested, information on special points concerned with econo-
mic  and  geographic matters,  should  be organised    in    libraries with
their collections of publications, and museums with their collections of
objects, concurrently with instruction and courses;

2.    Abundant,   systematically   collected,   ready-for-use       material   for
response should be placed at the disposal of the personnel    of these
services which have been charged with the duty of satisfying the re-
quests  of  the  public,  For  the  rational      organisation  of  information
resources the documentary methods of the International    Institute of
Bibliography should be recognised. Particularly, a central documentary
repertory should be created in which should be unified and co-ordina-
ted daily, as a sort of permanent register, all the information collected
relative to places, people, institutions and products.

3.  A central office of documentation and information should be set up
in every country. This office should be organised  by public    authori-
ties with the agreement of the unofficial  associations.  It    should be
widely   accessible   to   those   interested.   The  central   office   should   be
put in touch with branches organised according to the same methods.
Upon the initiative of an international office, an agreement should be
made  between  the  central  offices of  the  different countries and  the
great international institutions in order to verify their    documentary
methods  and  exchange information  and  documents which     are of a
public nature.

4.  The Congress resolves that the International Office of Bibliography
which the Belgian government created in 1895 should set up an inter-

10*

147

national service whose object would be to organise world documenta-
tion in economic, .industrial, commercial, legal and social matters as
well as in connected subjects.60

Another  resolution  of  the  Congress  was   equally, important:

Close relations should be established between the museums on the one
hand, and, on the other, inquiry and information offices in economic
matters, in such a way as to complete a physical documentation in the
one (objects or facsimiles) by graphic documentation in the other
(writing, printed materials, drawings, photographs) and reciprocally
to put the museums and information offices in relation with the press
in order to give it documentation for its task of educating the public
in economic matters.61

These resolutions encouraged Otlet to plan and to work
for increased support for the expansion of the OIB—IIB. Late
in 1905 he addressed a memorandum to the government set-
ting out four proposals. The first was that the government
should call a conference to create an International Union for
Documentation. The OIB would be the headquarters of the
Union and would «act as the central institution co-ordinat-
ing the work of the office and that of the national biblio-
graphical services*. In joining the Union, governments would
ensure that their countries published a national bibliography
and adopted the minimum bibliographical rules, promulgated
by the OIB, for all bibliographic work. Secondly, Otlet pro-
posed that the government help the OIB create a national
documentation service in economic, technical and commercial
matters. This service would develop an up-to-date documen-
tary repertory drawing its material from patents, government
documents, statistical publications, tariff documents and tech-
nical and commercial annuals amongst other sources. The
government would need to provide the OIB with free locations
for such a service, furniture to house the new repertories
contemplated for it and an additional annual subsidy of
15,000 francs. Thirdly, the government should set up an In-
formation Service for Scientific and Educational Institutes in
Belgium. This service, to be part of the OIB, also, would
publish an annual. Finally the Government should set up a
Service for the National Bibliography and Catalogues of the
Libraries of Belgium. This would co-ordinate and extend
services already existing.62 Of course, Otlet had already begun
to put most elements of this program into effect well before
1905. The Congress of Mons and the awakened government
interest in information services provided him with an oppor-
tunity to push ahead with his long-standing plans, of which
the oldest and most central was that for a Documentary
Union of Governments. The proposals were not immediately
acted on as such.

Nevertheless, in May 1906 a Commission was appointed
by  the Minister  for  the  Interior  and  Public  Instruction.  Its

148

purpose was to examine a project known as the Mont des
Arts. In the Mont des Arts were to be centralised and co-
ordinated in appropriate and adjacent locations the Royal
Library, Archives, Museums and other educational, cultural
agencies under the aegis of the Minister. The Mont des Arts
was intended to give effect to the World Conference of Eco-
nomic Expansion's resolutions concerning Museums. The
existing buildings were to be altered and Others built on to
or around them. Otlet was the junior member of the Commis-
sion, and as such, in what seems to be a long hallowed tradi-
tion, was asked to take the minutes of its meetings.; by the
Chairman, Cyrille Van Overbergh, the Director-General of
the Ministry's Administration for Higher Learning, the Sciences
and the Arts.                                                             "    ,

In his address to the Commission Otlet enlarged upon
his earlier proposals to the government concerning the future
of the OIB. He described the movement of international as-
sociations towards setting up their headquarters in Brussels.
Brussels was, as a result, rapidly becoming an important sci-
entific, educational and cultural centre for the, whole world.
It seemed clear to Otlet that the Government should encourage
this trend, should assure the international associations hospi-
tality and support. As one of these organisations iand already
situated in buildings destined to be part of the Mont des
Arts, the I IB should logically become their centre,and should
gradually extend its services to provide an international docu-
mentation service. Already the IIB had attempted to encourage
co-operation between Belgian learned associations and
societies and similar international associations located ' in
Belgium. Otlet gave an account to the Commission of his
attempts to set up a Collective Library of Learned Societies.
He had conceived of this as early as 1903 even before the
IIB had begun the survey resulting in Annuaire des societes
scientifiques, artistiques et litter air es de Belgique. He had then
approached the government for an allotment of increased space
for the OIB and had been rebuffed with the comment that
the OIB's Royal Decree of 1895 in no way committed the
government «to furnish a location for the libraries of learned
societies*.63 In 1905, however, the Government agreed to allow
the OIB to occupy the Chapelle Saint Georges, 27a Montagne
de la Cour, This was a very old structure which had been
rebuilt in 1516, restored in the nineteenth century, and was
of some architectural interest. It was part of the Palais de
Beaux Arts, close to the other OIB—IIB locations and had
an entrance in the Rue de la Regence.64 In February 1906,
six associations had agreed to participate in the Collective
Library.

It was   possible now, Otlet informed   the   Commission, to

149

supply the government architect with all the necessary informa-
tion for planning the inclusion of the Collective Library in the
Mont des Arts. In addition, then, to the facilities needed for
the IIB, provisions should be made in the future Mont des
Arts for

1.  A large library with a reading room, a periodicals room, and book
stack able to house about .500,000 books. This library would comprise,
as a federative organisation, the collective library of the scientific so-
cieties of Belgium and a collective library of the international insti-
tutions  ...;

2.  A room for the information  and  documentary    repertories    which
should  be  anticipated  as  developing  ten  times  as  much    as    those
already elaborated by the IIB;

3.  Offices for a dozen secretariats installed near the library and the
repertory rooms.65

These offices would house the international associations in
the nucleus of an international centre.

The Commission was sympathetic in its conclusions to
Otlet's wishes and recommended that:

It is desirable to group the collections of objects whose function is
to be viewed and which, apart from their documentary character, par-
ticipate in the nature of works of art ... Libraries and documentation
services should be grouped and attempts should be • made to bring
together around the Royal Library, without threatening their autono-
my, the presently dispersed libraries of learned societies, of various
ministries and international institutions.66

In the course of the Commission's meeting Otlet and the
chairman, Van Overbergh, were stimulated to form a grand
plan for two new museums which would complement those
already existing: a World Museum and a Social Museum.
Otlet and Van Overbergh both saw their proposals as exten-
ding the work of the World Congress at Mons the year before.
For Otlet the notion of a World Museum returned him to his
preoccupations with synthesis, on the one hand, and documen-
tation in the broad sense in which he had begun to define
it, on the other. For Van Overbergh the notion was an exten-
sion of his concern with educational reform.

Having observed that museums had been formed «every-
where» in recent years, and that some of them were museums
of «everything», the authors described the World Museum they
envisaged. It would provide «a visual exposition of that which
constitutes the concrete reality of [our country], being at every
point linked to other countries, marking thus, in a clearly
apparent way, its place in the universe*. And where better
could it be placed than in the middle of the Mont des Arts,
for «is it not, in its many respects, the corollary, the link,
the synthesis of all the other museums?*

As for the Social Museum:

The idea of an exposition of the organisation and working of social
institutions, of presenting in a figurative way and by the least abstract

150

means possible, the different elements of modern society, the
great laws which regulate the social organism, the goals of its activi-
ty, the surest means of attaining them — this idea was brought to
birth by the international associations. For the last twenty years
every World Fair has had its exposition of social economy and each
has ... made apparent to the people that which is known to the few:
the action of impalpable forces in the scattered world.

This kind of exposition had been held at Liege in 1905 and
•would again be held in an exposition planned for Brussels
in 1910. Otlet and Van Overbergh emphasised the ease with
which the necessary documentation for the Museum could be
collected by government departments and from the internation-
al associations increasingly making their home   in    Brussels.67

This document is of particular interest because it fore-
shadows the great museum Otlet actually set about organising
at the 1910 Brussels Exposition and which figured largely in
his thoughts thereafter. Indeed, the Congress of Mons may be
considered as marking an important step in the evolution of
'Otlet's thought. As a result of its deliberations and the sub-
sequent Mont des Arts projet, Otlet became concerned with
ideas of how to extend the basic organisation underlying his
work. He was awakened to the notion of Museum as essential-
ly documentary and he was stimulated to begin considering
the possibilities of participation afforded by the international
associations whose headquarters seemed to be mushrooming
in Brussels. That the OIB—IIB could become an important
national information and documentation service, he was con-
vinced. It could also become the centre of international docu-
mentary organisation. The prospect of the extension of the
OIB—IIB in the Mont des Arts, of its being given an official,
above all international character through the creation of a
documentary union of governments, and of its introducing an
extensive economic and technical information service, led
Otlet to attempt to find additional funds for it.

As  a  notice  in  the  newspaper,  La  Chronique,  observed:

The resolutions of the Congress of World Expansion are being put
into effect one after another. One of the immediately practical ones
consists of the organisation at Brussels of an International Institute
of Documentation centralising all information in economic, technical
and social matters. To this end it is proposed to now give new develo-
pment to the International Office of Bibliography which is directed
by a Commission presided over by Baron Descamps and which posses-
ses important collections. The Office will be installed in the Mont des
Arts and will enter into relations with different international institu-
tions existing in Brussels and abroad. This vast project is vigorously
encouraged by the King.68

A Patronage Committee, the newspaper went on to inform its
readers, was being set up and the financiers, Ernest Solvay
and Franz Philippson were to be part of it. A sum of 200,000
francs was decided as necessary to develop the OIB as plan-

151

ned. This sum was to be spent over four years by which time
the Mont des Arts, it was believed, would be finished, and
the OIB in its new, expanded form settled within it. Ernest
Solvay, who became President of the IIB—OIB when Descamps
resigned in 1907 to head the new Ministry of Sciences and
Arts, promised to put up 50,000 francs as a start. Philipp-
son, following Solvay's lead, promised 10,000 francs. This
drew an enthusiastic letter from Solvay's secretary: «we are
enchanted. And the old cynical saying is right: to him who-
has will be.given*. Later in the year a further donation of
10,000 francs was received. («Congratulations from M. Solvay
and myself»). Many letters were sent out soliciting funds but
it is clear that the goal of 200,000 francs was not reached.
The King's support, referred to in the notice in La Chronique,
seems to have been limited to the acknowledgment of the re-
ceipt of donations to the OIB by Royal Decree. In the final
analysis the Mont des Arts was a much delayed project and
eventually, in 1909 Otlet asked Philippson to permit his,com
tribution for the expansion of the OIB to be used to support
the formation of an International Microphotographic Section
in the IIB.

EXPANSION

During the period just before and just after 1905, the
OIB underwent considerable expansion. Of first importance
was probably the Collective Library of Learned Societies. It
came formally into being in April 1906 and was officially
opened by Baron Descamps, outgoing President of OIB, in
December 1907 by which time the number of participating
societies had grown from six to twenty-five. The objectives
of the Library were described as:

To group the scattered libraries of scientific and corporate institutions
and associations as well as those of the [editorial] offices of periodi-
cals, to assume the administrative management of these libraries in a
manner to be determined in each case, to put appropriate locations
which will be heated, lit and accessible during most of the day, at
their disposal; to place the collections of each member institution
under a responsible administration charged with preserving them, cata-
loging them, making them available for use within the library and
lending them outside it, but in no way interfering with the ownership-
and the free disposition of the works deposited by the member insti-
tutions; to constitute by bringing different special libraries together in-
this way, a collective library which will progressively embrace the
different branches of encyclopedic knowledge, and which will be an
auxiliary to existing public libraries whose character is general; in
this way to put extensive collections of use for documentation work at
the disposal of the International Institute of Bibliography in exchange
for its supervisory care; at the same time to permit scientific associa-
tions to be certain of their members' access to the information and
documentation sources of the Institute.69

152

The Collective Library was in a sense part of a pattern of
structural elaboration within the OIB which involved the-
creation of new sections and new repertories. In 1905 an
International Institute of Photography was created as a new
section of the IIB. It grew out of an agreement between
Ernest de Potter, editor of the Revue beige de photographie,
and the OIB. The OIB undertook to develop the services and
collections of the Institute of Photography in its own locations.
De Potter agreed to donate, his collections, both photographic
and bibliographical, to the Institute and to undertake, a pro-
gram of extending them as much as possible, acting as
«Conservator of the Photographic Division of the International
Institute of Bibliography*' under its administrative controL
His was to be an honorary position until such , time, as the
OIB received an increased subsidy from the Belgian govern-
ment or support'from other governments.-The,OIB would.then
pay de Potter an annual sum of three thousand francs for a
period of ten years.70 This agreement was put into effect. The
Institute was set up. An appeal for collaborators1 was ; issued,,
and rules and procedures for carrying out its work were pub-
lished.

The new Institute was to have several major functions.
First of all it was intended to promote the study of matters
relating to photographic documentation. But primarily the-
Institute was to create a Universal Iconographic Repertory
which was described as:

a  general  collection  of pictures  and  documentary illustrations origi-
nating from various sources on all subjects and classified.71

At the time of the setting up of the Institute, there were-
about 100,000 pictures in stock, about 12,000 of which had
been mounted and classified. A specially prepared catalog
of them contained about 15,000 cards. The repertory consisted1
of a main «documentary» repertory of actual pictorial mate-
rial which was classified by the Universal Decimal Classifi-
cation and housed in specially designed catalog furniture
and filing cabinets, and a number of auxiliary repertories. The
items were mounted where necessary on to sheets of one of
two standard sizes: ordinary postcard size (and much of the
material was in the form of postcards), and a larger size
(21.5X27.5 cm). Provision was made for miscellaneous mate-
rial of larger sizes in special folders. A rather complicated'
«bibliographic repertory*, an index, in effect, was then compil-
ed for this material. The index had three parts: a file in
accession order in which material was enregistered as received1
and from which a unique number for each piece was derived;
a subject file; and finally, a file of authors and photographic
artists. The repertory grew steadily after its creation. Masure
gave statistics for its various parts in his report on- the IIB

153

in 1912, and at that time the various files contained well over
a quarter of a million entries.72

It was intended to be organised in such a way that it
would complement the Universal Bibliographic Repertory. Its
purposes were described as:

1.  To conserve for public use at an appropriate time the innumerab-
le graphic documents wherein important events appear from    day to
day and where are reproduced objects worthy of being paid some at-
tention;                                     (

2.  To conserve thus, for historians of the future, documents recording
transitory aspects of modern life of the disappearance of which there
is a strong risk if they are not systematically collected...;

3.  To permit anyone whatever who wishes to study a subject to obtain
a summary idea of the whole by a simple glance at illustrations of the
subject;

4.  To procure for men of science, administrators and    statesmen, for
technicians, for the world of commerce and industry, illustrative, pre-
cise,  accurate and pertinent  documents on the    different    objects of
their research and their activity;

5.  To furnish  artists and artisans in the practice of their craft indis-
pensable documents for their work;

6.  To   furnish   documents   for   illustrations    in  books,     reviews   and
journals for teaching and for lecturers;

7.  To facilitate preliminary study for travel.73

In 1907 the IIB actually developed standards for reper-
tories of dossiers which had become of increasing importance
to its work after the formation of the Universal Iconographic
Repertory. The special furniture constructed for housing them
was described and illustrated, and the mounting, arrangement
and use of materials in specially designed folders or dossiers
explained. By this time the kind of materials deposited in
dossiers was extended beyond the merely illustrative. «The
name of 'dossier' is given to the whole of the pieces gathered
into packets or bundles in the same folder and on the same
subject. The pieces assembled in dossiers vary according to
the nature of the repertories (letters, reports, newspaper cut-
tings, photographs, notes, prospectuses, circulars, printed men-
us, etc.)».74 This led to the formation of an Encyclopedic
Repertory of Dossiers which extended the other main reperto-
ries of the OIB: the Universal Bibliographic Repertory and
the Universal Iconographic Repertory. By 1912 the material
in the Universal Documentary Repertory, as it was also called,
contained nearly a quarter of a million pieces of largely but
not entirely textual material «relative to all the objects and
all the facts which constitute human activity in its widest
extensions75

Bibliographical, illustrative and now partly substantive,
the repertories in the OIB were further extended after Otlet's
participation in the International Congress for the Study of
Polar Regions held in Brussels in 1906, the Congress of the
Federation of Regional Hunting Societies and the Internation-
al 54

al Congress of Fisheries, both of which were held at Antwerp
in 1907. As a result of proposals put to these Congresses by
Otlet and his colleagues an International Polar Institute and
International Documentary Offices for Hunting and for
Fisheries were set up and affiliated with IIB. An International
Documentary Office for Aeronautics was set up on similar
lines in 1908.76 All of these Offices were formally distinct from
the OIB—IIB. They had their own statutes which in form and
wording were almost the same. They were administered by
General and Administrative Councils upon the former of
which, especially, were represented a great many aristocratic
names. Otlet was a member of the Administrative Councils
of them all. The initiative for their formation came from him
and all of the Offices, except for a time that of the Interna-
tional Polar Institute, were set up within the OIB—IIB
headquarters. The International Polar Institute, directed by
Georges Lecointe of the Royal Belgian Observatory, was
initially located at the Observatory at Uccle, though later its
collections were transferred to the OIB in Brussels.77

The programs of the various offices were similar. «The
time has come», it was announced in the document setting
out the aims and objectives of the International Documentary
Office of Fisheries,

to group in a central organisation every documentary matter concern-
ing fisheries so that each institute concerned with the subject in
various countries can obtain information according to its requirements
and also every individual, government, artisan or professional. The
object is to concentrate the work of each for the general benefit ...
The object of the Central Documentary Office is not only to collect
every necessary bit of information but also to classify it and to keep
it openly at the disposal of every member of this Office, irrespective
of nationality; to study documentary evidence and eventually to pub-
lish results of this and to take all the necessary steps to develop ...
universal documentary information in matters of fishing.

Each of the Institutes or Documentary Offices were to
establish a universal bibliographic repertory in the area of
their interests, assemble a library of relevant publications and
a collection of illustrative material («photographs, drawings
and prints»). Finally, they were to compile a repertory of
¦documentary evidence derived from the other repertories and
¦collections. This was to be a crucial feature of the Office's
work.

Documentary evidence will be classified on separate fly-sheets, then
docked and shelved. It will contain extracts of literary works, separate
articles, cuttings from newspapers, parliamentary documents, re-
ports, prospectuses of industrial establishments and diverse manuscripts
which could not be included in the library, also memoranda furnished
by  the  Office,   replies  to  enquiries   and   references   to   applications.78

Proposing the creation of an institute to deal with the
documentation of the polar regions, Otlet  suggested that its

155

work should be analagous to that undertaken by the Inter-
national Association of Academies for developing the Encyclo-
paedia of Islam.79 The problem was not so much a question,
he believed, of a new kind of special work, but of giving a
«methodical form» to work that should have to be undertaken
anyway. The association devoted to the study of the Polar
regions, and by extension to any area of scientific work,
«could not, in an objective manner conforming to the require-
ments of science, establish a methodical plan of exploration,
nor formulate a detailed scientific program, nor publish
in an up-to-date form the results obtained, if it did not
proceed to a preliminary analysis and indexing of existing
docurnents».80 In all of this Otlet was in fact making the leap
from bibliography through documentation to the notion of
encyclopedia adumbrated by and partially explored in his
early paper Un pen de bibliographie.

Reports on several of these «sections», or «affiliated in-
stitutes» were made to the International Conference on Biblio-
graphy and Documentation called by the IIB in 1908.81 A total
for all the institutes of slightly over 210,000 items was index-
ed in the period to 1912. Much of the work was apparently
retrospective, indexing and excerpting beginning for certain
journals and treatises in the 1860's. As a result, by 1912 the
latest indexings were for the period 1908 or 1909, in many
cases earlier. These dates suggest either a gradual slowing
down of work by 1912, or the inability of the Institutes to
keep up-to-date, given the volume of the work to be done
because of the retrospective dates at which it had initially
begun.82 It was necessarily slow as it involved excerpting
which was done painstakingly by hand as there was no
mechanical copying apparatus.

Otlet attempted to develop a service for technical infor-
mation in the OIB. This led him to formulate his ideas on the
need for new kinds of information services more clearly than
before. Technical information, he observed, was available in
a great many forms: in great encyclopedic treatises, in sepa-
rate and particular monographs, in periodicals, annuals, for-
mularies and tables, collections of patent specifications, official
publications and in pictorial form. A «primordial need» was
now being felt, he believed, for «annotated, precise, rapid, easy,,
up-to-date, integrated and specific documentation*. This
had been true for a long time, but was now truer than ever
before as far as men of action were concerned.

Everything is discussed, everything is examined anew. Progress, re-
forms, improvements burgeon from the contact of men and things. It
is necessary to stabilise them, control them, adjust them. For this it is
necessary to have information, immense quantities of information. This
exists already collected in innumerable public documents. But it is
necessary to offer it in relation to demand. For this new organs are
necessary,

156

The OIB proposed to fill this need in the fields of technical
and industrial information. Its service of technical document-
ation would be based, it was announced, on a bibliographic
repertory, a union catalogue of technical works in Belgian
libraries, a repertory of patents, a permanent special Belgian
repertory in relation to industry and production, a collection
of photographs and other illustrative material, and the publi-
cation of a documentary periodical.83

The impetus for this service derived from the conclusions
of the World Congress on Economic Expansion at Mons.
There was nothing new about it in that what was proposed
was already fully part of the OIB's general program.
A. Louis Vermandel, who was collaborating with the OIB
already in the preparation of the Index de la presse technique
or Bibliographia Technica and who had devised the patent
classification used by the OIB, agreed to direct the new service
for technical information. In a contemporary sketch of the
OIB's locations a Service for Technical Documentation is
shown as set up adjacent to the Collective Library.84 The ser-
vice did not prosper and an «appeal to engineers, industrial
people and technicians» was issued in 1911 calling for increas-
ed support. On the model of the other auxiliary institutes
within the OIB—IIB, it was now called the International
Office of Technical Documentation.85

In 1904 Otlet had been invited by the International Con-
gress of the Press to explore the idea of an International
Newspaper Museum in order to see if the OIB might help in
its promotion. In 1907, he began systematically to investigate
ways of setting up such a museum. He was then Vice-Presi-
dent of the Belgian Periodical Press Association (its Presi-
dent in 1908). Late in 1907 he met with representatives of
the Newspaper Collectors Group (Cercle des Collectionneurs
des Journaux) and of other interested societies. A tentative
program and statutes were drawn up for the new Museum:

Program: to ogranise at Brussels under the patronage of the Bel-
gian government and the City of Brussels in connection with the col-
lections of the IIB and paralleling those of the Museum of the Book
[Musee du Livre ] an International Newspaper Museum dedicated to
the documentation of newspapers in all forms, and to the study and
diffusion of matters connected thereto;

To establish with the help of particular collectors a collection of speci-
mens and a Universal Bibliographic Repertory of the Press   (newspa-
pers, periodicals, bulletins, periodicals of societies);
To form a 'library of works related to the Press.

The statutes provided for the administration of the new Mu-
seum by a Committee of ten members.

. .. the interior organisation of the Museum is attached to the organisa-
tion of the IIB. Its collections, though autonomous, are destined to
remain joined to the other collections grouped at the Institute. In case

157

of the Association for the Museum being dissolved and a similar
association not being constituted, the collections will go to the IIB-
or, in default, to the Belgian state with the obligation that they be
maintained.86

The Museum was duly created and became so busy with
material for incorporation into its collections that Otlet wrote
to its President that «our personnel cannot devote all the
time desirable to integrate the specimens into the collections
which grow more and more». He hoped that the Museum's
Council might «judge it opportune to create a post of Assistant
Keeper of the Newspaper Museum». The Museum continued
to be extremely active until the War and some attempt was
made to continue it after the war. Its immense collection of
specimens, still largely intact at the Mundaneum, have in:
recent years been heavily used by scholars interested in the
bibliography  of   periodicals   and  newspapers  of  the  period.87"

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF BIBLIOGRAPHY
AND DOCUMENTATION, 1908

There had been no official conference, no general share-
holders' meeting so to speak, of the IIB since 1900, despite alt
the activity that had taken place in its affairs since then. Ac-
ceding to requests from foreign members, Otlet agreed to call
a meeting in 1908. He expressed some reluctance to do this..
The next international exposition in Belgium after that of Liege
in 1905 was to be held in Brussels in 1910. It was planned
to hold a conference then. This conference would thus come
exactly ten years after the highly successful Paris Conference
of 1900, ten years full af achievement. The goal of the 1910
Conference, it was hoped, would be the conclusion of a docu-
mentary union of governments, the assurance «to our work»,
wrote Otlet to Baron Descamps asking him to preside at the
1908 conference, «of the official consecration of states».88 He
recognised, however, that a preliminary meeting might be use-
ful in establishing a firm basis upon which to reach up to-
wards official recognition and status. The Conference was,,
therefore, called not only to discuss the present state of biblio-
graphical organisation, which was a general aim of all the IIB
Conferences, but

its immediate aim was to investigate the means of creating an Inter-
national Documentation Organisation and thus lay the foundations
of a permanent International Congress and of an International Union:
between the different states.89

A number of documents were prepared at the Institute for
the conference. A draft of proposed statutes for the new union,
naturally, was among them. Another important document was
a «Report on the IIB and the Systematic Organisation of Do-

158

cumentation».90 This and a further report by Otlet and La Fon-
taine on the «Present State of Bibliographical Questions and the
Systematic Organisation of Documentation* which Otlet read
at the conference   were   extremely   important   in   providing a
rationalisation for all that had been happening   within   the Of-
fice and the Institute. The preliminary «Report on the IIB» is
particularly    interesting      because    it    defined    «document»,
«documentation» and «documentary   method»   quite   explicitly.
Over the years these words had taken on added, even    new,.
meaning as used by Otlet. A document was to be considered as
anything «which expressed or represented by means    of any
graphic signs whatever    (writing,   picture,   schema,   numbers,
symbols) an object, fact,   idea   or   impression.   Printed   texts
(books, periodicals, newspapers)  are the most numerous cate-
gory to-day». The documentary method was a means of bring-
ing documents together in such a way that they   could   easily
yield up the information they contained and must be regarded
as a necessary complement of other methods of investigation
such as observation or experimentation.  By «Documentation»
was meant «the bringing together and co-ordination of isolated
documents in such a way    as   to    create    integrated wholes».
The «Report» distinguished between   various   kinds   of   docu-
ments and various forms of documentation. The latter involved
bibliography   («list   or   inventory  of existing    publications*),
librarianship, iconography  («collections    of    prints,    designs,
photographs...»), documentary dossiers and documentary publi-
cations. The systematic organisation of documentation,   involv-
ing the development of the RBU) and   to   their   analysis and
ry of «integrated information*. Any international organisation
for documentation that was to be   set   up   would    need to be
universal   in its approach to the listing of documents    (involv-
ing the development of the RBU)    and   to   their   analysis and
summarising (involving the Encyclopedic Repertory   of   Dossi-
ers). It would need, also, to cover all countries «in a vast net-
work of  documentation  services,  established  in  all the  great
centers by autonomous   groups...    adhering to a common plan
and realising   it  according   to   common   methods*.91 A great,
powerful, international center would need to be at the head of
the network as the source of its vitality, an    institute which
would be «an emanation and representation of the autonomous
groups*. The institute would    organise    and    co-ordinate the
outlying centers. In consultation with them    it    would decide
upon programs for them, would protect    and    develop accept-
ed methods, and above all, would maintain  centrally  prototype
repertories. This was to be the role, the future, of the Interna-
tional Institute of Bibliography.

With this and a number of other documents  before   them,
delegates from various countries assembled in Brussels in July

159

1908 and got down to work. The documentary union was the
last item on the agenda, culminating as it seemed to do, the
rest of the program. A great deal of territory was . ¦ covered
before it was reached as various delegates reported on pro-
jects of immediate interest to them or on bibliographical con-
ditions in their countries and on the state of organisations as-
sociated with the IIB (such as the specialised Institutes).
James Duff Brown92 from England was caught out by a request
for an account of the work of English public libraries and,
refusing to make an impromptu address on the subject, made
some generally affirmative noises about the program to be
prepared for the 1910 conference and some doubtful ones about
the possibility of international bibliographical standardisa-
tion.93

One important discussion centered on administrative docu-
mentation, a subject of long standing interest for Otlet, and
he prepared a general paper for the conference on «Documenta-
tion in Administration*.94 He raised the problem of administ-
rative documentation at the conference, he said, not because it
was the proper moment to discuss it in any detail, but because
it was the first time that it had been raised in a conference of
bibliography and he hoped that in future it would become an
integral part of IIB conference programs. He noted the
tendency for greatly increased use of documents in administ-
ration and the provision by government offices of more and
more information. He believed that the IIB's methods were ex-
tremely appropriate for the control and organisation of these
documents, especially the work it had done on «dossiers». Nowa-
days, he observed, increasing use was being made of scien-
tific information in government. The methods of the IIB per-
mitted the development of integrated documentation services
for administrative purposes and he declared that administra-
tive documentation was as important a field of study as scien-
tific and technical documentation, the requirements of which
had received most attention to that time.

In September 1906, the IIB had exhibited at an Administ-
rative Exposition, the Tentoonstelling op gemeentelijk Admi-
nistratief Gebied in Amsterdam. Here the problem of classify-
ing and arranging the administrative documents and archives
•of local government organisations was emphasised. In
.Zaandam, in Holland, systematic attempts were being made to
use the IIB's methods in communal administration. Two rep-
resentatives to the Conference from Zaandam, the mayor and
the town clerk, described what was being done. An association
had been formed in Holland to consider the problems of ad-
ministrative documentation, the Nederlandsche Vereeniging van
Gemeente Belangen, and there was some hope that an Inter-
national Office of Administrative Documentation might be formed

160

at the IIB to complement the other Offices and Institutes added
to its structure.95

The major work of the conference was introduced by Ot-
let and La Fontaine's «Present State of Bibliographical Ques-
tions and the Systematic Organisation of Documentation*. It
developed more generally many of the points made in the IIB's
«Report...» and it provided a full, generalised explanation of
what Otlet and La Fontaine had been attempting to achieve
at the OIB-IIB in the last few years.96

Having surveyed the present organisation of bibliography
throughout the world and concluded that it consisted of a
multitude of unco-ordinated organisations having little or no
sustained relationships with one another, Otlet observed that
one could see in them, nevertheless, «the parts of a vast whole»,
that they formed «the living elements of a general organisa-
tion which needed only encouragement and system in order
to emerge»- But bibliographical organisation should not be
considered independently from the organisation of science.
«The medium of the organisation of scientific work is the book,
above all in its latest form, the periodical*. So highly develop-
ed had science become, Otlet observed, «the only conception
which corresponds to reality is to consider all books, all period-
ical articles, all the official reports as volumes, chapters,
paragraphs in one great book, the Universal Book, a colossal
encyclopedia framed from all that has been published...». An
index is necessary for such a vast and complex work, and for
this the RBU must serve as the prototype. It is also neces-
sary, of course, to have the documents themselves. Otlet then
described the trend in contemporary libraries towards univer-
sality of collections. As their collections, and the methods of
organising them, have developed «libraries have become estab-
lishments of the first order for scientific investigation, the cul-
ture of the people and the instruction of adults». Looking into
the future, we will see them becoming «Universitates Littera-
rum, modern universities of the written word encroaching dai-
ly on the domain hitherto reserved for the universities of the
spoken word...». Eventually will emerge the true universal
library. This will be «the Archivium of humanity, and the RBU
will be its true catalog after having appeared for so long
as the catalog of a purely ideal universal library».

To these elements, existing now and full of promise of
their future, the book (the Universal Book), the Library (the
Universal Library), yet a third element must be added. This
was quite new: the Scientific and Technical Office. The busi-
ness of the Office should be information as opposed to docu-
ments. Though Offices of the kind Otlet was describing often
had libraries attached, they fulfilled their functions by means
of the compilation of dossiers. Gradually, said Otlet, we   may

11-3391                                                                                   161

expect them to become more widely established, more precise
in their functions, more effective in their information-providing-
roles. Gradually, the idea of 'consultation' will be substituted
for that of reading. The repertory will replace the library, and
the dossier, unique lor each question, formed from analytical
elements on separate sheets or cards, will appear containing,
by extract all that has been written on a subject and kept up
to date».

This was an important notion for Otlet and had two far-
reaching consequences. One was that eventually we might be
able to suppress the publication of various kinds of important
material in little general demand but for which, hitherto, there
had been no alternative means of access. A few manuscript
copies dispatched to central offices would then suffice. More-
over, the techniques of the Office, if carried out as described,
would help to eradicate erroneous, misleading, out-of-date, or
simply repetitive material.

The second consequence of the notion of Scientific and
Technical Offices Otlet explored in some detail. One would ex-
pect that as Offices became more widely established the actual
forms of publication would begin to adapt to their needs.
Journals and books would appear on cards, or on detachable
sheets as «autonomous elements* to allow easy interpolation in
an appropriate dossier. Otlet had actually explored this idea,,
a development from his view of what bibliographical publica-
tions should be like, as early as 1901 when he had described
what he called «revues a decouper»,97 and in 1906 a card edi-
tion of the periodicals' index section of the Bibliographie de
Belgique was issued. In 1907 the Belgian Sociological Society
experimented with this new form of publication Otlet was ad-
vocating in its journal which was edited by Cyrille Van Over-
bergh. Van Overbergh was working closely with Otlet on the
Mont des Arts project and on a study of international organisa-
tions which was published as a monograph in the new form
by the Belgian Sociological Society and the IIB.

Otlet was careful to suggest that the library and the
office should not be thought to be antagonistic,, that there was
no question that eventually one would supplant the other. Both
were to be necessary in the future. They would form separate
departments of a single organisation. «One can summarise such
a conception by saying: 'the book of the future is the Office'.
Certainly the Office is very much the form which the Encyclo-
pedia should take in this dawn of our twentieth century, in
order that we might inherit the learned centuries preceding it.»
Nowadays, Otlet observed, encyclopedias tended to be works of
popularisation and not of synthesis of the whole of intellectual
production as they had been  in  the  past.  The  Office   would

162

make possible this true form of encyclopedia in an appropriate
modern version.

In the emergence of the perfected documentary organisa-
tions envisaged by Otlet, especially the office, the international
associations would inevitably be required to play an ever in-
creasingly important role. These, dealing with scientific, eco-
nomic and social questions of the greatest importance should
therefore be encouraged, he believed, to establish permanent
secretariats which would have a double function; administra-
tion and documentation. Internationalism had to be recognised
as a fact of life in the twentieth century and could be seen
emerging in all sorts of ways. The phenomenon of international
association, in Otlet's view, expressed the increasing soli-
darity of peoples.

These associations have as their object all areas of activity and
thought: the natural sciences, the social sciences, colonisation, law,
art, work, transport, industry and commerce, etc. . ..
By mutual knowledge of their efforts and by closer co-operation these
associations make men more and more aware of what their ideas
mean and of the growing internationalisation of their interests. In this
way they give a new orientation to the life of the people. They show
that despite frontiers and despite prejudice, the common needs of men
are stronger than even their competition, and that conflict between
people will gradually be replaced by collaboration.
Now, in order to achieve these general and appropriate ends practi-
cally, every association must establish a preponderant place for
the document.

Unity, to make uniform —• this is, in reality, one of the principal aims
of these organisations; now, this supposes common practices and this
presupposes common ideas. The action of information and of the dif-
fusion of ideas and facts, only being able to materialise across
distance through writing, one is naturally led to the view of the
document as the very instrument of internationalisation. Thus, the
organisation of everything concerning the document appears to be
one of the most important functions of the international associations
which have been created.

This passage expresses quite clearly the thinking underlying
Otlet's increasing preoccupation with internationalism and the
international associations, and in it lies the seeds of his future
passionate conviction that the world's future lay in a world
society.

During the debate at the conference itself he was perhaps
more explicit about what form international organisation for
documentation should take than in «The Present State of Bib-
liographical Questions...* What he saw as necessary, it became
clear, were in fact two kinds of organisation. The first was an
official union which could only be established by a diplomatic
conference:

We believe that governments have to fulfill with respect to biblio-
graphy, the circulation of the book, the intellectual diffusion of its
contents, duties analogous to those which it has assumed in creating
a union for the protection of copyright.98

11*                                                                                          16a

The union would involve bibliography, international exchanges,
international inter-library lending and the constitution of cen-
tral collections. There should be, however, another unofficial
organisation paralleling the first. This would take the form of
a permanent International Congress of Bibliography and
Documentation whose function would be to develop the kind of
work the present conference was engaged upon. The IIB, if
these two organisations were formally created, would prepare
the congresses, attempt to execute its decisions and provide a
secretariat for the Union.

Some opposition was expressed to the idea of including
international inter-library lending among the functions of the
Union, this being thought more appropriately the work of lib-
rary conferences. The Dutch delegates from Zaandam wanted
to see the functions of the IIB and the Union formally extend-
ed to explicitly embrace administrative documentation, a pro-
posal which had Otlet's support. Otlet had been emphatic that
the proposed permanent International Congress of Biblio-
graphy and Documentation should be composed of two groups
of participants, national groups and international groups.
The French delegate, C. M. Gariel, suggested that national
commissions were unable to participate very successfully in
international congresses and should not be involved. Otlet re-
pudiated this suggestion believing that the representation of
national, international and special organisations was possible
and their participation actually necessary for success.

Cyrille Van Overbergh, Director-General of Higher Educa-
tion in the Belgian Ministry of Sciences and Arts, rose to as-
sure the conference of the sympathetic receipt by the Belgian
government of any proposals it might make. He was extremely
eloquent about this, obviously concerned at the hesitations and
objections of some of the conference members to the draft text
of the document setting up a documentary union of govern-
ments. He put it this way:

First of all there is the principle of the union. Everyone seems agreed
on it. This agreement stems from all the conversations we have had
with the members of the conference. Now, it is necessary to be more
precise about some ideas. It is desirable that international exchanges
should become more efficient and more general. Who opposes this? No
one. Who opposes the fact that regional bureaux in each country
should deal with questions of bibliography and documentation and
that relations should be established in some form to be agreed on?
Again, no one. On all these general ideas we are agreed. Now, in my
view this agreement should be formulated in a general fashion. If
you wish it, inform the Belgian government of your resolutions asking
it to submit them to other governments in such a way as to suggest
to them and make them aware that they should assemble, for example
in 11910, to consider an extremely precise program along these general
lines.

164

These suggestions were received with applause and the Congress
unanimously agreed on the text of a resolution submitted by
the IIB and introduced by Otlet. It called for a permanent
International Congress of Bibliography and Documentation to
meet for the first time in ;1910. The IIB was charged with its
organisation. Moreover, the Conference requested that the draft
statutes for the International Documentary Union drawn up by
the IIB be submitted to the Belgian government for transmittal
to other governments.

The government acted promptly. Thirty five countries were
informed of the projected union and were sent drafts of the sta-
tutes proposed for it. Slowly the replies trickled in to the Minis-
try of Foreign Affairs, were sent on to the Ministry of Sciences
and Arts and thence to Otlet. In England the matter was refer-
red to the British Museum. The Directors informed the Belgian
diplomatic officials in London «the employees of their library
would not be able to take an active part in the work of the
projected union». They offered sympathy." France was unable
«at present to envisage its participation*. Cuba was also unable
to see its way clear. Switzerland, on the advice of its national
library, decided bluntly not to participate. The proposals
were seriously received and put under close study in Holland.
Persia agreed to participate; Denmark would do all it could;
Costa Rica, Salvador, and Panama acknowledged the receipt of
the Belgian government's proposal; Argentina agreed in prin-
ciple. In America, the American Library Association's council
unanimously recommended that it unite with the IIB in reques-
ting the U. S. Government to send a delegate to the 1910 confer-
ence. The tenor of the replies was clear and must have been
disappointing for Otlet, La Fontaine, and, of course, Cyrille
Van Overbergh. Nevertheless, plans went ahead for the 1910
conference unchecked, though the diplomatic congress to create
an International Documentary Union receded into the back-
ground for the time being.

FOOTNOTES

1. Otlet to Lameere, 18 December 4901, Dossier No. 192, 192a, «Bulletin
de !'IIB», Mundaneum. Lameere, 1872—1901, achieved swift eminence
as an historian and innovator in extension work at the University de
Bruxelles. He collaborated with Sury on a paper, «Ecoles du livre et
la creation d'une ecole du livre a Bruxelles» read at the 2nd IIB Con-
ference in 1897.

i2. Organisation des Instituts Iriternationaux de Bibliographies, IIB Bul-
letin, VI (1901), 174—78.

3.  «Rapport   sur   la   situation   et   1'etat   des   travaux...au   31er>   Decembre
l'903», IIB Bulletin, VIII '(1903), 270.

4.  Louis Masure, Rapport sur la situation et les travaux pour Vannee 1912
(Bruxelles: IIB, 1913), p. 31.

165

5.  Catalogue    Central des    Bibliothequ.es    de    Belglque:    periodiques    de
medecine (Bruxelles: IIB, 1911). This was designated Contribution No. 63
to the Bibliographia Universalis. The entries were printed on only one
side of the paper. Many titles are listed without dates.

6.  Dossier  No. 499, ^Catalogue Central des Periodiques de Chimie»,    pas-
sim, Mundaneum.

7   L'Organisation systematique de la documentation et    le developpement
' de 1'IIB (Publication No. 82; Bruxelles: IIB, U907), 49.

8.  Paul   Otlet   and   Ernest   Vandeveld,   La   Rejonne     des     bibliographies
Rationales et leur utilisation pour la Bibliographie  Universelle, rapport
presente au  Congres    International    des    Editeurs,    Milan   1906  «Bru-
xelles:   Administration   de   la   Bibliographie     de  Belgique  and   the   IIB,

1906), p. I.

9.  Director-General   (Cyrille Van Overbergh)   of Administration for Higher
Education to  Otlet,   19 January  1910, Dossier  No. 295a,  «Ministere de
l'lnterieur   et   de  l'lnstruction   Publique, '1907   a...»  Mundaneum.

10.  Bibliographie de Belgique (1914), initial Avertissement.

11.  Otlet  to  the Minister,  111   December   1901,  28 April  1902  and  passim.
Dossier No. 295, «Ministere de l'lnterieur et de l'lnstruction Publique*;
Mundaneum.

12.  Louis Masure, pp. 45—66.

13.  Director-General   of   Administration   for   Higher   Education     to   Otlet,
30 October 1907, Dossier No. 295a, «Ministere de l'lnterieur et de l'ln-
struction Publique, 1907 a ...» Mundaneum.

14.  Dossier  No. 356,  «Bibliotheque du BarTeau»,  passim.; Dossier  No. 445,
«Association   des   Licencies   sortis   de   l'Uniyersite   de   Liege»,   passim.
Mundaneum;   also   Catalogue   de   la   bibliotheque   de   Cercle   d'Etudes
Typographiques (Bruxelles: Maison du Livre, n. d.).

15.  For example:  Cercle d'Etudes Typographiques de Bruxelles, Exposition
de photogravure,  Bruxelles,  1906   (with  introduction,  «Sur  le livre  et
l'Illustration», by Paul Otlet; Bruxelles: Cercle d'Etudes..., 1906); and
Catalogue du exposition du livre beige d'art et de litterature  (Osten-
de ¦(?): Musee du Livre, 1906).

16.  General Sebert, «Sur un repertoire special des brevets d'invention, base
sur  l'emploi  de la Classification  Decimale,  rapport presente  a  la Con-
ference   de   Bibliographie   et   de   Documentation,   Bruxelles,   1908»,   IIB
Bulletin,  XIII   (1908), 092.   In  a  note,   Sebert  lists various  notes and
«demarches» made by IIB in the matter of patent-documentation.

17.  «Notice sur l'organisation de la publicity des brevets d'invention (iBib-
liographie des Brevets)», IIB Bulletin, VII (1902), 170.

18.  «Faits  et  Documents:  bibliographie  des brevets  d'invention*,  IIB Bul-
letin, VIII  (1903), 1160—64; see also the list of various notes, a number
unpublished,   in   General   Sebert,   «Sur   un   repertoire   special   des   bre-
vets ...», p. 292.

19.  «La Documentation en matiere de brevets d'invention*, IIB Bulletin, XII
(1907), 2)12—36. Here are quoted in extenso various proposals and sug-
gestions   about   patents,   and   national   procedures     adopted   for   them
(including Belgium) are described.

20.  Repertoire des brevets d'invention delivres en Belgiques:  liste systema-
tique etablie par l'linstitut International de Bibliographie avec la colla-
boration   de   M.   A.   Louis   Vermandel,   Ingenieur.    1907,   Liste   No.   1
(Moniteur Beige du  19 Decembre  1906, No. 1195374 a  195758) — extrait

166

du Journal des Brevets (Contribution No. 50 aux Repertoires de l'lnsti-
tut).

121. Ibid., p. 1.

22.  Louis Masure, p. 46, includes in the list of  Contributions to the Biblio-
graphia  Universalis only Nos. .1   to 40  of  the  Repertoire  des  Brevets.
At   least  47     were   issued,   and   copies   of   most   of   these  47   are  still
stored in the attics of the Mundaneum.

23.  Otlet to Minister, 5 (?) December 1900, Dossier No. 259a, «Ministere de
l'lnterieur et de l'lnstruction Publique», Mundaneum.

24.  Paul  Otlet,  ^Observations  presentees  au  point  de vue de la  methode
bibliographique   par   le   Comite   de  Direction   de  l'IIB»,   IIB   Bulletin,
IV Fasc. 1—2 (1899), 5—51. This fascicule was described as an «Examen
du projet de la Societe Royale de Londres ooncernant le Catalogue In-
ternational des Sciences-),.

25.  Paul Otlet, «Le Catalogue International de la Litterature Scientifique»,
IIB Bulletin, VII (1902), 209.

26.  Several  drafts  of  the  note  submitted  to  the  meeting in \1905 remain
in the attics  of the Mundaneum.  One dated  30 June  1904 is entitled
«Communication faite par les delegues de la Belgique  a la Convention
International    du    Catalogue    International    des    Sciences,    Londres,

25 Juillet 1906 relative aux complements a apporter a ce catalogue*, and
contains MSS corrections in Otlet's hand. A summary result of the
meeting from IIB's point of view appears in Organisation systematique
de la documentation et le developpement de I'Institut International de
Bibliographie, p. 47.

27.  Remarks of Henryk Arctowski to a meeting of the Belgian Society of
Geology,  «Proces-verbaux»,   17  December   1907»,  Bulletin de la Societe
Beige de Geologie, XXI (1907), 280—81.

28.  Decree of 5 May 1908, Dossier No. 406, «Comite Beige de Bibliographie
et de Documentation Scientifique», Mundaneum.

29.  Summary Instructions for the work of «depouillement», ibid.

30.  Conclusion of meeting of 5 May 1908. Other meetings had taken place
on 14 and 20 February, ibid.

31.  Undated ms. note in Otlet's hand, ibid.

32.  Otlet to Paul Heger (his uncle and Director of the Institut Solvay de
Physiologie), 27 November 1908 and 1 March 1909, ibid.

33.  Ibid., passim.

34.  Annuaire des societes scientifiques, artist iques et litter air es de Belgique,
1904—1905 (IIB Publication No. 66; Bruxelles: IIB, 1905).

35.  Ibid., Introduction, p. 1.

36.  Masure  to  Pierre   Nenkoff   1914,   Dossier   No.   515,   «Nenkoff»,  Munda-
neum.

37.  Olivier   (joint   editor)   to  Otlet  submitting  Goemaere's   prices  with   the
comment wridiculous), 13 February 1905. Otlet agreed, 13 February 1904,
ibid.

38.  In a ms note on a letter by Otlet to Fourez 6 March 1905, Otlet gives
the  comparative   prices:   Fourez   67.50   francs   for  400   titles—another
printer, 96 francs for 400 titles.   (Dossier No. 221, «Fourez:     Travaux
d'Impression», Mundaneum.)

39.  Note dated 2 February 1905, Dossier No. 249, «Revue economique inter-
national*, Mundaneum.

167

40.  Letters for the period, passim, ibid.

41.  Letters for the period March—May, passim, ibid.

42.  Masure to Olivier, 7 June 1910, ibid.

43.  Hennebicq (joint editor) to Otlet, 7 June 1910, ibid.

44.  Editors to Otlet, 25 June 19110, ibid.

45.  Editors to Secretary General, 7 July 1914, ibid.

46.  Letters for the period, passim,  Dossier    No. 221,    «Fourez:    Travaux
d'Impression», Mundaneum.

47.  «The Brussels Bibliography of Economics   (from the Athenaeum)», Lib-
rary Journal, XXIX ,(1904), 596—97.

48.  See dossier No. 279, «Salon du Livre», Mundaneum: also Catalogue de-
Vexposition de photogravure, Bruxelles 1906 (Bruxelles: Cercle d'Etudes

Typographiques, 1906). One of the first publications of the Musee was
Otlet's Un Musee du Livre a Bruxelles: projet de constitution d'un-
isociete ayanit pour objet la creation du Musee (Publication No. 2; Bru-
xelles: Musee du Livre, 1905).

49.  Paul Otlet, Les Aspects du livre: conference inaugurate de l'exposition
du livre beige d'art et de litterature organisee a Ostende par le Musee
du  Livire,   14  j.uillet   1906   (Publication    No.  8;   BruxeUes:    Musee    du
Livre:  1906);  see also. Ostende Centre d'Art, Catalogue de l'exposition
du livre beige... (Bruxelles: Veuve Ferdinand Larcier,  1906). The pro-
gram  of  lectures   («Ostende  Centre   d'Art,  saison  de   1906,  oeuvre  des
conferences*) is folded into copies of this catalogue.

50.  Paul  Otlet, «L'Inauguration  de la Maison  du  Livre:   discours  d'ouver-
ture», Art Moderne, XXVII (27 January 1907), 26—28; 10 February 1907,
43—44; 17 February 1907, 50—51.

51.  See, in the Bulletin Officiel de I'Union de la Presse Periodique Beige,
the  section  «avis  a  nos  affilies»  on the verso of the front cover for
the appropriate periods which gives this information.

52.  Dossier No. 347, «Bibliotheque Royale:  dossier personnel de M. Otlet»,
Mundaneum, passim; Paul Otlet, «Les Bibliotheques publiques a l'etran-
ger: fait a retenir et a mediter par la Commission de la    Bibliotheque
Royale», Art Moderne XIV (11894), 36, 139, 148; Paul Otlet, «Les Biblio-
theques en Belgique», Art Moderne, XV  (2 February,  1895), 31  and 37,.
and 10 February 1895, 44—45.

53.  «A la Bibliotheque Royale, chez M. Paul Otlet», La Chronique,  16 No-
vember 1908  (an interview relative to the Catalogue of the Biblio-theque
Royale);   «Au   Feu»,   La   Chronique,   9   September   1908   (an   interview
with Otlet concerning the dangers of fire at the iBibliotMque Royale).

54.  Paul Otlet, Le Programme du Ministere des Sciences et des Arts (Bru-
xelles:  Editions  de La Belgique artistique  et  litteraire, 1907), passim.

55.   [Paul Otlet], Edouard Otlet   ([Bruxelles:  Las  Presses  d'Oscar Lamber-
ty, 1907]), p. 8.

56.  No. 17, 18 October 1913, Testament Paul Otlet, Otletaneum.

57.  M. Georges Lorphevre in conversation with the author in the summer
of 1968.

58.  Conversation with M. Lorphevre.

59.  «Seance  d'ouverture:   discours  de M.  Beernaert»,  Congres Mondial des
Associations   Internationales;   actes...  (Publication   No.   2a;   Bruxelles:
Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1913), p. 876.

168

60.  Paul   Otlet,   '^'Organisation   rationnelle   de   l'information   et   la   docu-
mentation en inatiere economique», IIB Bulletin, X  (1905), 46—48.

61.  VOrganisation sysiematique de la documentation et le developpement de
VIIB, p. 59.

62.  «Quatre propositions faites par 1'IIB  a l'Administration des Sciences et
Enseignement Superieur», unnumbered file, «Rapports avec le Gouverne-
ment Belge», Mundaneum attics.

63.  Minister   of  Public  Works   to   Otlet,   27   July   1903,   Dossier   No. 409.
«Ministere des Travaux Publiques», Mundaneum.

64.  Minister to Otlet, 4 April 1905 and 24 November  1905, Dossier No. 318.
«Ministere des Finances et Instruction Publique».

65.  Commission institutes par m.  le Ministre  de l'lnterieur et de l'lnstruc-
tion Publique pour I'examen du projet du Mont  des Arts, Proces-verbal
de la seance du samedi, 5 Mai 1906, pp.    9—10.    The    Proces-verbaux
and conclusions are in carbon typescript in the Mundaneum attics and
do not appear to be part of a file.

66.  Commission   institutes   par   M.   le   Minislere...pour   I'examen   du   projet
du Mont des Arts, Conclusions, p. 2.

67.  «Le Musee Mondial et  le Musee  Social:  note presentee, par M. Cyrille
Van   Overbergh   et   Paul   Otlet   sur   l'opportunite   et   la   possibility   de
rattacher a l'ensemble du Mont des Arts le Musee Social et le Musee-
Mondiab). This is a carbon of a typescript in the Mundaneum attics with
the proces-verbaux of the Mont des Arts Commission's meetings.

68.  La Chronique, 22 March  1907. The newspaper and the relevant letters
are in a small file in the Mundaneum, Dossier No. 329, «Comite de Pat-
ronage*.  Reference  to  individual  items  in  the  file will  not be made.

69.  Bibliotheque  collective  des   associations  et  institutions  scientifiques   et
corporatives  (Publication No. 76; Bruxelles: IIB,  1906).  (This was also
published in IIB Bulletin, XI (1906), 18—26.

70.  Draft of a i«Convention entre l'lnstitut International de Bibliographie et
Monsieur E. de Potter», 3 November 1905, Dossier No. 238, «Repertoire
Iconographique», Mundaneum.

71.  La Documentation et I'iconographie    (Publication    No.    78,    Bruxelles:
IIB, 1906), p. 8.

72.  Louis Masure, pp. 36—39.

73.  La Documentation et I'iconographie, pp. ill—;12.

74.  «Les Repertoires a dossiers*, IIB Bulletin, XII (1907), 6.

75.  Masure, pp. 24—25.

76.  Paul Otlet, L'Organisation rationnelle de la documentation pour I'etude
des   regions   polaires:   rapport   presents ... au   Congres      International
pour l'Etude des Regions Polaires, Bruxelles, 1906.  (Publication No. 79;
Bruxelles:  IIB,   1906);  G. Lecointe, «L'Institut    Polaire    International*,
IIB Bulletin,  XIII   (1908),  352—363;  International Documentary  Office
of    Fisheries — Programme — Organisation — Branches      [in      English]
(Publication   No. 1;   Bruxelles:    International   Documentary   Office   of
Fisheries,  1908);  Office International de Documentation pour la Chas-
se... (Publication No. 1; Bruxelles: Office International de Documenta-
tion pour la Chasse, 1908); Office International de Documentation Aero-
nautique...   (Publication    No.    1:    Bruxelles;    Office    International    de
Documentation Aeronautique, 1909).

169-

77. Georges Lecointe, 1869—1929, had a military education and led the 2nd
Belgian expedition to the Antarctic in 1899. He became Scientific Direc-
tor of the Royal Belgian Observatory in 1900.

78.  International Documentary Office of Fisheries ¦.., p. 7.

79.  Encyclopaedia of Islam edited by M. Th. Houtsma and others  (London:
Luzac,   19L1—38).   This   encyclopedia   was   published   in   parts   forming
40 volumes with a supplement over a period of nearly thirty years. It
was a collaborative work of scholars from all over the world and was
judged  one of  the most important reference works  in  English on its
subject.

'80. Otlet, L'Organisation rationnelle de la documentation pour I'etude des
regions polaires ..., pp. 6—7.

81.  IIB Bulletin, XIII   (1908), 352—365.

82.  Masure, pp. 106—1113.

83.  Paul  Otlet,  VOrganisation de la documentation  en matiere  technique
et industrielle: le nouveau Service Technique de l'lnstitut International
de Bibliographie  (Publication No. 73; Bruxelles:  IIB,  1906), 6 pp.

84.  Paul Otlet, L'Office International de Bibliographie  (Bruxelles: Le Mou-
vement Scientifique en Belgique, 1830-11905,  [1906?]), p. 19.

85.   «Office   International   de  Documentation     Technique:     appel   aux  inge-
nieurs, aux industriels et aux techniciens»,    IIB Bulletin,   XVI    (1911),
209—211.

86.  Documentation relevant to the Musee de la Presse is to be found in a
small file, No. 386,  «Musee de la  Presse» in the Mundaneum and no
reference will be made to separate items in the file. See also, Paul Otlet,
«Sur la Creation d'un repertoire des articles de la presse quotidienne»,
IIB Bulletin, IX (1905), 306—310.

¦ 87. Comment to the author by Georges Lorphevre.

88.  Otlet to Baron  Descamps.  12 May  1908, Dossier  No. 368a, «Ministere
des Sciences et des Arts», Mundaneum.

89.  Analytical Account of the International Conference of Bibliography and
Documentation, Brussels, July 10—11, 1908   (Publication No. 103;  Bru-
xelles, IIB, 1908), p. ,1. (in English).

90.  wRapport sur 1'IIB et l'organisation systematique de la documentations
Actes de la Conference Internationale de Bibliographie et de Documen-
tation, Bruxelles, 10 et 11 Juillet, 1908  (Publication No. 98; Bruxelles:
IIB, 1907), pp. 67—98. This was a part-reworked, part-verbatim duplica-
tion of much of VOrganisation syslematique de la documentation et le
developpement de 1'IIB  (Publication, No. 82; Bruxelles: IIB, 1907).

91.  This summarises parts of «Rapport sur 1'IIB...», pp. 67—76.

92.  James Duff Brown, 1862—1914,   a Scot, was an advocate of open access
collections, founder and first editor of Library World and inventor of
The  Subject  Classification which  had   some  fame.  As  librarian  of  the
Clerkenwell Public Library, he had a powerful influence on the public
library movement in Great Britain at the turn of the century.

93.  «Compte-rendu  des seances», Actes de la Conference Internationale...
p. 322.

94.  Paul Otlet, «La Documentation en matiere administrative*, Actes de la
Conference Internationale ..., pp. 147—.154.

170

35. «Corapte-rendu des seances*, pp. 330—32; also M. Zaalberg, «L'Organisa-
tion de la documentation administrative*, Actes de la Conference Inter-
nationale. .., pp. 217—27.

96.  Henri  La  Fontaine  and   Paul  Otlet, «L'Etat  actuel  des  questions    bib-
liographiques et 1'organisation systematique de la documentation*, Actes
de la Conference Internationale..., pp.  159—84. The quotations which
follow are from this report without further citation. The report was also
published in IIB Bulletin, XIII (1908), 165—91. This paper develops two
earlier papers by Otlet and he may be considered its major author. The
earlier  papers   are:   Paul   Otlet,   «Les   Sciences   bibliographiques   et   la

documentation*, IIB Bulletin, VIII (1903), 121—47; and Paul Otlet,
L'Etat actuel de 1'organisation bibliograpnique Internationale (Publica-
tion No. 75; Bruxelles: 1KB, 1906).

97.  Paul Otlet, «La Technique et l'avenir du periodique*, IIB Bulletin, VI
(1901), 179—85.

98.  «Compte-rendu   des  seances*,  Actes  de la  Conference  Internationale...
1908 p. 325. The following material is taken from the «Compte-rendu...»,
pp. 336—344 and no further ineference w.ill be made to it.

99.  Copies  of  various  official  letters  to Otlet  and  La Fontaine from the
Ministry  of   Sciences  and  Arts  concerning  the  international responses
to the proposed union are contained in Dossier No. 306, «Union Inter-
nationale pour la Documentation* in the Mundaneum.

Chapter VIII
THE UNION OF INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS

THE CENTRAL OFFICE OF INTERNATIONAL
INSTITUTIONS

The World Congress at Mons in 1905 had resolved that the
work it had begun should be continued by similar congresses in
the future and that a permanent office of some kind should be
set up to organise them. Leopold II, King of the Belgians, had
closed the Congress thus:

Without political ambition, tiny Belgium can more and more become
the capital of an important intellectual, artistic, civilising and econo-
mic movement, can be a modest but useful member of the great fami-
ly of nations and can contribute its small part to the welfare of hu-
manity.1

Since the middle of the nineteenth century Brussels had been
chosen as the city of domicile for increasing numbers of inter-
national organisations. Otlet and La Fontaine believed that fur-
ther encouragement of this trend was one way of helping
Belgium achieve the eminence and influence foreseen by the
King. The Commission appointed by the Minister for the In-
terior and Public Instruction early in 1906 to examine the Mont
des Arts project had, in principle, recognised the needs of the
international associations located in Belgium for a permanent
center in its acceptance of a measure of government responsi-
bility for the Collective Library of Learned Societies and for
the provision of central location for their secretariats in the
future Mont des Arts. In July 1906 Otlet and La Fontaine
assembled representatives of a number of international asso-
ciations with permanent headquarters in Brussels to discuss
the kind of mutual aid they might give each other, for together,
it was observed, they contributed powerfully «towards the uni-
fication and progressive organisation of the interests of the
whole world — as though it was comprised of a single nation
above individual nations*.2 As a result of these discussions a
Central Office of International Institutions was created in the
following year by Otlet, La Fontaine and Cyrille   Van    Over-

172

bergh with some twenty international  associations    its    first
members.

There was in the air a mounting belief in the power of
international associations, a power appearing to be approaching
some kind of zenith in the International Peace Conference which
was to assemble in the Hague in 1907. Gradually Otlet and La
Fontaine's views about international organisation had become
wider and more informed, although La Fontaine, of course, had
had a broad internationalist viewpoint for many years. In the very
year of the foundation of the IIB, the year after he was elected
to the Belgian senate, he had become active in the Interparlia-
mentary Union. He had participated in all the Universal Peace
Congresses organised by the Permanent Bureau for Interna-
tional Peace, of which he became President in 1908. In mid 1907
he made a statement in the Belgian senate on the importance
of world organisation.3 Otlet's activities had hitherto been more
limited, had been circumscribed by the IIB and some relatively
minor ventures associated with it. But both he and La Fontaine
were fascinated observers at the Hague Peace Conference. The
first Conference had been called with much ceremony at the
Hague in 1899. The second was convoked by President Theodore
Roosevelt upon representation from the Interparliamentary
Union at the conclusion of its conference in 1904 in San Fran-
cisco, whither La Fontaine had repaired, being one of the num-
ber to wait on the President. Now, three years later a vast and
splendid assemblage of «career diplomats, ambassadors, gene-
rals and admirals» sat down with some pomp and circumstan-
ce to debate the future peace of the world.4 Their three month-
long deliberations were a spectacular failure in Otlet's view.
Met to discuss how the entire Globe might be enveloped in a
well-made mantle of peace, the conference ended by adopting
a threadbare convention for «the minute regularisation of war».
Instead of a permanent International Court of Justice being
created, which was a major aim of the conference, all that was
achieved was an International Prize Court, some modifications
to the Convention the nations had signed after the 1899 con-
ference, and the recognition that the major and minor powers
were unlikely ever easily to agree on methods for nominating
and electing permanent salaried judges for a more general
international court.5

Though there was an almost cynical irony in the outcome of
the conference when compared with its original purpose, and
though it rudely dashed the high hopes held for it, Otlet believ-
ed that in had been not without some importance. It seemed to
him that this had been the first time in history that «nations
spoke officially and publically to each other»6 without the im-
peratives of particular situations regulating their exchanges as
had always been the case in the past in the  assemblies which

173

had met to negotiate actual peace treaties upon the conclusion
of actual wars. The conference, Otlet thought, had taken one
step, but only one, towards the «irrefragable proclamation of
the intellectual and moral unity of mankind*. It had raised, how-
ever fleetingly, the vision of a world parliament.

Studying the events at the Hague, Otlet came to a number
of conclusions. There had been, he decided, five distinct groups
represented, each group trying to influence the delegates direct-
ly, or indirectly through the press, to accept its solutions for
the common problems all were addressing. These groups were
jurists, parliamentarians, socialists, pacifists and international
associations. Each group, except the international associations,,
had been represented by powerful organisations. Even though
each had been committed to particular interests, Otlet saw them
as together constituting a vital representation of the contem-
porary forces of internationalism*, and as providing striking
proof of a law of expansion which he saw operating across
the whole world, a law of «ampliation». This law had various
expressions: in the growth, dispersion and movement of popula-
tions, in the exchange of goods and services between them, in
the communication links that were steadily binding them ever
closer to one another, in their increasing economic interdepend-
ence, their sharing and mutual advancement of ideas in the
sciences and arts, in their ever-ramifying political and social
relations.

If this movement towards increasing internationalism was-
to be as effective as Otlet thought it could become, the develop-
ment of a systematic program for expansion seemed to him
indispensable. Such a programme would have to consider prob-
lems affecting the development of the arts and sciences. It
would bring together and co-ordinate proposals for an inter-
national university, an organisation for international documen-
tation, a central organising body for the international associa-
tions. Here would be spelled out the efforts necessary to deve-
lop an international language and to secure the acceptance of
an international system of weights and measures. Such a pro-
gram would also have to embrace the political world. It
would have to indicate how the states could be grouped into a
world federation governed by an international parliament and
supported by an international court of justice and an interna-
tional executive body with power enough to enforce its mandate.

These reflections of Otlet's on the occasion of the Hague-
peace conference are important because they form the back-
ground to the subsequent development of the Central Office for
International Institutions and the program followed by the
World Congress of International Associations. They go beyond
this, however, to the whole programme of the Union of Interna-
tional Associations which culminated in an ultimately abortive

174

attempt to found an International University in 1920. Initially,,
however, the primary focus of the work of the new Central Of-
fice of International Institutions was seen as documentary in
character. This emphasis was serious and deliberate. «The proper
organisation of documentation considered in the widest sense
of the term, is to-day one of the foremost functions to have
devolved on international associations*. Indeed, it could be
claimed that their business was very largely information the
exchange of which underlay all international relations. «Thus,
the systematic organisation of documentation is really the inst-
rument of the daily work of international associations*. The
draft constitution of the Central Office as presented to a meet-
ing in June 1907 set down its aims as

The study of everything which contributes to the proper organisation
of information and documentation, such as the preparation of collec-
tions, repertories, publications and services on a co-operative basis>
The organisation of documentation involves libraries, bibliography,
pictorial documentation [«iconography»], documentary dossiers and?
repertories and the services attaching to the publication of reviews
and annuals.7

The first task undertaken by the Central Office was the compi-
lation of a brief directory of international associations in Brus-
sels.8 A more important task, however, was carried out in
conjunction with the Belgian Sociological Association and the
IIB which, between them, sponsored an «enquiry into inter-
national associations* undertaken by Cyrille Van Overbergh.
A questionnaire was sent out to each of the associations that
could be located to gather data about eight matters: their defi-
nition of international association, their history, how they clas-
sified the various kinds of associations, the manner in which
they had been formed, now functioned, had evolved and were
to be disbanded if and when necessary, and their bibliographic
and other resources.9

An important source for an initial listing of existing asso-
ciations was Alfred Fried's Annuaire de la Vie Internationale
published by the International Institute for Peace at Monaco.1*
Otlet and La Fontaine were at pains to establish contact person-
ally with Fried who had been compiling the Annual since
1905. The fourth volume in the series was edited by Fried, Otlet
and La Fontaine and was issued in 1909 by the Central Office
for International Institutions with support from the IIB and
the International Institute for Peace.11 This edition was nearly
five times as large as its predecessor which had been a slim vol-
ume of about three hundred pages. The greatly augmented size
was grounds for considerable satisfaction at the Central Office.
The editors explained the phenomenal growth of the Annual by
reference to their systematic enquiry into international associa-
tions before compiling it. The enquiry had  been   «a   veritable

175

revelation* to them. They were astonished and overwhelmed
by the richness and fecundity of international life.12

The question of the legal status of international associa-
tions was recognised as being of capital importance to their fu-
ture development in general and their concentration in Belgium
in particular. It was freely acknowledged to be a most difficult
and perplexing problem. During the course of 1907 it was taken
up, but unsuccessfully, by Emile Tibbaut who presented a Bill
to the Belgian Chamber of Representatives which provided for
the granting of «personnification civile» to international asso-
ciations with permanent headquarters in Belgium. Provided that
they were scientific, truly international and had permanent Bel-
gian representation in their management the Bill was intended
to enable them to assume a legal existence in which they could
receive gifts, own property and enter into contracts.13

When the representatives of the associations participating
in the Central Office for International Institutions met at the
end of January 1908, the outlook was very bright indeed. The
government appeared eager to support the Office in quite tan-
gible ways, firstly by deciding that it should provide it with ac-
commodation in the future Mont des Arts, and secondly by con-
sidering a law to secure the legal status of international orga-
nisations in Belgium. The project to publish the Annuaire de la
Vie Internationale was well in hand. Moreover, by this time
the program of the Central Office had received further
study and had taken on an enlarged significance. The Central
Office, it was now thought, should attempt

1.  to establish a centre for international associations having interna-
tional objectives and to facilitate their   installation  [in the     centre?],
action, study and work;

2.  to study questions  about  their    organisation,    the    coordination of
their activities and the unification of their methods in so far as these
are common or similar for all the associations or a  great many of
them;

3.  to encourage the creation of international associations in all areas
where similar organisations have not been set up;

4.  to gather together and co-ordinate information and documents rela-
tive to internationalism and the international movement   (facts, ideas
and institutions);

6. to stimulate or organise co-operation between the services offered
by the institutions, to organise the extension of international relations
between groups and individuals. To this end, notably to look to the
improvement of the organisation of international congresses of the
international associations, to delimit their respective spheres of activity
in order to avoid duplication and repetition ...;

6.  to  contribute  to  the organisation  of  international    documentation
according to the plans and methods decreed by the IIB and stimulate
international institutions to contribute to that work;

7.  to  set  down programs  of  action  and  common  study between  all
the international associations or groups of them;

8.  to search for harmony and co-ordination between various systems

176

of nomenclature, terminology, classification or notation in such a way
that international agreements will result, but which are limited, in
general, to the domains of different individual sciences;

9.  to publish an Annual of International Life and a periodical bulle-
tin ..., annual and bulletin summarising and condensing all the facts
collected by its documentation service ...;

10.  to organise periodically a general congress of international insti-
tutions where questions related to the Office will be    discussed and
which will provide those who are interested in the international move-
ment with enjoyable occasions of contact which will increase co-oper-
ation and improve relations.I4-

At this meeting of the members of the Central Office of
International Institutions it was decided to press ahead with
the organisation of the congress foreshadowed in point num-
ber 10 of the statement of the Office's aims and objectives to
take place at the 1910 Exposition of Brussels. The congress
was to be like that of Mons in 1905, a summit congress of in-
ternational congress and would have two quite distinct goals.
The first, entirely new, its organisers, believed, would be
to study problems of unification of methods, of co-operation
and the organisation of work between various international
associations. The second would be to survey recent advances
in the arts and sciences «from the world or universal point of
view», thereby performing an incalculably valuable synthesis
complementing «the analytical work carried out by each sepa-
rate congress».15 They recognised, too, that the effort of orga-
nising a congress would give a precise focus to the work of the
Central Office for International Institutions in the immediate
future. The provisional program of the Congress listed six
major areas for discussion

1.    co-operation between the international associations;

2.  the juridical system of the international associations (legal recogni-
tion, civil personification, etc.);

3.  the   international   system   of   measurements   in     sciences     and     in
technical   services   (unification   and   co-ordination     of     systems;     the
metrical system, the CGS  system   [centimetre,  gramme, seconde]. . ..);

4.   the  types   of   international   organisms   (comparative      examination,
advantages and inconveniences of the present system);

5.  the international associations and the organisation of    bibliography
and documentation;

6.  scientific terminology and international languages  (systematic ter-
minology   of   sciences,   notation,   signals,     international     languages,
scientific translations).16

Associations which wished to participate in the congress
were invited to submit reports to the Central Office about
their work, methods, any results obtained, and above all about
«desiderata relative to increasing co-operation with other as-
sociations». The staff of the Central Office worked on the prep-
aration of a general report which was to be distributed be-
fore the Congress and serve as the basis for discussion at the

12—3391                                                                                        177

Congress. The report presented conclusions already reached by
various associations on each of the questions on the agenda.
The sections of the report were described by Otlet as consti-
tuting

an attempt at codification of desiderata, principles and rules already
formulated in the realm of organisation by international associations
and congresses. Destined to provide a basis for concerted action to-
speed up and improve international organisation, they are proposed
for unprejudicial adoption by the associations as a general suggestion
and for orientation. It is proposed that, after the congress, these con-
clusions will be revised to take into account observations collected
and decisions taken then. They will all be incorporated in such a way
as to make of these conclusions a «code of international organisation^
a code of ideas, methods, work and projects, under each heading for
which will be listed the kinds of support given them and the names of
the associations which have introduced or adopted them.17

Apart from the World Congress oi International Associa-
tions Otlet, La Fontaine and the IIB were deeply involved in
a number of others to be held in Brussels in 1910. There was,,
of course, that of the IIB. It was hoped that this could beco-
me the first meeting of a permanent International Congress of
Bibliography and Documentation. The IIB prepared a substan-
tial draft «General Code for the Organisation of Bibliography
and Documentation*18 for submission to the Congress. More-
over it prepared similar documents for a number of other con-
gresses. These were considered to be developments of chapters
or sections of the General Code: «Code for the Organisation
of the Periodical Press»,19 «Code for the Organisation of Ad-
ministrative Documentation*,20 and «Code for the Organisation
of Photographic Documentation*.21 Otlet himself was appoin-
ted President of special documentation sections in the first In-
ternational Congress of the Administrative Sciences, the Inter-
national Congress of Photography and the Congress of Ac-
countancy and was involved in documentation work for the
Congress of the Periodical Press.

At the end of 1908 a special section of the Exposition,.
Group XXII, was set up to co-ordinate the Congresses to be
held under its auspices. Henri, Comte Carton de Wiart became
president of the section. Neither Otlet nor La Fontaine were
members of Group XXII, though they assisted its work in
various ways notably by suggesting a conference schedule
which would permit the grouping together of conferences on
related subjects, and by undertaking in 1910 the publication of
an International Review of Congresses and Conferences which
would report opening addresses, programs, news and reso-
lutions taken by various congresses, together with abbrevi-
ated accounts of lectures by eminent figures at the Exposition.22'

The planning for the Congresses which Otlet and La Fon-
taine were responsible for progressed apace. The King agreed
to preside at the Congress of the International Associations.

178

Moreover, it was decided that the various congresses could par-
ticipate in the actual Exposition of Brussels more actively
than just by being held under its auspices. It had been custo-
mary in the past for the IIB to mount exhibits at Expositions
and it was now resolved to prepare an exhibit relating to
internationalism and the international associations. These were
notified of this resolution and asked to submit to the Cen-
tral Office documents and any other material that might be re-
levant for the exhibit. It was hoped that by regular up-dating
and gradual extension the exhibit might ultimately form the
kernel of a permanent Museum of Internationalism.23 At this
time, too, Otlet began to solicit material for an international
exhibition of documentation related to administrative methods
for the International Congress of Administrative Sciences. «It
is only by the close comparative study of such documents*, he
wrote, «that it will be possible to appreciate the measures pro-
posed to resolve present problems in the simplification of ad-
ministrative transactions*.24 This exhibit was to be prepared
in conjunction with and to form part of that for the Congress
of International Associations.

THE UNIVERSAL EXPOSITION OF BRUSSELS, 1910

The first of the congresses of interest to Otlet and La Fon-
taine was the World Congress of the International Associa-
tions which began on the 9th May, 1910. Unfortunately, King
Albert could not preside at the opening as planned because of
the death in London of King Edward VII whose obsequies re-
quired his attendance. But by the 9th May one hundred and
thirty seven international organisations had become members
of the congress. Thirteen governments had sent delegates and
nearly four hundred individuals representing a much larger
number of associations had subscribed. Among this number
were many old friends and associates of the IIB, several Nobel
Laureates, a great many prominent Belgian figures — cabi-
net ministers, former cabinet ministers, administrative heads
of government departments, senior officials, M. Max, the May-
or of Brussels. Among the barons, the half dozen counts, one
duke, two princes, the dozens of doctors and professors were no
more than five or six women. Andrew Carnegie's name was
placed on the list of «adherants», though he was not present.
Ernest Soivay was there and so was Otlet and La Fontaine's
old matt re, Edmond Picard, stirring the proceedings with- his
wit and eloquence, and Hector Dennis, to whom Otlet had not
quite rallied in the formation of the Nouvelle Universite over fif-
teen years before. And, with an irony remarked by no one, in-
scribed upon the list of members (though it is not clear that
he actually attended) was the name Leon Bourgeois, who was

12*                                                                                          179

involved therefore, however indirectly, in the birth of an orga-
nisation to which later, unwittingly, he was to give the coup
de grace.25

After the opening ceremonies certain procedural matters
were dealt with. The officials of the congress were confirmed in
their positions: Auguste Beernaert, Minister of State, as Presi-
dent, Otlet, La Fontaine and Cyrile Van Overbergh as Secret-
aries-General, and six Vice-presidents were elected, among
them Prince Roland Bonaparte and Ernest Solvay. Otlet, Re-
porter-general for the Congress, then introduced the work of
the congress at some length. He suggested that the six questi-
ons on the agenda could best be dealt with if the congress
broke into three groups. This was agreed to. Beernaert and a
Belgian lawyer deeply interested in the legal problems of in-
ternational associations, Clunet, were appointed to preside over
the first section which dealt with the question of their legal
status. The second section under the Nobel Laureate Wilhelm
Ostwald and Solvay was to deal with questions three and four
on the agenda: standardisation generally but particularly the
establishment of international systems of units of weights and
measures, and the kinds and functions of international asso-
ciations. The third section under General Sebert and La Fon-
taine was to discuss documentation and the problem of sci-
entific and technical language. Later a fourth group was set
up headed by Prince Roland Bonaparte and a M. Guillaume
from the International Bureau of Weights and Measures. This
section, accommodating representatives whose interest did not
clearly fall into any of the other groups was to discuss gen-
eral problems of international co-operation between associa-
tions and means of co-ordinating their work. Meeting in the
morning of Wednesday, 11th May 1910, a time at which the
other sections were not in session, section four was attended
by a number of the members of other sections and was the oc-
casion for a very wide-ranging discussion. Also, after consid-
erable debate on the unification of weights and certain
measures used in scince, the second section combined with the
third to consider problems in the standardisation of scientific
terminology.

The resolutions of the World Congress of International
Associations were extremely general for the most part, and per-
haps not particularly surprising. Nevertheless, in terms of the
relatively narrow context in which they are being considered
here, they all implicitly or explicitly affirmed the need for con-
tinued co-operation, for the continuance of the work begun by
the Congress and hence, the need for a permanent international
Center.

The congress emphasised the importance of the metric
system of weights  and measurements  and the need for uni-

180

form, international adoption of that system.26 It resolved to
appoint a committee to make known this view to all appropri-
ate organisations. It also decided, on a suggestion from Otlet,
that a general report should be prepared which would show
systematically how it was possible to reconcile the existing in-
dividual systems with an international system.

The resolutions about the legal status of international as-
sociations, though Picard demurred at the neologism involved,
were important:

a)   a super-national statute for non-profit organisations, which because
of   their   nature    and    their    purpose   neither    can    nor   want   to   be
placed  under particular incorporative legislation, should be instituted
by means of a diplomatic convention;

b)   to ensure the achievement of this resolution, the Congress trans-
forms its organising committee into a permanent committee. It gives
it the mandate of preparing the draft of such a convention and the
regulations for it to be sent to participating international associations
for their observations.

The congress  invites  its  committee to  transmit  its  work, when
it is finished for the approval of states.

Moreover, a need for a central office of legal documentation
was recognised to exist. Such an office should collect for com-
parison all the forms of contracts used throughout the world.
The congress's organising committee was requested to take
steps to put this resolution into effect.

The documentation section stressed the need for an inter-
national documentary union of governments on the lines of
the draft elaborated for the IIB's 1908 conference on bibliog-
raphy. It also recognised the importance of adopting an inter-
national bibliographical code «to facilitate the diffusion
and systematic collection of all printed matter». It urged the
wider adoption of the Decimal Classification system, singling
out particularly the International Congress of Mathemati-
cians, which was not represented at Brussels, as one body which
should adopt the classification. It and all similar bodies, it
declared, should work out a concordance between their special
classifications and the Decimal Classification.

The section dealing with co-operation resolved . that isol-
ated international associations or groupings of them should re-
main in constant contact with the Central Office

which will serve as an intermediary for all relations between them
and as a source for useful information; that this office should be
recognised as the permanent organ of their reciprocal relations and
that it should receive the necessary subventions to allow it to carry
out its useful and important functions.

This section also expressed the view that there should be great-
er co-operation betwen the international ogranisations study-
ing the legal difficulties that prevented the development of
such relations between them as would permit them to form a
«society of nations* — the International Bureau for Peace and

181

its Congresses, the Institute for International Law and the Inter-
parliamentary Union. It was thought that a permanent organ
for diplomatic meetings with which these associations could
co-operate should be set up in the Hague. Nevertheless,
the section stressed the importance of free, unofficial organisa-
tions in international life, and the importance of maintaining
their independence at the same time as co-operation between
them and co-ordination of their work were promoted.

Before it dispersed the Congress repaired in a body to the
exhibition about internationalism organised by the Central
Office. The exhibition contained twelve sections covering various
aspects of international life. There was a section for docu-
mentation, for example, largely consisting of the IIB's exhi-
bit, that of the Concilium Bibliographicum and that of the
Mueee de la Presse. Other sections, displaying exhibits from
a wide variety of sources, ranged through geographical, histor-
ical, economic, social, moral and philosophical matters. The
exhibits mostly consisted of charts, tables, maps, diagrams,
prints and documents published by the associations. The enor-
mous collection of material assembled for the Congress on
Administrative Sciences was part of the exhibition, the Admin-
istration Section. Otlet and La Fontaine believed that «such
an exposition is... the best way of making known to the great
public the totality of the facts and ideas upon which inter-
national organisation rests to-day». For them «the Exposition-
Museum is the complement of the Congress of the Internationa!
Associations and its primary aim is to illustrate, to com-
ment on, to justify the code of rules which will emerge from
its deliberations and the Annuaire de la Vie Internationale
which contains the results of the vast enquiry on the work of
internationalism which preceded it».27 During the course of
the visit to the exhibition the delegates took a resolution that
«a permanent museum» should be created from it as Otlet and
La Fontaine had hoped. A notice was then prepared setting
out the objectives of such a museum. The management of the
museum was officially placed in the hands of the Central
Office of International Institutions and all international associa-
tions who were members of the Office were regarded as having
participated in the formation of the Museum.28

And so, the first great World Congress of International
Associations drew to a close. M. Beernaert, congratulating the
delegates on their achievements, adverted for a moment to the
difficulties that had been experienced by the International
Maritime Union which he had helped to form a quarter of a
century earlier. He hoped that the present gathering would
not make the same kinds of mistake, mistakes of excessive cen-
tralisation and the neglect of a supportive system of auton-
omous national organisations. Finally he hoped

182

that our organisation which has taken on a permanent character, the
Union of International Associations that we have ratified by this
congress, will provide us soon with another occasion for meeting in
the same conditions as to-day, with the same desire for progress,
with the same lack of any preoccupation with personal or national
pride.29

Thus emerged from the World Congress of International Asso-
ciations a Union of International Associations domiciled in
Brussels at the Central Office of International Institutions.

Otlet had a particular interest in the International Con-
gress of the Administrative Sciences which was held in July.
He regarded its work as primarily documentary and by far
the greatest number of resolutions taken at the Congress dealt
-with documentation. The Congress created a permanent
¦committee to organise future congresses and to collect docu-
ments relevant to administrative science and organise them
for use. It was resolved that «all the theoretical and practical
knowledge relating to general documentation should be brought
together and co-ordinated;*, that «the principles and methods
of administrative documentation should be the subject
of courses and of introductory lectures», and that «There should
be a general method for administrative documentation.
This method should embrace the various operations to which
documents are submitted (creation, conservation, classification,
communication, publication, retirement, transferral to archival
depots)». The congress also resolved that a central office
for administrative documentation should be created to
study all these matters, form a library, compile an inter-
national bibliography on administration, and institute a museum.
It also resolved to participate in the work of the Central
¦Office of International Institutions and any further congresses
organised by it.30

At the closing banquet, the President of the Congress raised
the question of the International Museum of which the exhibits
for the International Congress of Administrative Sciences
formed such a large part. He urged that «measures should
be taken to ensure that the necessary locations should be
provided for this museum» and he addressed himself directly to
the Mayor of Brussels, commending the Museum to him.
A plan was put afoot immediately to secure permanently one
of the Exposition buildings for the use of an International
Museum around which, it was suggested, could be organised
«the various permanent institutions and services that a number of
the congress held in Brussels in 1910 have created as well as
international bodies having their headquarters in Brussels
previously*. At the International Congress of Photography,
drawing to a close at about the same time, General Sebert
pledged the support of the International Union of Photography
for this venture.

183

Two committees were constituted to work for the perman-
ent creation and sustained development of the Museum. One
was Belgian. Its function was to negotiate with the govern-
ment and any other authorities involved for locations for the
Museum. The other was international. Its task was to approach
the official representatives of the various countries participat-
ing in the Exposition in order to induce them to co-operate
in the foundation of the Museum. They were asked to obtain
permission to donate to the Museum the documents and other
objects on exhibition in their national pavilions. Eventually a
suitable building was selected as a good commodious location
for the Museum. Patrick Geddes, who had worked valiantly
but unsuccessfully for the preservation of the buildings of the
Paris Exposition in 1900, arrived in Brussels and studied the
feasibility of prolonging the life of what were essentially tem-
porary buildings. He declared that this would in fact be quite
feasible and enthusiasm mounted in the Central Office. Unfor-
tunately a sudden, substantial fire, destroyed the greater part
of the building. The idea, however, was by no means abandon-
ed for the Museum should be, its organisers declared, some-
thing independent of particular locations.31

On the 17th October a great fillip was given to efforts to-
establish the Museum. The Spanish government on that date
formally handed over its exhibition of administrative docu-
ments to the Belgian government as the basis for an Inter-
national Administrative Museum. Implicit in the receipt of this
gift was an undertaking by the Belgian government to see
that it was suitably housed. The Spanish exhibit was integral
to the collections of the International Museum created by the
Congress of International Associations and it seems that
official protection of a part extended protection to the whole. In
this somewhat indirect way, the whole of the International
Museum came to have some official standing. The government
gave the Central Office permission to retain part of the left-hand
side of the Palais du Cinquantenaire for the housing of the-
Museum.

Upon the successful conclusion of the negotiations between
the Spanish and Belgian governments, the International Mu-
seum issued its general catalog.32 At this time special cata-
logs were also issued for the section on administrative doc-
umentation,33 and for another section, the International High-
way Museum, which was composed of a series of exhibits as-
sembled for the second International Highway Congress and
donated to the International Museum.34 A version of the gene-
ral catalog was issued in Esperanto.35 A number of Esperan-
to enthusiasts attended the various congresses at the 1910 Ex-
position. Indeed, a Central Esperanto Office was set up as
part of the Center of International    Institutions for the period'

184

of the Exposition, and supplements in Esperanto were published
to the Revue internationale des congres et conferences™
no doubt largely prepared under the supervision of General
Sebert.

Another International Congress held on the occasion of
the Universal Exposition of Brussels was that for Accounting
Sciences. Otlet had been interested in accountancy for some
time, regarding it almost as an aspect of administrative docu-
mentation. Two very early articles of his deal with aspects of
the subject.37 Nor was he a stranger to the actual practice of
accountancy as his struggles with his father's affairs and those
of Otlet Freres amply testify.

Early in 1910 Otlet approached J. Dumon, the Secretary
General of the Belgian Academic Society for Accountancy (So-
ciete Academique de Comptabilite de Belgique) with proposals
for co-operation between it and the IIB. Particularly, he hoped
to be able to participate in the International Congress for
Accounting Sciences being sponsored by the Society later in
the year at the Exposition of Brussels, to discuss the problem
of administrative documentation and its connection with ac-
countancy. He was made an honorary member of the Society
and was invited to form and become President of a documenta-
tion section in the Congress which created an International
Association for Accountancy. Otlet was informed that the Cen-
tral Office of International Institutions would become the seat
of the Headquarters of this Association and that the new Asso-
ciation would set about forming within the IIB a «Central
Office of Documentation in Matters of Accounting*.38

The Documentation Section of the Congress at its meet-
ings on the 20th and 21st August 1910 resolved that:

1.  A body of rules for administrative documentation — this expression
comprising accounting documents as well as all the other documents
of a commercial organisation — should be formulated;

2.  Accountancy should  take the initiative in formulating these rules
and for the sound organisation of documentation;

3.  The study of  administrative  documentation should be  part of that
for documentation in  general and particularly for the documentation
of   administrative  organisations,  which  was  the  subject   of  a  «Code
of Organisation* in the recent Congress of    Administrative Sciences;

4.  All   rules   relative   to   this   should   be   condensed   and   co-ordinated
in a similar code.39

It was decided that a Second Congress of Accounting Scien-
ces would be held at Charleroi in August 1911 (though it was
in fact postponed until September). Otlet was invited to become
President of the Congress. He was also asked to preside
over the documentation section once again. The program of
this section bore his mark and that of the Congress of the
preceding year. The following subjects were put on the agenda
for discussion:

185

1.  Code of rules for administrative documentation;

2.  Schemas   and   diagrams   as   a   means   for   graphically   representing
accounting      phenomena   and   of   characterising   the      mechanism   of
accounts and their functions;

3.  The creation of a Central Office    of    Documentation    in   Matters
Relating to Accountancy.^0

A «Code» for accountancy was drawn up, presumably at the
TIB, to fulfil the requirements laid down in 1910. Its sections
were closely related to the «Code for the Organisation of Ad-
ministrative Documentation*, now given the acronym CODA.
In many instances references were made to sections of the
CODA without supporting text although the sections on ac-
countancy and the value of the Decimal Classification in admi-
nistrative documentation were substantive and to some extent
new.41

Otlet's interest in accountancy continued. He was made
President of the Belgian Academic Society for Accountancy later
in 1910, and continued for some years to be one of the Bel-
gian representatives on the Council of the International Asso-
ciation for Accountancy which had been set up in 1910. This
was formally affiliated with the IIB. Indeed, a note to this
effect appeared on the Association's letter head as late as
1927.42

For Otlet and La Fontaine, however, this year of confer-
ences culminated in that for bibliography and documentation
held from the 25th to the 27th August 1910. In the preliminary
documents prepared for the International Congress of Bibliog-
raphy and Documentation, as it was now called, what was
to be a permanent program for future meetings was set out.
This referred explicitly to the work of other congresses having
some interest in elements of bibliography and documenta-
tion: those of publishers, librarians and archivists, and those
for copyright, for photography and for the administrative
sciences. The International Congress for Bibliography and Docu-
mentation would not encroach on any special interests:

It will try to co-ordinate their achievement according to the desiderata
of the general organisation which must be given documentation, an
organisation permitting more methodical production of books, more
orderly collection of them, more complete cataloging of them, the in-
tegration of their elements into more systematic assemblages, their
more extended use.43

The specific program of the 1910 Congress dealt with four
major areas of study: the present state of bibliographical or-
ganisation throughout the world, the problems and possibili-
ties of co-operation and co-ordination of documentary work,
the problems particularly associated with an international
cataloging code and the Decimal Classification, and finally, the
¦organisation of an international documentary union.44

The documents of the congress were many and    diverse.

1186

One of the most interesting was a paper by B. Iwinski. This
carried on Otlet's earlier studies on the statistics of printing
in relation to the potential size of the RBU and was specifi-
cally commissioned by the IIB and conducted on a plan laid
down by it.45 It is a carefully systematised collation of fig-
ures about books and periodical production throughout the
world since the invention of printing. Far more important, how-
ever, because relating directly to «the desiderata of the gen-
eral organisation which must be given documentation» were
the four «Codes» already mentioned, a «General Code for the
Organisation of Bibliography and Documentation*, and the
detailed elaboration of parts of this which had been adopted
by the sections for Documentation of the relevant internat-
ional congreses earlier in the year. The «General Code» was
described in this way:

All the resolutions concerning bibliography and documentation taken
in all congresses, whatever they may be, have been brought together
and analysed; similarly, all the works on this subject have been
studied, together with presently existing services. From this work the
principles of good documentation, of the proper organisation of bib-
liography, have been extracted and co-ordinated in the form of a Code.
The goal to be followed by all those who are concerned with these
matters is to apply the principles formulated, and to strive to reach
the ideal described in the 78 pages of the Code. 46

The work of the Congress was something of an anti-climax
and inconclusive in its outcome. Some of its resolutions clari-
fied or brought to an announced point logical extensions to
Otlet's thinking about documentation. It was resolved, for
example, that «all information about bibliography and docu-
mentation should be co-ordinated, and a distinct brand of
study created», and that the terminology of this new discipline
should be standardised, carefully defined and a dictionary for
it published. And a few months later one finds Otlet expound-
ing this subject in an address to the School of Advanced So-
cial Studies in Paris as part of a series of lectures on modern
libraries,47 a subject he had first raised and dealt with sys-
tematically in 1903.48 Another resolution of the Congress was
that an International School for the Book should be created at
the IIB. Nothing appears to have come of this until Otlet him-
self in the 1920's set about giving purely local courses in Bel-
gium in documentation and librarianship, for the latter of
which he published a «crammer» in collaboration with Leon
Wouters.49

Apart from this, the importance of the Decimal Classification
was again stressed, as was the need for the invariable use of
the standard catalog card (75X125 mm) for all bibliograph-
ical purposes. The necessity for assisting the RBU towards
monolithic perfection in various familiar ways was reaffirmed.
The Congress resolved to appoint a commission to draw up    a

187

standard international cataloging code based on the Anglo-
American Code,50 and the necessity for the preparation of this
with the approval and participation of librarians was stressed,
so that there would be only one commonly accepted code for
all bibliographical purposes. It was also resolved to appoint
an international commission to control translations and the
further development of the Decimal Classification. National rep-
resentatives and representatives from international bodies for
subject disciplines were to be appointed to this commission. It
appears that neither commission was appointed. The Decimal
Classification, certainly, languished sadly, becoming more and
more out of date until determined efforts actually to produce
such a commission and make it work, were made by the Dutch
representatives of the IIB after the First World War. The value
of the «General Code» and its special elaborations in particu-
lar areas was formally recognised at the Conference, and it
was observed that «it is desirable continually to develop this
Code theoretically and practically, so that it can be of use for
the work of successive sessions of the Congress and incorpo-
rate their resolutions*. In point of fact, no developments ap-
pear to have been made to the Code, except to that for Admin-
istrative Documentation, and no further sessions of the Con-
gress took place until after the War.

Nothing appears to have been decided about the Union
for Documentation, at least directly in light of the rejections
and lack of official enthusiasm of the states reported to the
IIB in 1909 by the Belgian government. Certain changes were
foreseen in the structure of the IIB as a result of attempts to
involve official representation within it. But for the moment
attempts actually to achieve a documentary union of govern-
ments seemed to have lapsed to be taken up again only after
the War when the formation of various scientific unions and
their affiliation to an International Research Council gave
Otlet a push to attempt once more to do the same for documen-
tation. Now, however, as a result of the lapse of the idea of a
Documentary Union of Governments, the idea of a permanent
Congress of Bibliography and Documentation related to the
Congress of International Associations, and the participation
of the IIB in the Central Office of International Institutions
and the International Museum became paramount. The Con-
ference resolved that

the organisation of the IIB should be enlarged to comprise repre-
sentatives of the States, of regional and national interests and of the
diverse scientific specialities. It should become a more and more inter-
national and interscientific federation for the organisation of the Book
and Documentation, safeguarding the unification of methods and
constituting central collections. The Institute should therefore be the
executive body of the Congress of Bibliography and Documentation.
The  latter should hold  regular sessions on the basis of  the present

188

regulations drawn up for the 1910 Congress and with the same
general program.

The organising committee of the Congress will remain in office, com-
pleted by the heads of foreign delegations with right of representation
for countries and disciplines not now represented ... It should formulate
a draft revision of the statutes of the Institute, encourage the for-
mation of groups to act as national committees, and develop affilia-
tions with international institutes.

The Congress hopes to see realised the project to cede one of the
Halls of the Exposition of Brussels to international work so that the
bureaux of the international congresses, the secretariats of the inter-
national associations, an International Museum, and the services and
collections of universal documentation can be grouped together in a
great world institution.61

It seems clear from this that major changes in the struc-
ture of the IIB were envisaged so that it might conform to a
common pattern of international association, the structure of
which had been studied by Otlet, La Fontaine and Van Over-
bergh in their enquiry into international associations. This was
the permanent Congress in lieu of the official Union which had
been the initial aim. The new structure, incorporating or at
least closely relating so many new elements, would have been
quite remarkable had Otlet and La Fontaine been able to
make it work. The IIB in 1910, had new statutes been intro-
duced and the commissions for cataloging and the Decimal Clas-
sification set up, would have become an International Federa-
tion for Documentation, an organisation actually realised
nearly thirty years later only after bitter struggle and a series
of slow but quite revolutionary transformations. In 1910, how-
ever, the new IIB envisaged by Otlet and La Fontaine was
really only a pious hope for the focus of their attention had
shifted from documentation to internationalism. In Otlet's
thinking documentation was always central, a starting point, a
point of return because of its fusion in some inexplicably fas-
cinating way with knowledge. But now he believed the IIB
was a foundation strong enough to support the gigantic new
and expanding structure he and La Fontaine were in the pro-
cess of creating. True, he saw momentarily at the outset the
need to strengthen the foundation but soon all his attention
and his energies became absorbed by building.

The relationship of Otlet and La Fontaine to each other
in all of this is interesting. It is almost impossible to distin-
guish their contributions and their names must always be link-
ed in these ventures. Nevertheless, in some ways it appears
that Otlet was the more important figure perhaps only because
his hand is more visible. It was his pen that put to paper most
of the rationalisations for the IIB and what was soon gen-
erally called the Union of International Associations (UIA),
signed the correspondence to Belgian ministers, appeared most
frequently in the bibliography of the publications of the IIB

189

and UIA. Always La Fontaine was at his shoulder, influencing,
perhaps shaping his ideas, joining his name to crucial corres-
pondence, pencilling in corrections to important letters, un-
dertaking large, specific, often tedious tasks. This becomes par-
ticularly clear after the War when La Fontaine seems to have
assumed the major responsibility for the compilation of the-
Code des Voeux for the League of Nations and the preparation,
of the index to the second edition of the Universal Decimal.
Classification. Nevertheless, most of the running of things, the
impetus for development and later the suffering of the an-
guish of failure were Otlet's. La Fontaine was absorbed by his
duties in the Senate, was spread a little thinly across his
wider range of internationalist interests, was free of the obses-
sion that had begun to grow stronger in Otlet through the
years.

THE PALAIS MONDIAL

The consolidation and development of the various aspects
of Otlet and La Fontaine's work after the Universal Exposi-
tion of 1910 was rapid. Very quickly the apparently diverse ele-
ments were rationalised to show how they formed an integra-
ted whole. In 1911, for example a brief account of the Central
Office of International Institutions was published which des-
cribed its composition, services and work. A plate shows plans
for the creation of a grandiose building to house the Office,
a Palais Mondial. The services which the Central Office was
offering or about to offer were summarised thus:

1.  Management of Associations and Congresses

Relations between the international Associations

Study of questions of common interest

Creation of organisations of general interest

Carrying out of the decisions and preparation of the World

Congress

Participation in Special international congresses

Organisation of international instruction

2.  Management of Publications

Annual of International Life
Review of International Life
Co-ordinated list of the resolutions of congresses

3.  Management of documentation

Library of Internationalism
Universal Repertory of Documentation
Universal Encyclopedia
International Museum

4.  Management of general services

Book-selling service
Editorial services.52

Of all of these services the most clearly lacking was the
Review of International Life (Revue de la Vie Internationale).
All of the others except perhaps that for international   instruc-

190

tion, were now being carried out in some form or another,,
however rudimentary. Early in 1911 La Fontaine approached
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace for financial
support for the International Peace Bureau at Berne of which
he was president and for the Union of International Associ-
ations. The conjunction of the two, the case for each set out as
convincingly as possible, suggest a division in La Fontaine's
allegiance. Too much can be made of this. An important ques-
tion raised to the Carnegie Endowment was the possibility of
transferring the International Peace Bureau to Brussels, amove
initially supported by La Fontaine and by the Endowment which
suggested that «a larger sum of money could profitably be
spent by this Bureau with Brussels as its center than at
Berne».53 The Council of the Bureau, however, recommended,
against removal.

La Fontaine's letter concerning the UIA was described as
an «impressive and persuasive document*. It is interesting to
see reflected in the Endowment report the aims, hopes and the
accomplishments that the Belgians believed they had already
achieved in the Central Office. It was described as

largely the personal creation of M. Henri La Fontaine... It is as yet-
little more than an ambitious, finely conceived project. The scope of
its proposed activities fits in excellently with that of the Bureau.
International de la Paix and with that of the International Parliamen-
tary Union which has its seat in Brussels, and supplements them...
The Office Central was organised in 1907, during the Second Peace
Conference. The idea seems to have been suggested by the usefulness
of Mr. Fried's annual volume in the form of an encyclopedia or book
of reference of the peace movement. The purposes of the Office1
Central are to develop the spirit of internationalism, to aid indivi-
dual national associations and improve their efficiency, and to create
in each separate country a center of international interest with
which the Office Central at Brussels shall be in close correspondence...
The aims of the Office Central are wholly constructive and suggestive.
It will seek to seize upon the growing international movement
as exhibited in international organisations of every kind, and to de-
velop and systematise it. In the words of M. La Fontaine, «interna-
tionalism must be made conscious*.

If enabled to do so, the Office Central proposes to send delegates to-
all special international congresses in order to emphasise the inter-
national influence and results of such meetings; to assist certain asso-
ciations that are international in character, which if so aided, would
work more effectively; to develop what is called international documen-
tation, and to give such documents a permanent and systematic
character ...

Already the Office Central on very meagre resources has been able
to publish the helpful Annuaire de la Vie Internationale... The next
volume of this Annuaire will contain not less than 1500 pages. The
entire cost of publishing the edition for 1908—1909 was 15,000 francs.
The Office Central also organised the first World's Conference of
International Associations... It aims also to bring together what is
called an International Museum for which a small beginning has been.
made in a building placed at the disposal of the Office Central by
the Belgian government.54

19t

Although this is a fair summary, it is probably not quite
true to say that the UIA was «largely the personal creation» of
Henri La Fontaine, though this is, no doubt, an understandable
inference from his authorship of the letter and report to the
Carnegie Endowment. The «small beginning* of the Interna-
tional Museum referred to in the report was to the quarters in
the Palais du Cinquantenaire provided by the government for
the permanent preservation of some of the exhibition gathered
together by the Central Office for its 1910 Congress but above
all for the exhibition of administrative documentation donated
to Belgium by the Spanish government.

La Fontaine was successful in his approach to the Carne-
gie Endowment for International Peace which had set up Euro-
pean Advisory Council in Paris in 1912. The Central Office
was granted $7,500 for the first half of 1912, and $15,000 for
the fiscal year 1912/13. The same sum was allowed for 1913/14
and a budget prepared at the Endowment's European Office for
1914/15.55 The Central Office actually received subventions
until the first quarter of 1914 when the outbreak of war interrup-
ted its work. Though the Endowment seemed ready to continue
to support the Central Office and seemed impressed by its
achievements as set out in the Office's regular reports to the
Endowment,56 no subsequent attempt appears to have been
made by the Belgians to obtain subsidy after the War.

With this financial assistance the Central Office became
extremely active. La Vie Internationale appeared at once, its
first fascicule containing an article by La Fontaine and Otlet
on international Life and efforts for its organisation*.57 The
second Annuaire de la Vie Internationale also appeared, near-
ly twice as large as had been estimated by La Fontaine in his
report to the Carnegie Endowment.58 After 1912, however, most
of the work at the Central Office was vigorously conducted
along three lines: the development of the International Museum,
the organisation of a second World Congress of International
Associations, and the creation of a World Palace in which could
be housed together all the contributory elements of the Central
Office so that it could truly become a World Centre. Otlet con-
stantly pressed the government for support in the form of ma-
terial for exhibition and for more and more space in the Palais
du Cinquantenaire. The Museum was now seen as consisting of
three parts: a general part devoted to man, society and interna-
tionalism generally, a part in which subject sections were group-
ed, and a part grouping national sections. By 1913 the Mu-
seum occupied sixteen rooms of the Palais du Cinquantenaire
and was being visited by almost 13,000 people a year.59 The
Musee de la Presse, which was logically part of the larger Mu-
seum and which had grown quickly through the donation of a
number of private collections remained in the IIB offices in the

192

center of Brussels.60 A number of new Catalogues for the Mu-
seum as a whole and for its special sections were issued.61 In
1914 a Child Welfare section was created   from   a   travelling
exhibit donated    to    the    Museum.02 Considerable    collections
about aeroplanes, the telegraph    and    telephones were formed
with help from the Belgian government, and   in 1914   it   was
proposed to amalgamate these collections and expand them in-
to a Technical Museum.63 By 1914 a number of national sections,
(Spain, Belgium,   Argentina,   for   example)    had   also   been
formed.

The rationalisation of the structure of the Museum as then
conceived took this form:

According to its general conception the Museum should comprise
both iNational and Comparative Sections.

In the National Sections are assembled according to didactic and
synthetic methods, all possible objects and documents showing the
general aspects of the various countries or ethnical groups and facili-
tating comparative study: political and social organisations, natural
and artistic wealth, economical appliances, civilisation and culture,
participation in the universal life, material and intellectual exchanges,
participation in international agreements whether of official or private
initiative.

The National Sections will be organised by each government aided by
an Executive Committee and the associations of the country. Their
aim is to realise permanently at the International Center what has
already been accomplished temporarily at the great Universal Exhibi-
tions. Taken as a whole, the halls of the Nations Sections should form
a vast geographical and ethnographical museum, a museum of the
earth and men.

The comparative sections of the Museum are formed by the Inter-
national Associations, and each will there organise, with the help
of the Union, the didactic and intuitive demonstration of the progress
realised in the various branches of science and practical activity. It
is at the same time a Universal Museum and a Technical, Educational,
Geographical, Economic and .Social Museum.

The Comparative Sections will take up all that is general, universal
and really human: man, his physical and psychical being, the place
he occupies amongst his fellow men, on the planet, in the universe; the
history of ideas, creeds and philosophical systems; the transformation
and actual state of ithe organisation of the sciences and their applica-
tion co-operation in research and in the diffusion of knowledge, the
guiding principles for intellectual and material work; the chief facts
of universal history and the various phases of civilisation; the laws
of the formation and development of human societies; the mechanism
of production, circulation, and distribution of wealth throughout the
globe; the success of the great inventions, the struggle against diseases
and plagues; the great undertakings that have transformed the
human abode and given men power over nature; the means of trans-
port and of communication; the immense development of railways;
the progressive constitution of the great transcontinental railway
lines, and by the junctions of these, the creation of what one might
call the transmondial system; the present state of maritime transpor-
tation, interoceanic canals, maritime routes; the origin, history and
diffusion of the universal postal service, telegraphs, submarine cables,
telephones and wireless telegraphy.

13—3391                                                                                   193

It must be a museum of the best types and standards ...
The museum will be a world in miniature, a cosmoscope allowing one-
to see and understand Man, Society and the Universe; it will give a
vision of the future, formed by the combination and synthesis of att
the factors of past and present progress ...

The Comparative Sections will become, in time, special International
Museums, which each International Association will form for its own
field. Different museums created separately by International Associa-
tions have already combined with the International Museum — such
as the International Administrative Museum and the Internationa!
Museum of Highways.64

This was an extraordinarily ambitious program for a Mu-
seum initially in sixteen rooms. But these were to grow to near-
ly a hundred after the War. Moreover, the second World Con-
gress of International Associations was such a success as to>
make the whole internationalist program of the UlA appear
not only possible but on the point of fulfilment.

The second Congress was held in Ghent and Brussels from
the 15th to the 18th of June 1913. Invitations were once again
made by the Belgian government through the Department of
Foreign Affairs. Its form was similar to the first Congress and
a «General Report» was again prepared as the basis of the
Congress's work. The number of associations participating in
the Congress rose from 137 to 169 and the number of govern-
ments rose from 13 to 22. The proceedings of the Congress were
issued in yet another enormous volume.55

A special meeting was held between the representatives of
governments at the Congress and the directors of the Union of
International Associations. «The purpose was to set out in some
detail the co-operation that the Union is requesting from
governments and to gather any indications or suggestions which
will increase the usefulness of its work to the States.»66 The
problems of legal status were once again debated and the ques-
tion of an International Union for Documentation suddenly
resurrected.

The Congress formally resolved that «the general publica-
tion of the resolutions of the Associations and International
Congresses* should be undertaken, and the associations were
asked to inform the Central Office of all decisions and resolu-
tions taken by them.67 This was undertaken after the War with
League of Nations support and called Code des Voeux. Above
all it was decided that

The International Center should be developed on the basis of co-oper-
ation, neutrality and practical usefulness ... on the lines laid down by
the Central Office... headquarters of associations, library, bibliography,,
archives, museum, study and teaching, common bookselling, transla-
tive and secretarial services ...

The services and collections of the International Center should be
installed in a building worthy of the importance of the associations
which have created it by their efforts, a building able to become the-

194

point of departure for groups of other international edifices (an
International City). It should make appeals to this effect for aid
from   government   and   industry   as   well   as   the  Associations.68

This International Center the Palais Mondial, set in an
International City, became an all-absorbing preoccupation of
Otlet's. A document, La Belgique et le movement international,
was prepared at the Central Office in 1913 and was devoted
exclusively to arguments for increasing the support of the Bel-
gian government and the erection of a suitable Palace in
Brussels for the international associations. In sum:

The Union of International Associations has asked the Belgian
government to accord it legal status and to grant it a loan for the
building of a Palais Mondial in order to help constitute the Inter-
national Center at Brussels.69

A MEASURE OF SUCCESS

The few years between 1910 and the outbreak of war were the
years of greatest success for Otlet and La Fontaine. Their orga-
nisations flourished. They were confidently preparing for yet a
third great World Congress of International Associations to be
held in 1915 in San Francisco.70 They were secure, happy and
relatively prosperous. Otlet and La Fontaine had become widely
known and had some influence in government circles. «My dear
Paul», wrote the Minister for Sciences and Arts, «I hasten to
get after my colleague for Public Works to support your re-
quest.*71 This was a request for more space in the Palais du
Cinquantenaire for the International Museum. In 1911 Otlet
was created a Commander in the Civil Order of Alfonso XII.
The Comte de Torre-Velez, with whom Otlet had worked closely
in the setting up of the Spanish documentary exhibition in
1910, had sought this honour for Otlet. «We have given Bel-
gium more than Belgium has given us for a change»,
he wrote somewhat ambiguously.72 «It is a very important de-
coration», Otlet's half-brother Raoul wrote from Soria in Spain,
explaining the decoration. «Alfonso XII is very sought after
because it is awarded for personal merit. It is the principal
Spanish decoration. There are Member Officer, Comman-
der, and Grand-Cross. The Commander and Grand-Cross have
the right to the title 'Illustrissimo Senor'».73

In 1911 Berwick Sayers led a party of English librarians
to Brussels to examine the bibliographical work that Henry
Hopwood had been so enthusiastic about in 1908 Hopwood, in
ill health, could not accompany the party and a «Marconi-
gram» was sent «to gladden [his] heart».74 They all had tea
with La Fontaine and Madame La Fontaine and for four morn-
ings Otlet «discoursed to us with a fluent enthusiasm and
clarity, which were equally memorable, on the organisation of
the Institut International    de    Bibliographies.,75   which in ret-

'3*                                                                                    195

rospect, Sayers thought «quixotic enough as an enterprise*.
Andrew Carnegie, however, who came triumphantly into Brus-
sels in 1913, seemed to be troubled by no doubts. Otlet des-
cribed his visit to the International Museum and afterwards
thus:

He summarised his impressions in these terms in our Livre d'Or:
«Andre Carnegie — never has a visit given him so much pleasure and
so astonished him at what he found.» At the banquet of the same
evening Mr. Carnegie responded to the address presented to him by
expressing his great satisfaction at being able to come to Brussels,
how profoundly sensible he was of the marks of attention and good
will shown him by His Majesty, the King, and by his ministers, what
a revelation Brussels and Belgium had been to him, and finally,
what importance the work of the group of international associations
had in his eyes.76

Moreover, Emile Tibbaut, whose 1907 attempt to have a law
brought down governing the legal status of international asso-
ciations domiciled in Brussels had been unsuccessful, decided
in 1913 to try once again. He was spurred on by the success
of the 1910 World Congress of International Associations and
the evidence following it of the enormous growth of the inter-
national movement as it affected Belgium. It seemed that the
Chamber of Representatives was receptive to Tibbault's new
proposals.77

In 1913 La Fontaine was awarded the Nobel Peace
Prize. Not only did this prize give the two men an
enormous sense of recognised accomplishment (for the one
figured prominently in the citation of the other), it was also
good publicity. Moreover, it gave the continually flagging
finances of their institutes a boost, for La Fontaine sank the
money accompanying the prize into them.78 Early in 1914
Otlet visited America where he attempted to interest the Uni-
ted States Government in his work. His way had been paved by
letters from Theodore Marburg, then a United States repre-
sentative in Brussels. The Secretary of State had expressed
interest. It was a question of the United States Government
joining the UIA. It was soon made clear that the United
States Government could only belong to organisations formed
by official conventions. There was some confusion about the
status of the organisations belonging to the UIA and the na-
ture of the UIA itself. The United States Government would
gladly consider supporting «any international agreement which
the governments supporting these organisations may agree
on».79 There was, of course, no time to pursue any of these
matters for the First World War swiftly enveloped Europe.

SOME EVALUATIONS

A number of scholars have been aware of the potential
value of the UIA and its Central Office in Brussels as it seemed

196

to be developing before the War, saw it as an important step
in international organisations unhappily cut short. Before the
War, according to White, international nongovernmental or-
ganisation was in its infancy.

Compared with the work of the post-war period, it was visionary
rather than practical; it existed more for the sake of being international
than for the sake of getting something accomplished; debate rather
than action was the rule, and consequently in the pre-1914 period the
organisations on the whole exerted less influence than they did after
1919. Likewise, the structure of these organisations was not as highly de-
veloped as that of their post war counterparts. They were willing to get
along with little in the way of permanent headquarters and few of
them saw the need of setting up permanent committees for continuous
study. Their members met in international conferences, many of which
were held at irregular intervals.80

Though much of this is true of the UlA and the Central Office
of International Institutions or Associations in Brussels,
White recognised

that one of the «isolated instances of research which had begun...
to break down the rigid frontiers between law and politics by
embarking upon studies of international organisation and the
practice of the machinery of diplomacy* was the Union des
Associations Internationales whose publications «contained an impres-
sive body of work of this kind».

Established  in   1910   at   Brussels,  the   Union,  representing  the  most
ambitious effort to group international organisations, had an impres"- •
sive early history.81

For Lyons, indeed, the UIA was «the culmination* of the
pre-war internationalist movement

Despite the widespread tendency of national organisations within
particular fields to expand into international organisations in the
latter years of the nineteenth century, there had been little attempt
to unify these international organisations in their turn. International
associations, societies, unions and federations had developed haphaz-
ardly, often overlapping and often in ignorance of each other. It
was to remedy these defects that the Union of International As-
sociations was founded...

The practical expression of this super-internationalism was the creation
of a permanent agency in Brussels ...

The «centre» thus established regarded itself from the outset as a kind
of powerhouse for the «unofficial» international movement as a whole
and to this day it remains a focal point for non-governmental
internationalism ...

It is clear then, that in the decade before 1914 the most strenuous
efforts were being made both to develop a wider awareness of the
international movement as a whole, and also to introduce into it
some much needed coherence and simplification. Yet, though these
efforts were impressive, it would be easy to over-estimate their im-
portance. By the time the War broke out the attempt to bring the
various specialised organisations into the super-organisation, the
Union of International Associations, was hardly five years old and
although the new Union had a great deal of support, it could not
in the nature of things achieve very much in the short time allowed
to it...

193

What was being brought to birth was indeed the logical extension
of the internationalism of the later nineteenth century, but the trag-
edy was that because the nineteenth century movement had been
so slow and gradual, the logical extension came too late. So that
these larger and more imposing schemes were not the perfected
forms of a new society, but only the portents of the society men
might  have  wished  to  build  if   they  had  been  left  in  peace.82

And, finally, for Walters, formerly a Deputy Secretary-General
of the League of Nations, Otlet and La Fontaine were «two
gallant Belgians — names that hold an honoured place in in-
ternational history» who anticipated much of the program
of the League of Nations' Committee on Intellectual Co-opera-
tion.83

FOOTNOTES

1.  Quoted  in «Rapport parliamentaire», Notices sommaires sur les institu-
tions internationales avant leur si&ge en Belgique  (Publication No. 87;
Bruxelles: IIB, .1907), p. 36.

2.  «Rapport lu a la reunion des representants des institutions internationa-
les, le 4 juin,  1907», in Notices sommaires sur les institutions internatio-
nales   avant   leur   siege   en   Belgique   (Publication   No.   87;   Bruxelles:
IIB, 1907).

3.  «Rapport sur les travaux de l'annee  1907», in Office Central des Insti-
tutions  Internationales, Bulletin No. 1, Mars  1908   (Bruxelles:  l'Office,
1908), p. 29.

4.  Paul Otlet,  La Loi d'ampliation et Vintemationalisme   (Bruxelles:  Pol-
leunis et Ceuterick, 1908), p. 7.

5.  The  Permanent   Court   of   International  Justice   (revised   ed.;   Geneva:
Information  iSection,   League  of   Nations   Secretariat,   1926),  pp.  5—6.

6.  Otlet, La Loi d'ampliation. These and following quotations are from this
pamphlet without separate citation.

7.  The  quotations   in   this   paragraph   are   all   from      «Rapport     lu...»,
pp. 29—30.

8.  Notices sommaires ..., op. cit.

9.  Cyrille Van Overbergh,    L'Association internationale     (Le    Mouvement
Sociologique   International,   enquete   No.   3  sur   les   structures   sociales;
Bruxelles: Albert de Wit and IIB, 1907).

10.  A. H. Fried, Annuaire do la  Vie Internationale   (3e annee;    Publication
No. 6; Monaco: Institut International de la Paix, 1907).

11.  Annuaire de la  Vie Internationale, 1908—1909, publie avec le concours
de   l'lnstitut  International   de  Bibliographie   et   l'lnstitut   International
de la Paix, par A. Fried, Henri La Fontaine et Paul Otlet  (n. s. vol 1;
Publication No. 3; Bruxelles: Office Central des Associations Internatio-
nales, 1909), 1370 pp.

12.  «Annuaire de la Vie  Internationale*, L'Office Central des  Institutions
Internationales;   son  organisation,  ses  services,  ses   travaux   (.Publica-
tion  No. 15;   Bruxelles:  Office Central  des Institutions  Internationales,
1911), pp. 41—43.

198

13 «Rapport sur les travaux de l'anee 1907». Office Central des Institutions
Internationales, Bulletin No. 1, Mars 1908 (Bruxelles: l'Office, 1907),
15—16. The Bill was not passed and lapsed upon the dissolution of
the Chamber.

14.  «Rapport sur les travaux pour l'annee 1907», pp. 41—42.

15.  Ibid., p. 30.

16.  «Programme of the Congress of   1910   [in English]*,  Congres Mondial
des Associations Internationales, premiere session 1910, Actes: documents
preliminaires, rapports, procts-verbaux, code      (Publication 1911), p. 15.

17.  Paul  Otlet,  «marche  proposee pour  les travaux», Congres Mondial...
Actes ..., pp. 997—998.

18.  Code general pour Vorganisation de la bibliographie et de la documenta-
tion   (Congres   International   de   Bibliographie    et   de    Documentation,
Bruxelles,   1910,   Document   preliminaire   No. 3;   Bruxelles:   Secretariat
du Congres, 1910).

19.  «Code pour  l'organisation  de  la  presse periodique*,  IIB Bulletin, XII

(1910), 86—1111.

20.  «Code pour TorganLsation de la  documentation    administrative*,    ibid.,
112—132.

,21. «Code pour l'organisation de la documentation photographique», ibid.,
133—155.

22. «L'Organisme des congres et conferences a l'exposition de Bruxelles»,
Revue internationale des congres et conferences, No. 8, 23 July 1910,
84, and «Proces-verbaux des seances*, Congres Mondial... Actes ...,
p. 1160.

.23. Henri La Fontaine, «La Documentation et l'internationalisme*, Annuaire
de la Vie Internationale 1908—1909, pp. 180—181.

24.  Paul Otlet to various ministers, unfiled carbon copy with the note: «aux
Ministre de l'lnter.  (sic),  des  Sciences,  de l'Agriculture.   1908—12—08,
1908—^12—22, 1908—12—22» Mundaneum attics.

25.  «Liste des membres, participation des governements etrangers, liste des
adherents*, Congres Mondiale..., Actes..., pp. 831—874.

'26. «Resolutions et voeux», ibid., pp. 825—830 (the quotations in the fol-
lowing pages are all from these pages and no further reference will be
made to them).

27. «Exposition-Musee des associations internationales a Bruxelles: preface*,
ibid., pp. 243—244.

-28. «Viisite au Musee des Associations internationales*, ibid., pp. 1202—(1204.

29.  «C16ture», ibid., p. 1194.

30.  «Le Congres  des  Sciences Administratives*,  Revue des congres et des
conferences, No. 10, 22 Aout, 1910, 108—IlilO.

31.  «Editorial:   pour  conserver   a  Bruxelles  le  Pare  de  l'Exposition  et  en
affecter l'un des Palais aux oeuvres internationales*, Revue des congres
et des conferences, No. 10, 22 aout,  1910  (3 pages unnumbered). This
reports on the efforts to secure locations for the Museum and on the
fire which temporarily set them back.

-32. Notice-catalogue sommaire (Catalogue No. 1; Bruxelles: Musee Inter-
national, 1910). Most of this document is also reproduced in IIB Bul-
letin, XV (1910), 275—284..

199

33.  The full catalogue for the Musee Administratif International was issued
as Catalogue 1N0. 2 of the International Museum.

34.  Musee International, Notice et catalogue sommaire du Musee Interna-
tionale de la Route organise par le Congres de la Route (Office Central
des  Institutions  Internationales Publication  No. 9;  Bruxelles:     l'Office,
1910).

35.  Internacia Muzeo, Note Kaj Resuma Katalogo pri la Internacia Muzeo
de lingvo Esperanto... (Centra Oficijo de la Jnternaciaj Asocioj Publi-
kajo N-ro 19; Bruxelles: Ofijo, 1910).

36.  Internacia Revue de la Kongresoj Kaj Parloladoj:  Aldono  al  le  Revue
international des congres et conferences.

37.  Paul  Otlet,   «Comtabilite  et  comptabilisme»,  Annales  de  VInstitut des
Sciences  Sociales,  II   (Ii896),      47—60,  and      «Comment    classer      les
pieces et documents des societes industrielles», IIB Bulletin, VI  (1901),-
85—125.

38.  Dossier   No. 464,   «Societe  Academique   de  Comptabilite»,  Mundaneum,.
passim.

39.  Le   Manuel   de   I'administration   (Publication   No. 119;   Bruxelles:   IIB,
1911), pp. l-<2.

40.  Dumon to Otlet, 26 June 1911, Dossier No. 464, «Societe Academique de
Comptabilite», Mundaneum.

41.  Le Manuel de I'administration, pp. 28—34 and 11—26.

42.  Dossier  No. 464, «Societe  academique  de comptabilite»,  passim.

43.  «Programme  permanent  du Congres*,     Congres  International  de Bib-
liographie et de Documentation, Bruxelles, 1910, Documents Preliminaires
(Bruxelles: Secretariat du Congres, 1909—10), p. 7.

44.  «Ordre du jour du Congres de 1910», ibid., p. 6.

45.  B.   Iwinski,   La  Stalistique   Internationale  des     imprimis     (Publication
No. 109; Bruxelles: iIHB, 1911). This was also published in IIB Bulletin,
XVI (H911), pp. 1 — 139.

46.  Code  general  de  resolutions  et  voeux des congres   (Congres  Mondial
des   Associations   Internationales,   Gand—Bruxelles,     1913,     Document
preliminaire, No. 33; Bruxelles: Office Central des Associations Interna-
tionales, 11913), p. 24.

47.  Paul Otlet,  «L'Avenir du Hvre et de bibliographies IIB Bulletin, XVI
(1911),   275—296.   («Conference   faite   a   Paris   le   9   Decembre   1910,   a
l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes Sociales: cycle des conferences pour les bib-
liotheques modernes»).

48.  Paul   Otlet,   «Les   Sciences  bibliographiques  et  la  documentation*, IIB
Bulletin, VIII  (1903), 121 — 147.

49.   Paul  Otlet  and   L.   Wouters,  Manuel   de la  bibliotheque publique   (IIB

Publication No.  113; Bruxelles: Union des Villes et Communes Beiges,..
:1928).

50.  Catalog Rules: Author and Title Entries. Compiled by a Committee of
the American Library Association and The  (British)  Library Association-
(Chicago: ALA, 1908).

51.  «Congres (International de Bibliographie et de Documentation, Bruxelles,.
25-^27  aout   1910,  resolutions  et voeux»,  IIB  Bulletin,     XV     (1910).
79—85.  All  reference  to  the  Congress's  resolutions  have  been  to  this
publication. This is the last resolution, No. 19, p. 85.

200

52.  L'Office   Central  des   Institutions   Internationales   (Publication   No. 15;
Bruxelles:  Office Central des  Institutions Internationales,  1911), p.  17.

53.  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Yearbook, 1911 (Washing-
ton, iD. C: The Endowment, 1912), p. 55.

54.  Ibid., pp. 56—57.

55.  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Yearbook, 1912 (Washing-
ton, O. C: The Endowment, 11913), p. 67.

56.  iCarnegiie Endowment for International Peace, Yearbook, 1915 (Washing-
ton, D. C: The Endowment, 1916), p. 61.

57.  La Vie Internationale: revue menisuelle des idees, des faits et des orga-
nismes internationaux (Publication No. 26: Bruxelles: UIA, 1912). Twen-
ty six fascicules of this journal were issued, one after the War. They
were each about  100 to  120 pages in length;    Henri La Fontaine and
Paul  Otlet, «La Vie  Internationale et  l'effort pour son  organisation*,
La Vie Internationale, I. Fasc. I  (1912), pp. 1—34.

58.  Annuaire de la vie Internationale,  1910—1911, publie  avec le concours
de la Fondation Carnegie pour la Paix  Internationale et de l'lnstitut
International de la Paix  (Publication No. 47; Bruxelles: Office Central
des Institutions Internationales, ilfllll), 2652 pp. No more in the series
appeared though Fried had handed it over entirely to Otlet,  La Fon-
taine and the Office Central. It was resumed in 1950 when a revivified
Union of  International Associations issued it as Annuaire  des Organi-
sations Internationales/Yearbook of International Associations which has
continued  to  appear  regularly  and   has  become   an  indispensable  refe-
rence tool.

59.  The Union of International Associations: A   World Center   (Publication
(No. 60; Bruxelles: UIA, 1914), p. 17 and unnumbered table, «Statistics»
(In English).

60.  Le Musee International de la Presse   (Publication  No. 108;   Bruxellesr
IIB, 1911), p. 5.

61.  Le Musee International: catalogue general sommaire (Publication No. 27;
Bruxelles:  Office Central des Associations Internationales  (sic),  1912);
Le Musee International: notice-catalogue  (Publication No. 27a;  Bruxel-
les:   Office   Central   des   Associations   Internationales,   1914);      Musee
International:  catalogue sommaire de la section de bibliographie et de
documentation  (Publication No. 23; Bruxelles: Office Central des Insti-
tutions Internationales (sic), 1912).

62.  Le Bien-etre de I'enfant: Exposition Urbaine Internationale de Lyon, 1914.
Catalogue de l'exposition preparee par les «iChilds  (sic.)  Welfare Com-
mittees* de New York et Chicago, et presentee par le Musee Interna-
tional   dans   la   Section   des   Associations   Internationales   (Publication
No. 83a; Bruxelles: UIA, 1914)  and Le Musee International: supplement
No. 1   au   catalogue   general   (Publication   No. 26b;   Bruxelles:   Office
Central   des   Associations   Internationales,   1914),   p.   3      «Section   de
l'enfance».

63.  Creation d'une Musee Technique a Bruxelles en connexion avec le Musee
International:   documents   preliminaires:   enquSte      (Publication   No. 74;
Bruxelles: Office Central des Associations Internationales,  1914).

64.  The Union of International Associations: A  World Center,   pp.  15—17.

65.  Actes du Congres Mondial International, tenu  a Bruxelles du  15 juirt:
au 18 juin, 1913  (Publication No. 74; Bruxelles: Office Central des As-
sociations Internationales, 1914), 1264 pp.

201

66. Congres Mondial des Associations Internationales: compte-rendu som-
maire de la deuxieme session, Gand—Bruxelles, 15—18 juin 1913
(Publication No. 56; Bruxelles: Office Central des Associations Inter-
nationales, 1913), p. 9.

«7. Ibid., p. 15.
68. Ibid., p. 35.

¦69. La Belgique et le mouvement international (Bruxelles: Office Central
des Associations Internationales, 1913), p. 73.

70.  Les Congres    internationaux    de   San-Francisco,    1915 ...  (Publication
No. 70; Bruxelles: Office Central des Associations Internationales, ,1914);
Les Congres de 1915 a San Francisco: la 3" session du Congres Mon-
dial  des  Associations   Internationales   (Publication   No.   81;   Bruxelles:
Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1914).

71.  Prosper  Poullet to  Otlet,  7 April   1913,  unnumbered  file, Mundaneum
attics.

72.  Comte de Torre Velez to Otlet, 17 October 1911, Otletaneum.

73.  Raoul Otlet to Otlet, 5 November 1911, Otletaneum.

74.  H. G. S.  «The LAA '[Library Assistants Association]   Easter Excursion
to Brussels*, The Librarian, 1   (1910—ill), 310—3111.

75.  W.   C.   Berwick   Sayers,    Manual  of  Classification  for  Librarians  and
Bibliographers (London: Deutsch, 1962), p. 127.

76.  Otlet to the Ministre de l'lnterieur, 5 September 1913, unnumbered file,
Mundaneum attics.

.77. The history of Tibbaut's attempts to secure the civil status of inter-
national associations, the influence of Otlet and the World Congress
etc. are carefully set out in Andre Normandin, Du statut juridique des
associations internationales (Paris: Librairie Generate de Droit et de
Jurisprudence, 1926), see especially pp. 16, 72—76, 79—82, 98—105.

78.  «Henri La Fontaine», Les Prix Nobel en 1913  (Stockholm:  Imprimerie
Royale, 1914), pp. 66—67; Georges Lorphevre, ^Otlet (Paul)», Biographie
Nationale  (t32;  Bruxelles:  L'Academie Royale des  Sciences,  des Lettres
et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, 1964), Col. 553.

79.  U. S. Department of State to Otlet, 4 June 1914, unnumbered file,
Mundaneum attics.

¦80. Lyman Cromwell( White, International Non-Governmental Organisa-
tions ... (New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press,  1951), p. 5.

81.  Ibid., p. 226.

82.  F. S. L. Lyons, Internationalism in Europe 1815—1914  (Leyden: A. W.
Sythoff, 1963), pp. 205—208.

83.  F. W. Walters, A History of the League of Nations   (London:  Oxford
University Press, 1960), p. 190.

Chapter IX
THE WAR AND ITS AFTERMATH

EXILE IN FRANCE AND SWITZERLAND

The invasion of Belgium by the Germans in August 1914
at once broke down the fragile structures of institutionalised
internationalism that Otlet and La Fontaine had created
through the Union of International Associations, the Interna-
tional Institute and Office of Bibliography and the Interna-
tional Museum. The earliest days of the War brought great
personal tragedy to Otlet. In September Marcel, his older son,
was taken prisoner by the Germans at Antwerp. His
younger son, Jean, was reported missing in the Battle of the
Yser in October. Otlet himself searched the battlefield for the
boy's body.1 It was not until several years later that Jean's
•death was confirmed by information given in a prisoner-of-war
camp to his brother. Even so, Otlet continued to hope for a
time that somehow Jean had escaped and that this informa-
tion was false.2

As the Germans occupied Brussels, Otlet and La Fontaine,
like so many of their compatriots, fled. La Fontaine went to
America and during the voyage thither drafted his The Great
Solution: Magnissima Carta,3 a work in the form of a trea-
ty, exploring the setting up of a world organisation of states.
Otlet went with his wife, Cato, first to Holland then probab-
ly for a short time to England.4 He spent most of the War,
however, in Paris and in various Swiss cities.

On the eve of his departure from Brussels and under the
noses of the Germans, Otlet published his La Fin de la Guer-
re.5 This work set the keynote for his activities in France and
Switzerland. In it he presented a World Charter of Human
Rights as the basis for an international federation of states.
Both he and La Fontaine, at the very beginning of the War,
"were passionately convinced that a lasting peace could be ob-
tained at its conclusion only by the creation of what was later

203

called the League of Nations (in French, la Societe des Nati-
ons). He dedicated himself to the work of developing and pop-
ularising this idea with unremitting singlemindedness in the
following years.

His «Declaration of the Rights of Nations», became a ba-
sic working document for the Permanent Commission of the
Conference des Nationalites set up in Paris in June, 1915.
Among the tasks of the Commission were «the definitive elab-
oration of the text of the 'Declaration of the Rights of Na-
tions',» and the gathering together in a general way of «all
of the work destined to be presented to the Conference of the
Powers which will commence at the end of the War».6 In 1916
Otlet presented a similar document to the Ligue pour une So-
ciete des Nations. This document summarised five sessions of
meetings sponsored by the Ligue at the Ecole des Hautes
Etudes Sociales in Paris at the beginning of 1916.7 These two'
were part of a spate of publications by Otlet on various as-
pects of the subject. During 1916 he presided over the Confe-
rence des Nationalites which met then at Lausanne.8 There was
some suspicion of excessive German influence at the Conference
and Otlet, as its President, was accused of being a German
sympathiser. In 1916 the Central Organisation for a Durable
Peace created in the Hague at the end of 1915 with extensive
international representation, issued Otlet's study on an inter-
national executive body.9 One of the most considerable of all
his wartime publications, however, was Les Problemes interna-
tionaux et la guerre.XQ

This work represented a culmination of his thought, re-
search, lecturing and discussion about the War and about the
projected League of Nations. It was dedicated to Albert, King
of the Belgians who warmly acknowledged it, and to Otlet's
sons. In is an extraordinary work, typical of the systematic
treatises that Otlet penned at various times throughout his
life. The erudition it reveals is vast. Its treatment of its subject
is formidably encyclopedic and yet its conclusions are in
some manner limited and detached from the body of evidence
from which they are intended to emerge and which is meant
to support them as incontrovertible. It rises from tentative ge-
neralisations about the causes and likely consequences of the
War, through a long and exhaustive study of «conditions and
factors of international life», to conclusions about the conditi-
ons required for the emergence in the future of a Society of
Nations and what this organisation should be like and do.
One of the final sections is «On International Sociology». Here
speaks the young man who went to Paris in the hope of find-
ing a universal synthesis of knowledge, who wrestled for his
spirit with the Jesuits and eventually declared his faith to lie
not in religious metaphysics but in «positivistic evolutionism*:

204

We have reviewed actual events. We have considered them not
from the outside in terms of appearance, capturing an infinitely var-
ied spectacle of particular and individual cases, but we have consid-
ered them from within in their relations, their causes, their
backgrounds, the conditions which have determined them. To cata-
log the facts, to clarify them, to retain from among them what
is essential, to link one to another, to follow them towards more gen-
eral facts and then to others yet more general still, such has
been the task we have proposed if not accomplished. We have
constantly asked ourselves if a point of view exists from which we
can embrace all the facts, from which they will take on a synthet-
ic character ... There is indeed an international sociology the outlines
of which we have been able to trace and partially fill out We have
amply justified the existence for it of a particular objective. It has,
therefore, from the theoretical point of view, a principle capable of
synthesising all data, and from the practical point of view, a problem
in the solution of which the data can find their application.11

The following year Otlet published a detailed study of
the World Constitution he had been proposing as the basis for
a Society of Nations.12 Five editions of the Constitution or
Charter appeared during these years including several Eng-
lish ones.13 Theodore Marburg, formerly American Minister
to Belgium and active in the League of Nations movement in
the United States, was sent a copy of an English translation in
1917. He was rather sceptical of its value:

It proposes to establish sanctions by which the States will be compel-
led not only to submit their disputes — both conflicts of political pol-
icy and questions of law — to the Council of Conciliation or to the
Court, as the case may be—but likewise to enforce the decisions.
It plans to violate not only the neutrality guaranteed in the ordinary
way by international law, but that of specially neutralised States.
How can we expect a prospective belligerent to have any respect what-
ever for the neutrality of a neighbouring state if he knows beforehand
that the League will not respect that neutrality? It would make
an end of neutrality.

It sets up an international parliament to govern the world, pro-
vides that its acts shall be binding, except as to certain optional leg-
islation, without requiring the ratificatioin by the States of the League,
manifestly contemplates admitting all States who may seek admission
to it, refers to delegating legislative power though ineffectively,
would give separate representation to nationalities independently of
the State that governs them, and would empower parliament to fix
the maximum and minimum armies and navies, all of which I regard
as impractical in our day, some of it ill-advised at any time.14

On further reflection Marburg did acknowledge that Otlet's
suggestion that half the membership of the Society of Nations
should be official representatives of States and half drawn
from «transverse sections of society representing international
associations and unions», was novel and should be «noted» for
it ensured that «the interests of labor, capital, education,
science, etc. are... represented as a whole».15 There is little evi-
dence to suggest that, though the framers of the League of
Nations' Covenant were aware of Otlet's plan, they were in-
fluenced by it.

20.S

Because of his indefatigable work for the League of Na-
tions idea, his frequent lectures on it, the regular appearance
of articles by him in newspapers and journals, his concern for
the future of neutral powers after the War and his apparent
lack of hostility to the Germans, Otlet was accused of being
disloyal to Belgium, possibly a traitor to the Allies. At the end
of 1915 some steps were apparently taken to deny him entry
into Paris and he sent a note to the Prefect of Police explain-
ing his attitude to the War, distinguishing between a paci-
fist which he was not, and an internationalist and patriot,,
which he was.

I have come to Paris to make propaganda for peace, but like
every man who thinks and reflects, I am completely preoccupied by
the origins and by the development of this war, by its purposes and
by what should follow it. I have given myself over to the study of
these questions ... in order to be able at last to find for them some
objective basis, which is required for the solution according to scien-
tific methods of any problem. Towards this goal I have had con-
versations here with various personalities in the worlds of .Science-
and Politics, long standing acquaintances for the most part, and I
have given a course of five lectures at the School of Advanced Social
Studies called «After the War: origins, causes, problems and solu-
tions». I have taught at this School on two different occasions before-
the war, and the course was as much requested by the Administration
as urged upon it by me.

For twenty years, the study of international questions has been one
of my occupations. I founded in Brussels with the patronage and
material support of the Belgian government, the Union of International
Associations, which attempted to concentrate and co-ordinate the
international movement of which Belgium had spontaneously become-
the headquarters fifty years ago. I am one of the originators of the
great Congresses of this Union. I direct its office and publications
as well as its Museum, set up in State buildings.

This is to say that I am an internationalist. I will add that I am
not a pacifist. The distinction, which is not always made, is a valid
one. At the same time that the means of communication make the
world smaller and smaller, the population which lives in it, is increas-
ing greatly. It follows that it is impossible to keep each group in its
own territory. International contacts are established and multiply;
a world-life is manifested in every domain. There is a two-fold result:
on the one hand interests become established beyond political fron-
tiers, every one being more or less involved in the universal circu-
lation of men, products and ideas; on the other hand, antagonisms
multiply along with the points of contact, and the spheres of friction
grow larger. As a rule, governments have not been sufficiently
aware of this profound transformation. As a result, all of this inter-
national life, both so fecund and so dangerous, has been left almost
completely to its own devices, rather than being framed in insti-
tutions which could give it organisation and establish necessary
checks and balances. It is necessary to search out the deep causes, not
of this war—there have always been wars — but of the universal
character of this war, of its implications, direct and indirect, for every
element of the civilian population.

The pacifist wants—would like, to be more exact—peace at any price.
His feelings delude him about human goodness and do not lead
him to reason about sociological causes. He is like the charitable mare

who gives from the very first without bothering to determine whether
his generosity will constitute effective aid. This it is, on the contrary,
which is the principal concern of men of action and politics, who desire
social reform capable of reducing suffering at its source.

Internationalism itself is waiting for a lasting peace, for a better
organisation of relations between peoples, of which it would be the
mature fruit. Peace at any price, peace without justice, peace today
without surety that it will persist tomorrow, cannot concern it.

These different points of view, involve quite difficult consequences.
The evil which should be done away with is international insecurity,,
an evil that made its ravages felt long before the war itself, for the
armed peace, with its continual alerts, was really latent war, and
permitted the foundation of nothing stable. Internationalists con-
sider that, in the future, security should be demanded for the organi-
sation of a Society of Nations after the same fashion in which na-
tional security has been organised. There should be a common power
to decide what it is necessary to do in this domain, a Justice to
which all conflicts are compulsorily submitted, an executive body en-
forcing sanctions, worldwide and economic in the first stage, military
in the last stage (an international allied army). But the Society of
Nations should be founded on liberty and equality, repudiating any
hegemony, any domination by one state of other states. It will di-
rectly oppose the German concept of Universal Empire, or a European'
federation under the sway of Prussia. This is why we must continue-
to fight «Until Victory» (Briand). But clearly understanding what
must follow it — that is to say, a victory which will represent the
triumph of «public law of Europe» (King George)  ...

I sojourned several months in Holland and Switzerland, there looking-
up again old friends with whom I have worked. I was able to-
ascertain there the real state of mind of neutrals belonging to some
select groups, and observed how insufficient was our propaganda to
our allies. In their eyes the allies do not form the block that they
do for us. Of France, which has always fought for liberty and prog-
ress, they are confident. The evidence is the same for Belgium. But
they already have reservations about England. The Boer War is
not forgotten, nor the methods of conquest which prevailed in former
times in England, the mistress of the seas and of her dominions.
As for Russia, the neutrals are not only sceptical, but extremely in-
dignant about what happened after Galicia and about the «render
barren* policy which sacrifices whole nations in the face of the Ger-
man invasion. These recent affirmations of an autocratic mysticism
are hardly calculated to sustain the world's enthusiasm ... Now, what
interests the neutrals is not so much the war itself as what will come
afterwards. That is to say, the objectives of the war and the future
plan for Europe and therefore for the world. If we, the Allies, had-
said very clearly and exactly what our program was, instead of
keeping to generalities, if we had made out a part for the neutrals
in this program our position with respect to them would have been
strong. Instead of this, we have said to whomever wanted to listen,
that at the end of the war the neutrals would be treated as negligible
quantities, and our Press, speaking out beyond its frontiers, has
declared that «no one has the right at the present time to fix by
formal demands ... the political results which will be obtained by the-
military effort of the Allies...» (The Times). When they read this,
the neutrals drew from it that the Allies will by no means content
themselves with the restoration of violated rights, with punishing;
the German aggressor... but that they intend to gain the maximum
profit for themselves from their victory, in other words, to continue
the game of old-fashioned politics. And so we do not have the means-

20?

of making the neutrals understand... what the difference will be upon
our victory, between their situation and that of our enemies. Just the
opposite would be the case if they could see the place and the role
reserved for them in a well organised Society of Nations ...

The events of the war have therefore confirmed me in my internation-
alist opinions. They furnish me with the explanation of the war ...
they permit me to see clearly the motives of the neutrals with
respect to us.

These opinions agree deeply with my patriotic faith, for the inter-
ests of Belgium are linked to the final triumph of these principles.
It is for its liberty, for the honour of its given word, for the cause
of its violated rights that my country has accepted its martyrdom
(King Albert, his ministers, all of the Belgians). It is because of this
that my two sons, my only children, have gone to fight. The younger,
voluntarily enlisted with my consent, has been reported missing in
the Battle of the Yser. If this war should not end in the establishment
of a stable Society of Nations, all of our sacrifices will have been
in vain... It alone... will give precious meaning to the words which
are our battle cries ... But again, this new regime, impossible if we do
not triumph, will not be established by itself on the morrow of victory
if we have not prepared for it and pushed it forward by study,
discussion and exposition to selected groups.

Believing that men who have given pledges of deep attachment to
their national cause and who continue themselves to offer battle to
the enemy by word and pen, being no longer of an age to do other-
wise, should give themselves to such preparation as they can carry out
without danger to any one, I have adopted such a line of conduct.16

In these words which summarise and explain so much of
what Otlet wrote during the war years, is revealed the scholar,
the idealist, the generalist, the patriot. That he should have
been frequently maligned seems improbable". Yet when the pat-
riotic society, «Belges Partout — Beiges Toujours», a society
in the formation of which he had been active and of which he
was President, met in Switzerland in July 1916 he found it
necessary to make a vigorous complaint about «the measures
taken against him and the attacks of which he is the object».
The meeting, to which he had invited some of his adversaries
to debate their accusations but who did not appear, expres-
sed its «lively regret» that its «eminent compatriot* had been
the victim of base political manoeuvres and paid hommage to
his character and to his «ardent and pure patriotism*.17

Nevertheless, Otlet continued to be the victim of scurri-
lous attacks. The French socialists with heavy irony ridiculed
him as one of what they called «national socialists*. They alleged
that Otlet and his ilk wanted «to awaken the traditions of
the French revolution and French socialism against German
Marxism. To the battle of the classes, they oppose the organi-
sation and co-operation of the classes, placing on the first
level of preoccupation, the organisation of a Society of Nati-
ons and the association of work, talent and capital*.18 In an
issue of La Victoire which appeared not long after this, an at-
tack on German periodicals and ideas, especially ideas about

208

a Society of Nations, was made. «Who expresses this propa-
ganda in our country at the moment?», the pseudonymous
author demanded rhetorically, «foreigners! yes, foreigners who
come to set themselves up in France in these last months un-
der the pretext that they are intellectuals...» One of these men
«is a Belgian pacifist*, who transposes «into French all the
woes of the Germans who pretend to have been forced to take
up arms because they had not enough elbow-room for com-
merce, navigation, etc.» The argument against the unnamed
Otlet is clinched thus: «This Belgian also comes from Switzer-
land, no one will dispute this point any more: he it is
who presided over the false congress of nationalities organised
by the Germans.»19

As the War drew to a close, the movement to create a Leage
of Nations gathered strength. Otlet continued to espouse it,
but he also began to think about the future of documentation
and the Union of International Associations in the new world
order he saw emerging. In 1917 and 1918 he published a num-
ber of articles about aspects of the national and international
co-operation he saw as necessary for the transmission of sci-
entific information. They summarised much of this pre-war
thinking about the fundamental role of the International In-
stitute of Bibliography in a world organisation of documenta-
tion.

In October 1918 a program was prepared in London for
a meeting of the Inter-Allied Conference of Academies to be
held in November of that year in Paris to consider the forma-
tion of an Internationa! Research Council. Otlet on behalf of
the UIA addressed two resolutions to its organisers:

1.  That the general plan of organisation should embrace the different
kinds  of   questions  between  which  the  World   Congress   of   Interna-
tional Associations has demonstrated such close links;

2.  That in any organisation proposed to introduce this plan, measures
should   be   set   down   to   ensure   the   co-operation   of   official   bodies
with free of mixed ones.20

He urged the Conference when it met, to study the idea of
transforming the International Institute of Bibliography into
a Union along the same lines as existing scientific unions. The
International Research Council was formally set up at a meet-
ing in 1919 in Brussels. Otlet submitted a memorandum to
the meeting setting out his ideas more fully and incorporating
draft statutes for the proposed Union. They were adopted in
principle.

When the Peace Conference assembled in Paris on 18th
January 1919 with its multitude of ministers, deputies, secre-
taries, clerks, journalists and others,21 Otlet and La Fontaine
were of the number. Paul Hymans, the principal Belgium Min-
ister to the Conference introduced a resolution that an article

14-3391                                                                              20f>

should be added to the proposed covenant for the League o£
Nations providing for the establishment of an organ to deal
with international intellectual relations. It was not discussed
and Hymans withdrew it.22 On February 5, Otlet and La Fon-
taine on behalf of the UIA presented the Conference with a.
memorandum, «The Charter of Intellectual and Moral Inter-
ests*. In this they spelled out their belief in the need for the
League of Nations to take under its protection institutions and
associations dealing with cultural matters. They suggested
that an International Council for Intellectual Interests should
be set up, and act as one of the organs of the League. They
reaffirmed their belief that the international associations-
should act as a kind of superior, expert, cosultative council for
administrative unions and for the officers of the League. They
urged that the League, when set up, should sponsor a law ta
give non-governmental international associations the legal sta-
tus they now lacked. Moreover they reiterated their view that
the League should take up its headquarters in a capital whose
site would be «internationalised» and removed from the juris-
diction of any State.23

For various reasons the Conference did not act on the
UIA memorandum.24 But Otlet continued to publicise aspects
of it. Even before the Conference opened he published an ar-
ticle in Scientia on «the Intellectual Society of Nations».2b Late
in 1919 he published «A World Intellectual Center at the Ser-
vice of the League of Nations».26 The problem of the capital of
the League, one that had exercised him before the War, was.
taken up separately.27 It was inevitable that he should even-
tually join those who, led by Paul Humans, vigorously assert-
ed the claim of Brussels to the seat of the League,28 and con-
tinue to press for this even after Geneva had been chosen.291
This was not as belated as it may seem because the Covenant
of the League reserved the right to the League of changing its
headquarters should it so desire. Indeed, Morley contends
that it was «not until the laying of the cornerstone of the per-
manent League buildings on September 7, 1929» that it could
be said that «the Swiss city would continue to be the seat of
the League».30

BRUSSELS, THE LEAGUE, THE GOVERNMENT,
DEWEY

When Otlet and La Fontaine returned to Brussels to-
gather up the threads of their work, they did not face the
heartbreakingly difficult task of reconstruction which must
have confronted many returning from the War. Masure, with
justifiable pride, had managed to keep the OIB-IIB open and
intact during the German occupation. As he later informed the

210

Director-General of the Ministry of Sciences and Arts, the
organisation had, in fact, continued its work during «all that
troubled period». «The service of bibliographic information had
continued as in the past», and the OIB had concentrated as far
as its collections was concerned on the «documentation of the
war» and on obtaining journals.31 When necessary, though
not always successfully, Masure had called on the occupation
government to protect the fabric of the installations under his
care — drains, lights, leaks, descents of soot.32 During the War,
he had continued to co-operate with the Bibliotheque Royale in
the publication of the Bibliographie de Belgique, several issues
of which, much reduced in size, had appeared. He wasted no
time in re-establishing contact with the government upon its-
return from exile. On November 22nd, 1918, King Albert and
Queen Elizabeth rode triumphantly into Brussels. In January
1919, Masure wrote to the Ministry of Sciences and Arts
requesting the resumption of the OIB's subsidy. There was no
indication in his letter of doubt that the OIB should continue to
receive it. He pointed out, indeed, that the OIB was the only
Belgian institution «whose budget has not increased since
1901 despite the development of its collections*. The OIB was
granted 30,000 francs for 1919 and a supplement of the same
amount in the next year. At this time Masure signalled his
intention to ask for an increased subsidy of 50,000 francs.
This was granted and paid half-yearly in 1920, and then raised
again and paid in quarterly instalments of 25,000 francs
in subsequent years.33 Masure also proposed to continue his
work with the Bibliographie de Belgique. Issues listing books
only and published by the Bibliotheque Royale as before the
War appeared for 1919 and 1920. In 1921 a new series was be-
gun, issued now by a Service de Bibliographie and des Echan-
ges Internationaux. Masure was given responsibility for con-
tinuing the index to Belgian periodical literature that had
appeared as Part II, «Bulletin des sommaires», of the bibliog-
raphy. It was retitled and both parts of the bibliography
were classified by the Universal Decimal Classification. The as-
sociation between Masure and the bibliography continued un-
til 1926, the year before Masure's death. From that date all
connection with the OIB ceased; the index to periodicals was
discontinued and the arrangement of entries entirely changed.
The Peace Conference meeting in plenary session on
April 28, 1919 adopted the Covenant of the League of Nations.
A week later Sir Eric Drummond,34 appointed as the League's
first Secretary-General, set up a provisional secretariat in
London and, with his colleagues, began to plan the organi-
sation. Article 7 of the Covenant provided for Geneva to be
the seat of the League, and article 24 permitted the League
to  bring under  its  aegis  international   governmental  organi-'

14*                                                                                                     211

sations created by diplomatic treaty. Dr. Inazo Nitobe was
appointed one of two Under Secretaries-General.35 Otlet's
personal contact with the officials of the League was initiated
by a letter to Colonel House in Paris. House was friend and
close adviser of President Wilson. He had drafted for Wilson
the articles and a preamble to the League's Covenant. Otlet
wrote asking how the UIA could be of help to the League,
pointing out that behind the UIA there lay «the very con-
ception of a Society of Nations . . . but more particularly in
connection with the needs of the scientific, moral, intellectual
and social order of such a society, leaving the needs of the
political order to diplomatic action».36 A vigorous correspon-
dence ensued between Otlet and La Fontaine and Sir Eric
Drummond, Nitobe and other officials of the League. An early
culmination of the contact thus initiated was a visit by a
group from the League including Nitobe, to the offices of the
UIA for talks with Otlet and La Fontaine. The visit was pre-
ceded by a dispatch from Brussels of a file of publications
and notes about the UIA and about a W'orld Congress it was
proposing to hold in I920.37

After the visit Otlet and La Fontaine prepared a Memo-
randum for Drummond setting out what they saw as the
role of the League with respect firstly to individual interna-
tional associations and secondly with respect to the UIA.
They observed that the co-operation of the League with in-
ternational associations was provided for in Section 24 of
the Charter, specific responsibilities for inter-governmental
bureaux and commissions being set down there,, but with
provision also for general assistance to other forms of interna-
tional association. The League should, therefore, they insisted,
take pains to recognise the work of the international associa-
tions in full. It should co-operate closely with them, especially
as they dealt primarily with matters of the intellect as op-
posed to political and diplomatic matters. More specifically,
they suggested that a process should be devised so that the
international associations, assured of an attentive hearing
within the League itself, could communicate more freely with
it. Delegates from the League should be sent to the meetings
of the associations. The League should sponsor a law to
accord them proper international legal status. Above all in
its various deliberations the League should call on the infor-
mation  and expertise available in relevant  associations.

Special attention, however, Otlet and La Fontaine observed,
should be given to the UIA as the central, federative
body of so many international associations. The League should
regularly use the services and collections of the Union. It
should have a permanent delegate to its offices. It should
offer financial and other   aid to   help    it   carry   out   various

212

projects. One of these should be a survey of all the interna-
tional associations in order to continue the Annuaire de la
vie internationale. It transpired that Otlet envisaged a con-
tribution of £ 10,000 from the League to support the UIA's
publishing program. Nitobe was shocked by the magnitude
of the sum. It was «very much larger than I had in mind,
and if we present it to the Council I don't think we could
get it for you».38 Otlet and La Fontaine's final point was that
the League should immediately consider installing the central
services of the UIA, its services of documentation, in an in-
ternational public building.39

To all of this, Sir Eric Drummond replied politely:

I am pleased to hear that you are favourably disposed towards co-ope-
ration with the League. I hope you learned from our delegates that
the International iSecretariat will be only too glad to work with any
organisation in the furtherance of the cause of peace and internationalism.
As to the several points raised in the memorandum, I have noted them
carefully and they will receive due consideration.40

Encouraged by Drummond's cordiality, Otlet and La Fontaine
wrote urging the creation by the League of an International
Documentary Union, so much discussed before the War, and
called upon the League to sponsor a conference of nations
for the purpose.41 Nitobe, who proved himself a good and
patient friend during these years, answered this letter with
a confidential note. He suggested that Otlet and La Fontaine •
seek the support of the Council of the League not directly
through the International Secretariat, but indirectly through
the Belgian Government. He sounded, too, a note of warning.
The UIA, he said, «will be a great convenience to the League,
but such a recognition of your good offices should not preclude
the League from dealing with the private associations directly
when necessary or desirable.*42

Nitobe also had a quite practical suggestion for co-oper-
ation. He informed Otlet and La Fontaine that the League
would find a list of international associations useful, and he
proposed that the League reprint with appropriate acknowledg-
ment the Index to the 1910—11 Annuaire des Associations
Internationales. To this Otlet and La Fontaine agreed, and
the list, edited and revised by them, appeared less than a
month later.43

Otlet and La Fontaine proceeded at home much as they
had done with the League. Though the immediate post-war
Belgian government was only provisional and general elec-
tions were called for November 1919, they sought immediately
to establish close relations between it and the UIA. They
asked each government department to nominate representa-
tives to study with representatives of the UIA «the best
means of reciprocal  collaboration*.44  To the  Prime Minister,

213

Leon Delacroix, they wrote, «our desire is to move in complete
agreement with your government, from whom we wish to
obtain the special support of legations, heads of missions and
various departments*.45 Delacroix granted them an interview
in which various matters concerning the government, the
League and the UIA were discussed. It was a most successful
interview. Delacroix agreed to put the large Pare de Woluwe
on the road to Tervuren at the disposal of the UIA for the
erection of a Palais Mondial as its headquarters. The plans
for this edifice were entrusted to the government architect
and his preliminary sketches were described as «fully satis-
factory for the program developed*.46 Moreover, Delacroix
asked for a draft notice about the UIA for transmission to
various Belgian representatives abroad and this was prepared
and sent to him a few days later. He also agreed to consider
recommending to Parliament that it grant an annual subsidy
for the support and use of the UlA's services. A minimum
annual budget was now assessed  at 500,000 francs.47

The resumption of the OIB's subsidy together with two
other events secured the UIA in a small measure against the
uncertainties of the future. On the 25th October 1919, the
Belgian parliament finally passed a law, first debated before
the War, to accord «civil personification* to international
associations. The law was gazetted in the Moniteur Beige in
November, and the first association taking advantage of its
protection was the UIA.48 The Prime Minister had presented
the law in the Lower House in July 1919 specifically to be of
assistance to Otlet and to help achieve some of the desiderata
set out in A World Center at the Service of the League of
Nations, for, he declared, these desiderata had all his sup-
port.49 Thus ended a long struggle for such a law, a struggle
in which Otlet, La Fontaine and the UIA had played no
small part.

The other event was a development stemming from nego-
tiations with the government for the provision of a central
location for all of the parts of the UIA and the various asso-
ciations federated with it. The government agreed to permit
Otlet to bring them all together into one wing of the Palais
du Cinquantenaire, in part of which the International Museum
had been set up after 1910.

The elections, which took place for the first time with
universal male suffrage according to the provisions of a new
law, changed the composition of the Lower House of the Bel-
gian Parliament «out of all recognition*. Both the Catholic
party and the Liberal party lost a large number of seats and
the overall Catholic majority disappeared in the face of social-
ist gains.

214

It was clear that just as the old order was changing everywhere else
in Europe, so was the balance of power shifting in Belgium. The
Liberals of the old school had had their day. And so now had the
Catholics.50

An uneasy coalition government was formed under the
leadership of M. Delacroix. Otlet and La Fontaine sought to
have his earlier promises confirmed.51 Early in 1920 the Min-
ister for Public Works informed Otlet that he would urge
the Council of Ministers to implement the project of construct-
ing a Palais Mondial in the Pare de Woluwe according to
-the plans now completed by the government architect. He
also confirmed the government's permission to allow the UIA
in the meantime to centralise its constituent parts in the
Palais du Cinquantenaire.52 A subsidy was provided to support
the move of collections, offices and personnel from the several
locations they occupied in the center of Brussels. The move
¦cost nearly half a million francs, a sum provided by the
.government, it was alleged, only because of La Fontaine's
-friendship with the Minister.53

For Otlet, there were two great tasks in 1919 and 1920:
this move, and a series of conferences by which the UIA and
its constituent parts,, especially the I IB, would once again
become powerful international influences. He was, characteri-
stically, formidably dedicated to these tasks. His friend
Leon Losseau, interested above all in the OIB-IIB, devel-
oped a plan for its work after the War. He submitted his
plan to Masure for comment before sending it to Otlet. Ma-
nure discouraged him. «I don't really think that it will be
necessary to speak to Otlet just now. For the moment his
-sole objective is the transfer of the IIB (nothing, only that)
to the Palais du Cinquantenaire and the organisation of a
great congress for next year—all things which will advance the
tables of classification, and the work of developing the rep-
ertories.*54 This was in October 1919. By July 1920 the move
was well under way and Otlet was less than ever available.
«I don't see Otlet regularly», wrote Masure to Losseau. «Our
paths cross but we don't meet. The documents from the Rue
-de la Regence are already removed; those in the Chapel
{Ancien Chapelle St. Georges] will leave in three weeks, and
the Repertory in our first location, Rue du Musee, will be
transferred afterwards.*55

Despite the urgency of these matters, Otlet made an effort
in the middle of 1919 to gather up one more thread of his
pre-war work, contact with Melvil Dewey in the United States.
He wrote a letter of greeting to Dewey expressing hope
for the future, announcing the beginning of new work in Eu-
rope of revising and expanding the parts of the Decimal Classi-
fication  for  the  applied  sciences,   and  asking  for  the  latest

215

American edition of the classification.56 A cursory examination
of the copy sent him by Dewey «grieved and bothered* him
because of the further evidence it provided of the widening
gap between the American and European versions. He ex-
pressed again the bitter pre-war complaint that with divergence
«we lose the benefit of the immense effort we made in 1895
to graft developments on to your tables, despite criticisms that
could have been made by those who adopted them. What should
be done?»57

Otlet painted a most favourable picture of the IIB's post-
war prospects and discussed some of the difficulties in
faced:

It has come through the war materially unharmed, and sympathy for
it increases. At the Inter-Allied Conference of Academies last July,,
the Institute was adopted as part of the new scientific machinery
(International Research Council). The conflict with the Royal Society
has been smoothed away, and we negotiate directly with the League
of Nations (Sir Eric Drummond) so that IIB should become an Inter-
national Bureau for Bibliography and Documentation recognised and.
assisted by the League (Art. 24 of the Covenant). A diplomatic con-
ference will probably be held to examine the question. But there are
three difficulties:

1)   We have not had a reply to our appeal from the Americans who were
assured  that  they  had very  good  friends  in us.  The movement  for
universal   documentation  should  be  the work  of  the Americans and
our Institute (Belgium—America). When our ideas triumph and become-
those of the whole world, we will be released from collaboration and
we will no longer work together;

2)   We are rich in future hope, and poor at the present moment. No-
resources even for beginning to publish our Bulletin again, all being
absorbed by interior  services!  The French tables  of the Classification
Decimale are exhausted and we cannot reprint them;

3)   We need more concordance between DC  and CD. This is serious
for us who have attempted to edit a very detailed classification on
the former trunk  of  the DC,  so  serious that  the question has been
raised as to whether we should go to the official conference with the
old classification, or whether we should  give way to various people
who demand  a  quite new classification.  It is certain that our argu-
ment that real unity exists between Europe and America is strongly
compromised by the discordance recently created.58

There can be little doubt that Otlet's suggestion that the
Institute might abandon the Decimal Classification was mere-
ly a threat and in 1920 a very brief «Alphabetical Summary
Index» to the divisions 62 to 69 of the classification appear-
ed,59 together with a short account of the classification and
the re-impression of the first thousand divisions.60

Two other bibliographical matters called for Otlet's atten-
tion as 1920, that busiest of years, broke around him. In March
he was invited to Rome to survey the documentation services,,
needs and collections of the International Institute of Agricul-
ture. He spent more than a fortnight at this work and the
report of his study was published in  1921.61 Much more im-

216

portant than this was the request for information about biblio-
graphical classification and the management of libraries from:
a young Dutchman, Firts Donker Duyvis, who had been in-
structed to form a library at the Dutch Patent Office. Donker
Duyvis soon paid a visit to Brussels to cement the acquain-
tance begun by letter and to study the methods of the IIB
at first hand. In Brussels he found, as has been so eloquently
described,

an institution that was trying to get itself going again after the
War; interrupted relations had not yet been resumed; subscriptions
were non-existant; the sections of the IIB no longer gave evidence
of life. In the midst of this imbroglio two men laboured, Otlet and
La Fontaine, the two idealists each of whom had sacrificed time and
money to their work. Donker Duyvis was of the same cast and decided
to put himself at the command of the two Belgians ... he was overwhelm-
ed by the grandness of the work, by the disinterestedness of its
founders, by the magnitude of what remained to be done, and for
forty  years   afterwards  he  did  not  depart  from  this   attitude.62

FOOTNOTES

1.  G.  Lorphevre,  «Otlet   (Paul)»,  Biographie Nationale   (t.  32;  Bruxelles:
L'Academie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Bel-
gique, 1964), Col. 553.

2.  Testament — Paul Otlet, No. 18,  1918—07—10, «Celles-ci sont mes der-
nieres volontes qui annulent toutes les autres», Otletaneum.

3.  Henri La  Fontaine, The  Great Solution: Magnissima Carta — Essay on
evolutionary and constructive pacificism  (Boston: World Peace Founda-
tion, 1916).

4.  In introducing Otlet to the Monday, 24 February meeting of the French
Association for the Advancement of  Science,  General  Sebert remarked
that Otlet had taken refuge during the war «in Holland, then successi-
vely in  England, France  and  Switzerland*.  Paul  Otlet, L'Organisation
des Travaux Scientifiques, extrait du Volume des Conferences de l'Asso-
ciation Francaise pour l'Avancement des Sciences  (Paris: L'Association,
1919), p. 3. Otlet himself in his memorandum to the Paris Prefect of
Police in  1915 says only «I sojourned several months in Holland and
Switzerland* (See Note 16 below).

5.  Paul Otlet, La Fin de la Guerre: traite de paix generate base sur une
charte mondiale declarant les droits de l'humanite et organisant la con-
federation   des  etats   (Bruxelles:   Union  des  Associations   Internationa-
les, Octobre 1914).

6.  Paul  Otlet,  «Declaration  des  droits des  nationalites   (projet)*,  Comte-
Rendu   sommaire... de   la   Conference   des   Nationalites,   organise   par
l'Union des Nationalites a l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes Sociales de Paris,
le   26—27   juin,   1915   (Publication     No.   6;     Paris:     L'Union,     1915),
15—18.   The   specific   aims   of   the   conference   and   of   its   commission
are set out in J. Galbrys, «La Conference des Nationalites et les tra-
vaux de sa commission permanente», Les Annales des NationalitSs   V
(1916), 11—12.

7.  Paul Otlet. Une Constitution Internationale: projet presents a la Ligue
pour une  Societe des  Nations... (Publication, No. 3;  Paris:  La Ligue,
May 1916).                                                                                          *

217

'¦8. A note indicates that among the preliminary documents of the Lausanne
Conference des iNationalites was Otlet's les Peuples et les nationalites:
problemes et solutions,  (Lausanne: Union des Nationalites, 1916).

9. Paul Otlet, Mesures concertees prises entre les etats: L'executif interna-
tional (LaHaye: Nijhoff, 1916).

30. Paul Otlet, Les Problemes internationaux et la guerre (Geneve: Librai-
rie Kundig; Paris: iRousseau 1916). Otlet later gave the work the number
50  in  the  Publications  of  the Union  des Associations  Internationales.

11.  Ibid., pp. 490—491. The letter of acknowledgement from the King's Sec-
retariat is dated 8 May 1916 and is in the Otletaneum.

12.  Paul  Otlet,  Constitution  Mondiale de  la  Societe des  Nations   (Union
des   Nations   Publication,   No.   51;   Geneve:   Editions   Atar;   Paris:   Edi-
tions G. Cres et Cie, 1917).

13.  For example, A  World Charter Organising the Union of States transla-
ted  by  Ada   Cunningham   (London:   Women's   Union  for  Peace,   1916).
Another is  listed  in  the  advertising matter  of  Constitution  mondiale.

14.  Theodore Marburg,  Development  of the League of Nations Idea:  Do-
cuments and Correspondence of Theodore Marburg    edited by John H,
Latane (vol. I; New York: Macmillan, 1932), pp. 327—328.

15.  Ibid., vol. II, p. 768.

16.  Note headed  «Explication» with  a manuscript minute by Otlet:  «Note
remise a M. Durand, Prefet de Police, a Paris, le 21  decembre,  1915»,
Otletaneum.

17.  Typescript headed «Monsieur Otlet fait cette declaration a l'assemblee».
The resolution of the meeting was stencilled and run off in green ink
against a stamp «Belges Partout — Beiges Toujours, Groupe de Geneve».

18.  i«Socialisme National*, Le Populaire, 25 Juin, 1917.
19. «Le Complot, par lysis», La Victoire, 12 Juillet, 1917.

.20. Paul Otlet, «Les Associations internationales et la reconstruction de
l'apres-guerre», Revue generate des sciences, xxx (28 February, 1919),
p. 115.

21. Gerald J. Mangone, A Short History of International Organisation
(N. Y.: McGraw Hill, 1954). Chapter 5, «The First Period of Collabo-
ration: The League of Nations*, has a brief account of «The Drafting
of the League of Nations Covenant*, p. 129.

.22. Jan Kolasa, International Intellectual Co-operation (Travaux de la
Societe des Sciences et des Lettres de Wroclaw, Seria A, NR. 81;
Wroclaw, Poland: Wroclaw Scientific Society, 1962), p. 118. Paul Hymans,
1865—1941, entered the Belgian parliament in 1894 at the same time
as Henri La Fontaine, though they were of opposing parties. Previously
Hymans had lectured on comparative law at the Universite de Bruxel-
les. During the War he was part of a mission to the United States at-
tempting to interest President Wilson in the fate of Belgium, and was
subsequently Minister Plenipotentiary in London of the exiled Belgian
government.

:23. La Charte des interests inlellectuels et moraux. Memorandum adresse
a MM les delegues de la Conference de la Paix ^i Paris, par l'Union
des Associations  Internationales   (Bruxelles—Paris:  UIA,   1919).

¦'24. 'Kolasa, p. 19.

25. Paul Otlet, La Societe Intellectuelle des Nations, extrait de Scientia...
(Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli, Janvier, 1919).

26.  Paul  Oilet,   Centre  mondiale  au service  de  la  SocietS      des  Nations
(Publication  No. 88;  Bruxelles:  Union des Associations  Internationales,
1919).

27.  Paul  Otlet. «Sur  la  Capitale  de  la  Societe  des  Nations*,  Revue  Con-
temporaine (25 Janvier, 1919), pp. 1—52.

28.  Le   Palais   de   la   Ligue  des   Nations   a   Bruxelles   {projet  Froncotte)

(Bruxelles: Union des Villes et Communes Beiges and Union des As-
sociations Internationales, s. d.). «The object of this brochure is to
present to the President and to the Members of the Peace Conference
.and the chief Administrators of the League of Nations* the claims of
Brussels to the headquarters of the League (p. 2). It based its claim
•on the Expositions and Congresses of the International Associations in
Brussels and the presence there of the Center of the Union des Associa-
tions Internationales. The brochure is also based on Henry Anderson's
«Centre Mondial de Communication* which appeared in 1914. The center
was to be located near Brussels. The brochure is part of a dossier sent
by the UIA to the League of Nations 11 September, 1919.

29.  Paul Otlet. Sur I'etablissement en   Belgique du siege de la Societe des
Nations   (Bruxelles: UIA,  1919). At the end of this work is an annex
which gives excerpts from a debate in the Belgian Parliament on the
matter  and  the  resolutions  of  a  joint  conference  in  Brussels  of  the
Union Internationale des Villes, the International Garden—City Associa-
tion and the UIA.

30.  Felix  Morley,   The Society  of Nations      (Washington:   The  Brookings
Institution, 1932), p. 19.

•31. Masure to Beckers, 27 January 1919, Dossier 368a, «Ministere des Scien-
ces et des Arts», Mundaneum.

32.  Dossier 446, «Batiments civils», passim, Mundaneum.

33.  Dossier 368a, «Minastere des Sciences et des Arts», passim, Mundaneum.

34.  Drummond, who became the  16th Earl of Perth, entered the      British
Foreign Office in 1900 and was subsequently private secretary to various
important   figures   including   Prime   Minister   Herbert      Asquith   and
Foreign   Secretaries   Arthur   Balfour   and   Sir   Edward   Grey.   He  was
knighted in  1916. He was an active member of the British delegation
to the Paris peace talks and Lord Balfour suggested to the allied lea-
ders that he be appointed Secretary-General to the new League. He re-
signed from the League in 1937 to become British Ambassador to Italy,
retired in 1939 and died in 1951.

35.  Nitobe, a Japanese lawyer, had responsibility in the League Secretariat
for relations with international organisations  and  later  also  assumed
the Directorship for Intellectual Co-operation.

36.  Otlet to House, 20 May 1919, Dossier 39, «,Societe des Nations*, Mun-
daneum.

37.  ^Dossier envoye a    la iSoc.  (sic)  des Nations,  19—09—M, copie», ibid.

38.  Nitobe to Otlet and La Fontaine, 13 November 1919, ibid.

39.  Draft «Memorandum  des reunions qui ont eu  lieu  a  Bruxelles  des 25.
26,  et 27  aout,   1919,  entire les  delegues  die  la   Societe  des  Nations  et
les  Secretaires  Generaux de l'Union  des Associations  Internationales*.
ibid.

¦40. Drummond to Otlet and La Fontaine, 24 September  1919, ibid.

41.  Otlet and La Fontaine   to Drummond, 27 October 1919, ibid.

42.  Nitobe to Otlet and La Fontaine, 13 November 1919, ibid.

219

43.  Nitobe to  Otlet and La  Fontaine,  11 October  1919,  ibid.,  and  Societe
des Nations,  Liste  des  unions, associations,  institutions,    commissions,
bureaux internationaux,  etc.   (s.  1.,  s.  p., 4  November  .1919). This  was
printed  by His  Majesty's   Stationery Office in  London,    the    League's
secretariat still being located in London at that time.

44.  «Note   concernant   la   collaboration   des   departements   ministeriels   de
Belgique au Centre  International*, unnumbered file.  «Le Gouvernement
Belge», Mundaneum. This is a draft with a letter of transmission signed
by Otlet and dated 21 June, 1919.

45.  Unsigned copy of a letter to the Prime Minister, M. Delacroix, 25 June
1919, ibid.

46.  «Memorandum exposant la  demande de l'Union des Associations  Inter-
nationales au Gouvernement Beige, 1919—10—06», ibid.

47.  ;«Canevas  de  la  note  a  envoyer  aux  representants   de  la  Belgique  a
l'etranger»   ibid. The unsigned copy of the letter of transmittal is dated
7 July 1919.

48.  Moniteur Beige   (5 novembre,  1919), p. 5872. The text of the     Royal
Decree  granting  UIA  «personnification civile* is reproduced  in    UIA,
Centre International, (Bruxelles: UIA, aout 1921), p. 112.

49.  Leon Delacroix  ('Prime Minister)  to Otlet,  19 July 1919, Les Titres du
Palais Mondial... (Publication 110; Bruxelles; UIA, 1923).

50.  Veirnon Mallinson, Belgium  (London: Ernest Benn, 1970), p. 96.

51.  ^Memorandum exposant la  demande de l'Union des Associations Inter-
nationales au Gouvernement Belge».

52.  E. Anseele  (Minister for Public Works)  to Otlet, 27 February 1920, Les
Titres du Palais Mondial, p. 9.

53.  «Extrait:  Senat Compte-rendu analytique, seance du mardi, 7 decembre,
1920; carbon typescript, Mundaneum.

54.  Masure to Losseau, 20 October 1919, Dossier No. 256. «Losseau», Mun-
daneum.

55.  Masure to Losseau, 3 July 1920, ibid.

56.  Otlet to Dewey,  12 May  1919, Dossier No. 259. «Dewey», Mundaneum..

57.  Otlet to Dewey, 27 October 1919, ibid.

58.  Ibid.

59.  IIB,   Classification  Bibliographique Decimate  appliqu.ee  a la  science de
I'ingenieur (Divisions 62 a 69): index alphabetique resume  (Publication
No. 63, Fasc. 38; Bruxelles: IIB, 1920), 16 pp.

60.  IIB, Classification Decimale de I'Institut International de Bibliographies
notice  et  table  melhodique  des  mille  premieres  divisions   (Publication
No, 126; Bruxelles: IIB, 1920).

61.  Paul Otlet, La Documentation en agriculture: rapport sur la mission a
I'Institut International d'Agriculture  (Rome: The Institute,  1921).

62.  Georges Lorphevre,  «Donker Duyvis et la Classification Decimale Uni-
verselle»,   F. Donker Duyvis. His Life and  Work   (Publication  series 2,
No. 45; The Hague: Netherlands Institute for Documentation and Filing,.
1964), p. 17,

Chapter X
THE PALAIS MONDIAL

ORGANISATION OF THE FIRST
QUINZAINE INTERNATIONALE

Early in 1920, Otlet decided that the period from the 5th
to the 20th of September would be designated an interna-
tional Fortnight* or «Quinzaine Internationale*. It would
be an occasion for meetings and conferences and would see,
he hoped, the beginning of a new lease of life for the
organisations in which he was interested. A Conference
formally to constitute the International University, his newest
venture, was to meet on the afternoon of the 6th of Septem-
ber, although Sessions of the University were to take place
during the whole fortnight. A conference for bibliography
would be held from the 7th to the 10th of September and
that of the Union of International Associations, culminating
those for bibliography and the university, would follow from
the 13th to the 15th. Meetings of the associations themselves
and of other bodies, would be scheduled as necessary. The
Quinzaine Internationale, he believed, could become an impor-
tant, regular international «event» with the Palais Mondial
and the UIA at its center.

The most important work of the proposed Conference of
Bibliography in Otlet's view, was to be the study of the idea
of transforming the OIB—IIB into an International Union for
Bibliography and Documentation, an idea adopted in principle
by the International Research Council when it was set up in
1919. As an International Union it would have the States as
official signatories to its convention and would at once be
eligible for management by and support from the League un-
der the terms of Article 24 of its Covenant. As Otlet saw it,
however, the Union for Bibliography and Documentation
should have two kinds of membership, one official,, one free.
It should rest

on the one hand, on National Councils of Bibliography which would

bring together all the interests of one country; and on the other hand,

221

on international sections placed under the control of the International
Associations — a central institute (JIB) would establish the necessary
links between them and would provide a central location for the de-
posit of their collections. It would act as an International Bureau
and would be attached to the League of Nations by virtue of Article
24 of the Paris Pact.1

In the invitation to the Conference, therefore, Otlet posed four
questions to be considered by those interested:

H. In principle are you of the opinion that there is a need to estab-
lish an international union... In the affirmative, what amendments-
would you propose in the draft [statutes] prepared?

2.  Are you  prepared  to co-operate with  the union  and  in which of
its sections?

3.  Will you agree to take part in the September conference?

4.  Are you prepared to undertake with other interested persons front
your country the task of setting up a national council and of stimu-
lating its immediate provisional formation in order to ensure unified1
representation of your country at the next conference.2

During this period of preparation for the conferences of
the Quinzaine Internationale, Otlet probably worked hardest
for the International University which he hoped to establish:
at that time. The idea had been germinating slowly in his
mind for a long time. La Fontaine had suggested it in 1894.
It had been discussed at the 1913 World Congress of the-
UIA,3 and Otlet had raised the possibility again in Les
Problemes internationaux et la guerre} Now he judged that
the time was ripe and in February 1920 published a full-scale
study of the University. He addressed his study to «the Uni-
versities of the World, to the International Associations and
to the League of Nations», each one of which was to have
a carefully prescribed role to play in the creation and support
of the University. As Otlet envisaged it, the University would
«act as a great international teaching center, a center for
research into comparative education. International organisa-
tions concerned with education would find it advantageous to^
group themselves around it.»5 He proposed that the University
should be established under the 1919 Belgian law according"
legal identity to international associations set up in Belgium,
and should also be protected by Article 24 of the League of
Nations' Covenant.

The program of the University, as he saw it, should
fall into two parts. The first would be specific and would deal
with the War, the League and the Paris Peace Pact. The
second would be more general and would embrace all matters
of international import. Revealing yet again the bent of his
early studies and aspirations, he observed that the University
should encourage «systematic collaboration towards synthesis-
and the encyclopedia of the sciences — their history, the
improvement of their methods, the exposition of their problems-

222

and their results». The University, like the great international
expositions towards the end of the previous century, should
be a manifestation of the positivist spirit. Courses, lectures,,
expositions would be brief. Professors would be recruited from
among the most distinguished scholars and teachers in the
various universities in the world and from those nominated
by particular international associations because of their emi-
nence within the association or because of their eminence in
some aspect of the association's field of interest. Students,
would be mature, and as a rule,, almost at the end of their
formal studies. Many of them would be intended for an inter-
national career in the League of Nations or elsewhere. The
University's seat would be at Brussels and the languages of
instruction would be the League's official languages, French
and English.

Otlet envisaged a series of publications emanating from,
the university: a Review, an Annual and a Monograph series
in which would be published the best lectures or courses.
«These works», he observed «would rapidly constitute a
'summa' synthetically treating the most important questions
of the moment». He suggested that financial support for the
venture might flow from the League, from individual universi-
ties, from the international associations and from governments-
in the form of grants, sponsored professors, scholarships for
students and endowed chairs.

In 1919 a number of international organisations set up
their headquarters in Brussels, thus continuing after the in-
terruption of the War, the long, steady growth of Brussels
as an international center. Among these organisations were
the Union of Associations for a League of Nations, the Inter-
national Research Council, and the recently formed Interna-
tional Federation of Students. Acting on the initiative of
Otlet and La Fontaine, the International Federation of Stu-
dents and the Union of Associations for a League of Nations
passed resolutions directed at the League of Nations urging-
it to create an organ for intellectual matters and to support
the International University which the Union of International
Associations proposed to create. These resolutions were at
once transmitted to Sir Eric Drummond, the League's Secre-
tary-General, who, as 1920 progressed, was kept closely in-
formed of all developments in the UIA and the International
University.6

Otlet and La Fontaine hoped for three kinds of support
from the League, and they used every means in their power
to obtain it. First was to see the League deliberately take up
the role of organising international intellectual work along"
the lines suggested by them with a firm, central, useful posi-
tion reserved to the UIA in its Palais Mondial. Second, they-

223

hoped to get the League to acknowledge publicly the creation
•of the International University by accepting the patronage of
it, perhaps even supporting it financially. Third, they hoped
to receive a subsidy from the League to carry out part of
their publishing program for the UIA. Once again Nitobe
had a specific plan. Before the War, the second World Con-
gress of the UIA had discussed the possibility of compiling
all the various resolutions of international conferences into
a single document, what became known as a Code des Voeux.7
Nitobe thought this a project in which the League might be
interested and later Otlet and La Fontaine were informed that
Drummond would be prepared to recommend to the League's
Council that they be granted a subsidy of £1,500 (or 90,000
French francs) if they agreed to complete and publish it.8
When the Council of the League had a series of meetings
at San Sebastien and at Rome in the middle of 1920, Otlet
and La Fontaine addressed letters to Drummond, Leon Bour-
geois, then French Minister to and President of the Council
and to Jules Destree, the Belgian minister to the Council,
urging the League to accept the patronage of the Internat-
ional University and to create an organ for intellectual work
at the League. Destree had not replied to an earlier letter
requesting his intervention in the Council's deliberations on
"behalf of the UIA and had been sent an anxious telegram
:soon after. Now he received a long, flattering letter. Otlet
puts his case thus:

The Belgians say: there is a political League of Nations. There is
an intellectual and economic League of Nations. You have set up
first in Geneva; the second, represented until now by the international
associations, is installed in Brussels. It has a Centre there; it is
growing bigger; every day it receives new elements. The League of
Nations, as a State does for national associations, should help the
international associations — patronage and subsidy. That is the gene-
ral idea. It has already received a blessing. By official letter of the
1st May, the Secretariat of the League has informed us that it will
contribute a sum of £1500 (90,000 French francs) for the publication
of the... Code des Voeux. This work is destined to serve as the basis
for the work of the congresses at Brussels in September next. The
principle of co-operation between our Union and the League is al-
ready established. Moreover, M. Leon Bourgeois agrees completely
with the resolution we presented and reviewed a year ago, that there
should be created at the League a Bureau, analagous to that for
work,... charged primarily with being an organ of liaison with the
International Associations of an intellectual order.

We ask that protection granted... [The Red Cross] be extended to
all the free international associations of importance, and already, in
a document published by Sir Eric Drummond's Secretariat in co-opera-
tion with our Union (Liste des Associations Internationales, Introduc-
tion), this point seems to have been recognised in principle.
Here are the elements of the situation. One should make them concrete
in an immediately practical formula for us, leaving developments
to  the  future:  that the  International  University now formed  by the

224

UIA should receive from the Conference of Rome, the patronage of
the League of Nations ... The new Rector of the University of Paris,
the Committee of English Universities, several American universities,
not to cite our Belgian universities and our International Associa-
tions, are favourable to the project. But it is important that Destree,
at the same time Minister for Sciences and Arts of Belgium, intellec-
tual socialist, who supports the Quinzaine Internationale, should become
the great protector of the new International University which will
function at Brussels, should obtain recognition for the University. —
And then we should have fixed in Belgium something which will be
the foundation of something more — see, see one day, the Head-
quarters of the League of Nations.9

In June Nitobe visited Brussels to see for himself how
preparations for the much advertised University were pro-
gressing. Drummond wrote very encouragingly to Otlet and
La Fontaine as a result of this visit.10 On the 31st July,
Drummond reported that the Council

unanimously agreed in recognising your project of an International
University as an enterprise worthy of all encouragement. I have accord-
ingly been instructed to communicate to you the result of their
deliberations. The Council while reserving the question of formal
patronage at this early stage of the formation of the said University
when many elements of its successful operation are still indefinite,
none the less wish to convey to you the expression of their deep sym-
pathy with the new work you have undertaken as well as their most
sincere good wishes for its success. They also wish to give you the
assurance that the Secretariat of the iLeague of Nations is authorised
to facilitate to the fullest extent in its powers the achievement of the
work of international interest which the University is under-
taking."

Drummond also informed Otlet and La Fontaine that the
Council had formally agreed to his request that the League
subsidise the publication of the Code des Voeux.12 The conven-
tions for this were signed and delivered in August. La Fon-
taine assumed the responsibility for preparing the work.
A difficulty had arisen by this time. The printer had told him,
he wrote to Nitobe, that it was

indispensable to buy the paper necessary for the publication of the
Code des Voeux beforehand. The scarcity of paper, the difficulty of
obtaining paper of the same quality after a few weeks and the con-
stantly increasing price obliges us to take precautionary measures
so that the printing of the Code des Voeux can go ahead without
interruption. In these circumstances, it will be necessary for us to
draw from a credit opened for us a sum large enough to buy the
paper, and it is probable that this sum would amount to 20,000 francs.
I think the terms of the agreement... will not be against this sum being
put at our disposal with the briefest delay possible.13

He pointed out also that work on the Code des Voeux would
be delayed briefly because of the approaching Quinzaine In-
ternationale which was absorbing all of his and Otlet's time.
They hoped, however, that printing could begin in mid-Sep-
tember.

15—3391                                                                                      225

Otlet wrote to Nitobe and others thanking them for their
support at the League's Council meeting. In his letter to Leon
Bourgeois he expressed the importance of the events of
1920 thus:

We cannot wait to tell you how precious your sympathy has been
for us. Here we are installed in a vast edifice put at our disposal
by the Belgian government, where it is possible to show by the results
already obtained in the collections already gathered ... the significance
of a quarter of a century of sustained effort. It is very satisfying
to us and to our numerous and modest collaborators, who have been
animated by the same faith as ours, to observe that the highest
authority now existing in the world has not hesitated to give it
encouragement ...!4

THE FIRST QUINZAINE INTERNATIONALE

The first Quinzaine Internationale, for which the King
agreed to be Patron,15 seems to have been a success. The
move to the Palais du Cinquantenaire was more or less com-
pleted by the time it opened. The International University was
well attended by students and professors alike. Fifty professors
from eleven countries discoursing in at least four languages,
French, English, Spanish and Esperanto, delivered 106 hours
of addresses divided into fifty-three courses to about a hun-
dred formally enrolled students and to about a hundred «audi-
tors».16 Nitobe after some hesitation was instructed to lecture
on the League and various other members of the League's
Secretariat attended as auditors to particular sessions of in-
terest.17 The conference formally to constitute the University
adopted the statutes proposed by Otlet for it. On several
occasions when debate became involved and angry about the
name of the University, the possible problem of national bias
and the perfidy of some German scientists, Otlet intervened
to great applause with fervent and elevated expression of his
hopes for the University. When all was satisfactorily done,,
both Otlet and La Fontaine praised and congratulated, Otlet
declared:

Renan has defined patriotism as the sentiment which unites men of
one place by the memory of great things done together and the hope
of accomplishing more of them. When one can say this of humanity,
when, thanks to the great international foundations, and notably this
University just constituted, all men on the whole of the earth will be
united by this sentiment, by the memory of great things done together
and the hope of accomplishing more of them, that day will mark
the beginning of a new era and I hope that we will have contributed
here to its coming (sustained applause).18

There were delegates from Holland (Donker Duyvis was
one), Luxembourg, Czechoslovakia, Spain, Italy, Poland and
France to the Conference of Bibliography. There were no
delegates from England (the Library Association was meeting
at the same time as the Conference of Bibliography), and only-

226

a few from America. The Conference began with ceremony. La
Fontaine spoke about the history of the IIB. Otlet looked into
the future and registered the twelve millionth card in the
Universal Bibliographic Repertory. The devoted work of
Masure was acknowledged and a formal reply prepared to a
letter addressed through Otlet in 1918 to «the Librarians of
Belgium» from the American Library Association. At its
Annual Conference in 1918 the American Library Association
had pledged its help to rebuild the library of the University
of Louvain, wantonly destroyed by the Germans. It conveyed
this offer of help in a letter to Otlet in which, at the same
time, it expressed «the hope that the valuable Repertoire of
the Institut International de Bibliographic, a unique treasure
house of world service, may prove to have been left untouched
by the occupancy of Brussels . . .»

The Conference resolved that an International Union or
Federation of Bibliography with National Councils reporting
to it, should be created. The international bureau or center
would be the IIB. A primary aim of the Union or Federation
would be the further development of the tables of the
Decimal Classification. This subject was discussed at length.
It was agreed that the tables should be reissued as soon as
possible and a machinery devised for revising them and
keeping them up to date. The Dutch delegation proposed that
the most important studies and scientific discussions held at
the IIB with groups of its collaborators for the extension of
the Decimal Classification, should be published». The Confer-
ence applauded the work of the IIB, but recognised that there
was much to be caught up on because of the interruption of
the War. It took the opportunity, too, «to distinguish hence-
forth between the scientific and collecting work of the Institute
and its work of organising co-operation which would be approp-
riate to a Federation of which the Institute would be an
integral part». As for the RBU, the Conference adopted the
following resolution:

Considering the importance that documentation has assumed in scien-
tific and practical affairs, especially in the course of the war; con-
sidering the great effort expended under the leadership of the IIB by
purely voluntary co-operation, but observing the powerlessness of
following the work actually begun with the means at its disposal
up till now, it is desirable that the Repertoire Bibliographique Univer-
sel become an international public service. It is for the League of
Nations ... to take the initiative in the creation of such a service.19

Though superficially a small but worthy successor to the
earlier conferences of the IIB, one can, see, with some of the
wisdom of hindsight, in the results of the Conference the
beginning of the disintegration of the IIB as originally con-
ceived by Otlet. The formal recognition that the management
and development of the RBU  could be separated    from    its

:-*                                                                                                      227

work of international organisation of co-operation in docu-
mentation was a beginning that ended in the realisation that
they must be separated. Phrased as the resolutions were, they
could only suggest approbation of and concern for the future
of two essential activities of the Institute. But they were in
a sense the first of a slow series of revolutionary realisations
which led to transformation as various misfortunes befell the
OIB in Brussels.

The emergence of a strong Dutch interest in the Decimal
Classification also had far-reaching consequences not at once
evident. The delegation went back to Holland with a different
understanding from that which Otlet had hoped the Confer-
ence might encourage. «The idea of creating a world center
for documentation looked impossible under the circumstance
of the time» and Donker Duyvis «thought another road should
be taken: that of creating in each country a national center for
documentation, forging close co-operation between them and
then only, contemplating the making of a world unified
center». This idea was similar to but ultimately quite differ-
ent in its emphasis and in its consequences from Otlet's idea
of national councils and a World Federation or Union. Donker
Duyvis, to begin carrying it out, set about organising the
Nederlandsch Instituut voor Documentatie en Registratuur
(Nider) in 1921. It proved to be successful and became «an
imposing factor in providing scientific and technical litera-
ture to services and industrial concerns*. It was, indeed, given
the ineffectiveness of the Bureau Bibliographique de Paris,
the existence of which few later students seem to have been
aware, «the first among the group of national bureaux of this
kind».20

The Congress of the Union of International Associations
also followed the pattern of previous congresses. It had three
general aims: first, «to determine the role of the International
Associations in the new order created by the League of Na-
tions»; second, «to define and enlarge the role of the Union
of International Associations*; and third, to assist in «the
mobilisation of energy which will lead to the systematic or-
ganisation of all the material, moral and intellectual forces of
the world».21 The main result of the congress was a resolution
directed at the League of Nations:

That the League of Nations be responsible for the creation of an in-
ternational organisation for intellectual work analagous to those
already created for manual work, for hygiene and for economic matters;
That this organisation, inspired by the particular necessities of intel-
lectual work, should enjoy considerable autonomy of the kind assured
to the International Bureau of Work. Its aim will be to aid the rapid
development of the sciences and of education by co-ordinating the
activity of three groups of organisations: the great national intellectual
institutions of the various countries;  the great international  associa-

228

tions either existing or to be created which pursue aims of study
and research; the great international intellectual establishments existing
or to be created (Scientific Bureaux, International University, Interna-
tional Institute of Bibliography, International Library, International
Museum, International Laboratories, International Office of Inventions
and Patents, Institute of Standards, Institute of Social Research,
etc. etc.);

To this end, it would be desirable that the League of Nations
with the briefest of delays call together an International Intellectual
Conference charged with the task of drawing up the statutes of such
an organisation, charged also with the task of formulating for the
problems of international reconstruction, conclusions and recommen-
dations of a scientific kind...22

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

At the end of September, Sir Eric Drummond, the League's
Secretary-General, paid a visit to the Palais Mondial and
spent over an hour looking through it. Otlet took the oppor-
tunity personally to urge the League to set up an organ for
intellectual work whose first tasks should be «the full develop-
ment of the International University and Universal Docu-
mentation*.23 He then went away for a short holiday.24 He
was anxious to be back in Brussels for the meetings of the
League of Nations' Council scheduled to begin there on the
20th October, 1920. On the 23rd, he and La Fontaine formally
passed on to the Council the resolutions of the Congres
Mondial.25 Paul Hymans, then Belgian Minister to the Council,
presided over its deliberations in Brussels. He asked Otlet for
a report on the International University, and Otlet at once
sent one off not only on the University but on the whole of
the Quinzaine Internationale and the international program
he and La Fontaine were sponsoring, and officially1 invited
the members of the Council to visit the Palais Mondial.26
Hymans, it seemed, did nothing about Otlet's reports and
letters.27 Nitobe, who was also sent a copy of Otlet's report
which he circulated within the League Secretariat, cautioned:
«the plan you propose [for an intellectual organ at the
League] has been suggested by a number of bodies in different
forms and by different countries, and I think the time will
come to co-ordinate them and carry the plan into effect. In
what form this will be, I am, of course, not in a position to
predict*.28

The first General Assembly of the League of Nations met
in Geneva on November 15, 1920. Paul Hymans was elected
its President and La Fontaine attended as one of the Belgian
representatives. As the deliberations of the Assembly got under
way, Otlet sent the following telegram to Hymans:

Please communicate to Assembly our resolution asking for creation
of international organisation of intellectual work. Hope first world as-
sembly will indicate sympathy for scientific interests as for economic
interests and will decide on project.29

229

The Palais Mondial

The International Library

The Palais Mondial

The International Library

The Palais Mondial

The Universal biuliographic   Kepertory

The Palais Mondial

The  Room for Leiiui Services, International Museum

The Palais Mondial

The Aeronautic Room, International Museum

The Palais Mondial
The Auditorium ol the lnt_-rnjtional University

The Palais Mondial
The Spanish Room, International Museum





The Palais Mondial
Rooms of the Documentary Encyclopedia

The Assembly appointed a number of committees to study
various matters before it. La Fontaine acted as rapporteur
for Committee No. 2, Technical Organisations, among whose
business was his own proposals concerning the organisation
of intellectual work at the League. On behalf of his committee
he presented this resolution to the Assembly:

The Assembly of the League of Nations, approving the assistance which
the Council has given to works having for their object the develop-
ment of international co-operation in the domain of intellectual ac-
tivity, and especially the moral and material support given to the
Union of International Associations on the occasion of the Inaugural
Session of the International University and of the publication of the
list of Recommendations and Resolutions of the International Congresses
[Code des Voeux], recommends that the Council should continue
its efforts in this direction, and should associate itself as closely as
possible with all efforts tending to bring about the international
organisation of intellectual work.

The Assembly further invites the Council to report favourably the
efforts which are already in progress to this end, to place them under
its august protection, if it be possible, and to present to the Assembly
during its next session a detailed report on the educational influence
which it would be their duty to exert with a view to developing a lib-
eral spirit of goodwill and world-wide co-operation, and to report on
the advisability of giving them shape in a technical organisation
attached to the League.30

La Fontaine spoke eloquently in support of the resolution
rallying to him a number of tired and hungry listeners, «and
1here was a great deal of applause*.31 A debate ensued for
there were some, especially an English Labour Member of
Parliament, who opposed the resolution mistaking it accord-
ing to an American observer, Princeton University's Librari-
an, Ernest Cushing Richardson, as a call for the unionisa-
tion of intellectual workers. This was a misunderstanding La
Fontaine clarified, according to Richardson, «in a capital
speech which showed all the best traits of the trained parlia-
mentary debater». The losing and passing of various procedural
motions which followed «was done so rapidly under the
skilled driving of M. Hymans, that it sounded like a machine
gun, and it was about as hard to follow as the gun's bullets».32
The upshot of it all was that when La Fontaine's motion was
put «the representatives of thirty-four states rose to their
feet».33 Here, then, was considerable support for the UIA, and
a willingness to pursue the implications of its elevation to
a technical organisation attached to the League.

Nevertheless, Nitobe, reporting to Otlet after the Assembly
dispersed, was still cautious and observed only that «the
¦organisation of intellectual labour is in prospect... I am
afraid we shall have to work pretty hard during the next
few weeks if we are to expedite the matter, but I know your
soul is in it».34 Nothing could be truer    than this,    and   work

234

hard and hopefully he did. During January he and La Fon-
taine prepared a draft convention for an international organisa-
tion for intellectual labour, copies of which were sent off in
early February to Drummond and Nitobe, together with
various persuasive letters to members of the Council. «We have
drawn inspiration*, they reported to Drummond, «from the
texts of resolutions voted and of articles contained in the
conventions which have created the different technical organ-
isations of the League». They also suggested that the Union
of International Associations «be charged with the physical
preparation* of the conference that would need to be called
to discuss their draft in order to prepare one formally for
the League's Assembly. This conference, they observed, should
«be held in Brussels in the middle even of those institutions
which it is asked to elevate to the degree of international
¦establishments attached to the League of Nations*.35

Nitobe warned them of various difficulties their proposals
would encounter,30 but this did not prepare them for the
report which was adopted by the Council at its meeting in
Paris on the 1st March, 1921.37 In this report were discussed
the various matters raised in the Assembly's recommendations
to the Council in 1920 in relation to the UlA. The rapporteur,
the Spanish representative, Quinones de Leon, summarised
the League's relations with the UIA. He referred to the subsidy
granted to the UIA to publish the Code des Voeux as fulfilling
that part of Article 24 of the League's Covenant involving
it in non-governmental international organisations, and observed
that to fulfil the Assembly's charge concerning Article 24,
more of such assistance «in the same line and in the same
spirit* should be granted as more and more demands were
made upon the League as confidence grew in it. He referred
to the encouragement given by the Council to the International
University, although formal patronage had been denied it. The
report submitted to the Council on the work of the Univer-
sity's first session, he observed, made it evident that it had
«achieved considerable results*. As for Otlet and La Fontaine,
«the Council will not stint their admiration for the high spirit
which guided them in this enterprise*. In view of a proposal
to hold a second session of the University later in 1921, de
Leon thought that «if the Council still view it with approval
and interest, it will perhaps authorise the Secretary-General
to render such assistance as lies within his power*. He pointed
out that the Assembly's request to the Council for a report on
the educational influence of the UIA had been accepted and
would be presented at the next meeting of the Assembly.
Finally, he dealt with the Assembly's request that the Council
report on the idea of creating an international organisation
for intellectual labour to be attached to the League.

235

In de Leon's view there were two possibilities: to elevate
the existing UIA, as Otlet and La Fontaine hoped, to the
status of a technical organisation attached to the League,
or to create a new organisation. To take either course, how-
ever, seemed to de Leon to raise two serious considerations.
One was the problem of whether nations were ready for «an
enterprise similar to the International Labour Bureau», the
model upon which its advocates would have the new organisa-
tion based. But the greater difficulty was posed in de Leon's
view, by the problems of financing the creation of a new organ-
isation «not to speak of maintaining it on a scale commen-
surate with its high purpose». Moreover, he went on, «the
record of the Union of International Associations shows that
voluntary efforts can achieve great results and we believe
that it can do more in future. Would it not be a mistaken
policy to hinder these voluntary efforts by turning them into
an official channel?» Other difficulties were raised by various
similar proposals presently before the Council and he suggest-
ed that these matters should be referred back to the Secretariat
of the League for further study and that a report be
made to a subsequent meeting of the Council.

The day after the adoption by the Council of de Leon's
report Nitobe wrote a long letter to Otlet and La Fontaine
marked «strictly confidential*, a letter which suggests that
Nitobe himself may have been an influence against the Bel-
gian plan:

The result is just what we expected ...But, as I have said before, as
the secretary charged with drawing up a plan with an immediate
practical end, I frankly confess your scheme of intellectual organisation
strikes me still as a little in advance of time, and in talking with a
number of people who know the signs of the time better than I do,
I have found none who spoke in favour of adopting it at present.
I think you will have to wait perhaps three or four years longer for
realisation, and in the meantime let us do everything in our power
to make the idea more generally known. To return to the decision of
the Council, I rather looked forward to some expression of interest
in, if not support of, your views from some of the members, but the
only mention that was made by them was a mere reference to a let-
ter you wrote to some of them. This is no reflection upon their inter-
est in the scheme, I believe, but like the rest of us I think they keep
silence because they think the scheme is a little premature. I hope
this gloomy report will not cause you despair because I am sure that
in your long concern for the cause of internationalism you have had
many occasions of a more discouraging nature... I believe in some
form the question will be resuscitated and grow in the near future.
Speaking of gleams of hope... I believe the Council is quite prepared
to continue its sympathy for the work of the university, and I im-
agine that it may be inclined to go a step further in assenting to give
its patronage ... The Council is not ready to advise the Assembly to
create a new technical organisation, but even here there is ultimate
hope.

At yesterday's meeting, the Council decided to take under the authori-
ty of the League even private international bureaux. Of course some

236

necessary conditions will have to be fulfilled before we can take them.
Anyhow, international associations assume a new status in our eyes
and the Secretariat can deal with them more intimately. Don't you
think this is a decided step forward?

One more immediate question... subsidy to the International Univer-
sity. You wrote of it in your letter to me and I observed the same
point in your letter to M. Hymans. You may well imagine that the
Council, not to speak of the Secretariat, has been approached by
several associations for subventions and other forms of material assist-
ance. You must have seen in the Council's resolution granting;.£ 1,500 to
the Union that a reason was especially given for justifying it, namely,
that you could do at less expense the work which the Secretariat would
have to do itself... the general principle arrived at (in the Secretariat)
is that subventions are a bad policy. We had to refuse two or three
applications which came from very influential quarters. I do not see
any possibility for the present of a subvention to the International
University. I rather think M. Hymans knew this and merely abstained
from mentioning it at the meeting.38

Otlet's reply was typical and suggests how confident he
had been of a different outcome from the Council's delibera-
tions. He had'underlined certain words in Nitobe's text such as
«premature» and «despair». A draft reply in Otlet's hand
contained manuscript corrections by La Fontaine. There can
be no doubt of the impact of the Council's decision and of
Nitobe's letter on him, the sudden access of bitterness about
the utility at all of the League, dominated as it seemed to
be by a Council of great powers, its multitudinous assembly
weak and ineffective by comparison:

Your letter will mark a date in our history. It is a deception, a great
deception that only one thing lessens, the manner, the profound man-
ner in which you act towards the idea, the warmly sympathetic man-
ner with which you treat our persons, the consideration of the forms
which the Council and its members have expressed. The deception is
great because the great rock that we have tried to get to the top of
the mountain has fallen heavily back. Sysyphus knew this — and we
also. It is not the first rock-fall, only those before weighed less because
our effort through the years has added increasingly to the substance...
Certainly our work will not be lessened. But the rock, the poor
tumbled rock, despite its robustness, is going to experience much ill
and risk of breaking and crumbling.

The idea comes to this: to give a place to the things of the mind, in
the new order beside those that have monopolised the powerful; and
with money, to have this place taken by the League of Nations itself,
that new organism which was born so much in hope and which is an
idea, an idea at the same time as it is a concrete institution, which
incorporates the idea and makes it real.

Alas! At Geneva already, before the great political problems of the
moment, the Assembly has hesitated, it has failed. And now before
all the great intellectual problems, the Council in its turn does not
know how to take a resolution. Believe me that it is saddening to be
present at the spectacle of the day revealed by this very morning's
papers: a twenty line account of the activities of the League drowned
in the deluge of information about the activities of the Council...
Yes! This is very much the Supreme Council, which will continue to
rule human affairs by force, by ruses, and in secret, for the benefit

237

of the privileged. And the League of Nations, that in which «gooi
people had all their hopes», dispirited by its bad shepherd [the Coun-
cil?], the League of Nations resigns itself to self-effacement, to»
becoming secondary ... Deception! Disillusion!

In what concerns us, there is still hope you say. And in a very
friendly way you have indicated rays of the absent sun which, despite
the thickness of the clouds, has continued to shine. Certainly your con-
siderations appear to have foundation ... but you yourself risk giving
a time: three or four years you say... Each morning there is a little
less place for the mind. In a society in which capital and modern
labor dominate, conditioned by the politics of conquest and arma-
ments, poor intellectuals are pounded down.

Discard particular facts and persons. It will no less be so that the
League of Nations which should have pronounced formally on a vital
question... has replied by default... the League of Nations replies to
the call of the intellectual forces of today by a platonic expression of
sympathy... It declines the task of organisation itself, and does not
decide on a gesture of aid to those who propose to organise in its
stead.

Here are, then M. Nitobe, the first impressions from which it will
be necessary to disengage ideas — «Keep cool» — if the love for the
work has been deceived, the friendship for the people remains.39

Otlet and La Fontaine received Drummond's official
notification of the Council's decision a week later.40 They
expressed their feeling of deception in replying to it but
circumspectly, and stressed their pleasure at the evident
esteem in which the Council continued to hold their work.
They asked Drummond to push the member Governments of
the League to join the bibliographic union they had proposed
for the International Institute of Bibliography. They also-
pointed out their intention to hold a second session of the
International University late in 1921, and requested the same
sort of assistance that had been granted in 1920.41 The Secre-
tary-General's reply was a model of tact. He noted the tone
of the letter with regret, but observed «I will be happy to
transmit to the Minister for Public Instruction of all the
governments who are members of the League, all information
concerning the next session of the International University
which you would send me .»42 At the same time, while
pledging his support for the University and indicating that
the League would participate in its sessions in the same way
as in 1920, Drummond carefully avoided committing himself
and the League to the Union of Bibliography or to any
further financial assistance to the Union of International
Associations.

THE SECOND QUINZAINE INTERNATIONALE,
THE SECOND LEAGUE ASSEMBLY

The next session of the Quinzaine Internationale was
announced for the period from the 20th August to the 15th
September,  1921, during which, as at the first Quinzaine,    a

238

number of congresses were to be held as well as the second
session of the International University. Among the congresses
was one of particular interest: the Congress for Intellectual
Work, which Otlet and La Fontaine had decided to call them-
selves, the League having refused to do it. Another, a Pan
African Congress stimulated much local ill-will because of
the expression of anti-colonial, radical views which took place
within it. In June a report was published on the need for
an international technical organisation for intellectual labour
together with Otlet and La Fontaine's draft of the statutes of
an international convention for it which the League had
rejected.43 A number of other documents were also issued to
coincide with the opening of the second Quinzaine Internatio-
nale. The most important one of these was Centre Interna-
tional.^ This set out systematically the ideas underlying Otlet
and La Fontaine's work for internationalism, and described
fully the elements comprising the International Center: the
International Museum, the International Library, the Inter-
national Institute of Bibliography and its International
Bibliographic Repertory, the Documentary Encyclopedia, the
Central Office of the International Associations, the Congresses
of the Union of International Associations, and the Inter-
national University. A group of these documents were sent otf
to Drummond on the 20th August to serve as the basis for
his report to the second Assembly of the League on the
educational influence and value of the UIA.45

The second session of the International University was
as successful as the first. As before, the League sent partici-
pants, and 339 academics from 22 countries pledged their
support, while 1,74 hours of instruction were actually given:
by 69 lecturers during the period. The Assembly of the Uni-
versity met to discuss its future which, despite lack of funds,
still seemed bright. A formal meeting of delegates from the
International Associations forming the Union of International
Associations was held. It was agreed at this meeting that a
third Quinzaine should be planned for 1922, that the Inter-
national University should continue to be supported by them,
that the work of the International Center should be extended
as much as possible, and finally, that a National Center for
International Action should be set up in each country.

The International Institute of Bibliography also held a
meeting at this time. It concentrated on developing plans for
revising the Universal Decimal Classification. A committee
for its revision in which Donker Duyvis became active was set
up, and the meeting was informed that steps were being taken
to try to persuade the League of Nations to provide the means
for printing it. Two sections of the   Classification    had    been

23»

printed that year, the Abridged Tables with a new introductory
explanation of how the classification worked,46 and part of
the tables for the division 62,47 and attention was drawn
to them.

The conclusions of the International Congress on Intellectu-
al Work, responses to the following questions, were predictable:

1.  What  is  the  role  of  the  intellect  and  of  intellectuals  in  present
day society...?

2.  What organisation should be given to intellectual work considered
from   the  point  of  view   of   its   tools,   co-operation   and   international
public services...?

3.  What organisation should be given to intellectuals ...?

4.  What  connections  should  be  established  between  the  organisation
of scientific work on the one hand, and that of scientific workers on
the other?  How  should  the   League  of Nations  and  the  Bureau  of
Work be involved  as representatives of international public power?48

The Congress had, in effect, to rationalise the place in the
order of intellectual things of the League of Nations, the
Union of International Associations, the Confederation of
Intellectual Workers (CTI), a sort of trade-union movement
begun in France after the war and quickly spreading to other
¦countries,49 and an International Bureau of Education, the
formation of which was being debated at this time. It was
resolved that the Universal Bibliographic Repertory, the
Documentary Encyclopedia, the International Library, the
International Museum and University, and the Center for
International Associations had done so much for intellectual
work already that they should be elevated to the rank of
«public international services provided with resources capable
of assuring to them the incontestable advantage of being
developed together, and of being organised in such a way that
they may be in fact at the disposition of any intellectual
working in any region of the world».50

Otlet saw the Congress as bringing «decisive contribu-
tions* to the Quinzaine Internationale and looked forward
with hope to the opening in Geneva soon afterwards of the
second Assembly of the League, to which La Fontaine again
repaired as a Belgian delegate. Drummond presented his
report on the «Educational Activities and the Co-ordination of
Intellectual Work Accomplished by the Union of International
Associations*, as requested by the first Assembly.51 It
contained a full description of the IIB and the Union in two
parts: «up to 1914» and «since the formation of the League».
The Secretary-General mentioned the financial dispositions
of the Union briefly. «The cost of the work accomplished by
MM La Fontaine and Otlet has amounted since its beginning
to approximately 1,200,000 francs...» But, Drummond also
observed that «the activity of the Institution created by MM

240

La Fontaine and Otlet hitherto owes its success to these two
personalities, and the question of further control is as great
a cause of uncertainty as the question of material resources*.
At this time Otlet was 53 and La Fontaine 67. This most
revealing comment was, however, obscured by the final re-
marks of the Secretary-General:

Surveying as a whole the picture we have just drawn, the work of
the founders of the Union of International Associations, a work of
documentation and information, of co-ordination of effort, of general
education, appears as a vast enterprise of international intellectual
organisation characterised by the breadth of its conception and design.
Its action is two fold as regards principles: it owes to the logical
force of the ideas which it has brought forward an educative influence
which is highly conducive to the development of the ideas of union
and international organisation. As regards facts, it has proved its
efficiency by the institutions which it has created. The Union of In-
ternational Associations, its Congresses, the publications connected
with them, and the International University, form particularly effective
instruments for the «diffusion of a broad spirit of understanding and
world-wide co-operation. The League of Nations should regard these
institutions to-day as most valuable organs of collaboration*.

Though the Council had decided earlier in the year that
it would be «premature to create a technical organisation
attached to the League»,52 the matter was raised again in
the Council on September 2nd, 1921 by the French member,
Leon Bourgeois, who had been studying it at the Council's
request. A few days later, in the name of the Council, he placed
before the Assembly a draft resolution in which he proposed
that a committee, consisting of not more than twelve members
and containing both men and women, should be appointed
to study «the means of simplifying, strengthening and extend-
ing the international intellectual relations that already
existed*.53 Gilbert Murray, Professor of Greek at Oxford and
delegate of South Africa, was rapporteur for the Assembly
Committee appointed to examine the proposal. In the course
of his remarks to the Assembly he paid tribute to «that monu-
ment of international industry which we owe to Mr. La
Fontaine and Mr. Otlet, the Centre International established
at Brussels*.54 On the recommendation of Murray's committee,
the Assembly approved Bourgeois resolution.

The Council did not hurry to make any appointments to
the committee, but as the year drew to its close, Otlet and
La Fontaine must have felt themselves nearer to achieving
their goal of a technical organ at the League concerned with
intellectual matters. The matter was before the Council and
required some action before the third Assembly convened in
1922. The only major problem Otlet and La Fontaine seemed
to face at this time was the Code des Voeux. At the beginning
of October, Nitobe asked La Fontaine what was happening to
it. He had been sent some time earlier some specimen pages

16—3391                                                                                        241

of it which had pleased him, but the printing, in fact, had been
underway for over a year. This elicited no reply, and
Nitobe sent a telegram to La Fontaine asking for details: «the
financial department is anxious to have it before Christmas».
La Fontaine explained the great difficulty encountered was
that of obtaining qualified personnel, and that one of the
Secretaries-General of the Union (La Fontaine himself, in
fact) had been able to pick up the work himself only a few
days ago. He suggested that money remaining to the Union's
credit be transferred to 1922 and expressed the hope of
completing the major part of the work before the League
Assembly met in 1922.55

THE PALAIS MONDIAL

During a Fair held in April 1921 in the Pare and Palais
du Cinquantenaire in Brussels, two thousand visitors a day
streamed through the hundred rooms of the Palais Mondial,
«a glossy structure recalling distinctly a side aisle of the
Crystal Palace». On Sunday, April 17th the number quad-
rupled.56 A party of librarians from the Library Association
of Great Britain also visited for four days beginning
15th April. They were very impressed by what they found.
Berwick Sayers has left us a vivid account of what he saw
there:

The Palais Mondial has a hall of reception where, by means of sym-
bols, plastdc and pictorial, the aims of the place are indicated: the
sphere symbolising unity of the world; the planosphere allegorising
the political evolution resulting in the League of Nations, a tree of
the ages showing the development of life and the conquests of the
spirit over matter, and so on. Thirty-six rooms are devoted to an
international museum of a unique type, one room being devoted to'
each country, in which are shown a large map of its territory, charts
indicating its history, political and social features, and its natural and
industrial products, together with typical pictures illustrating
these things. The student may pass from room to room gaining a
definite notion of the outstanding features of each country, and, as
many of the rooms have been arranged by the governments of the-
countries surveyed, the notion is an authentic one. The palace con-
tains a lecture hall to accommodate an audience of a thousand, which
hall is surrounded by smaller lecture, study and committee rooms. The
remaining rooms that concern us are devoted to the great installations
of the international bibliography, the international encyclopaedia, and
the international library. The scheme, as you may suppose, has been
planned on generous lines.

Picture a room about eighty feet long containing four ranks of card
cabinets reaching to a height of seven feet. That is the repertory
of bibliography. Two of the ranks contain author-entries, two subject-
entries. The whole contains twelve million cards. The far-away goal
of the founders is to produce a catalogue of all books and literary
pieces, of all ages and of all times...

The international Encyclopaedia is another great experiment with
tremendous possibilities. It is a vast vertical file, in which are arranged
in holders, minutely    classified,    cuttings,    pamphlets,    articles    from

242

periodicals, and the multiplicity of similar (usually) fugitive literary
material in which the advances and the latest state of knowledge
are conveyed. It is a current, ever-expanding repertory of knowledge,
without any of the drawbacks of the encyclopaedia in book form,
which is obsolete in many particulars on the day of publication.
The International Library is confined to the Twentieth Century. The
founders do not suppose it to be possible for them to collect an in-
ternational library on general lines for all times; but they do think
that they can obtain a representative collection for the Twentieth
Century of every country;  and this is their present endeavour.

The repertory of bibliography, the international encyclopaedia and
library form the core of the institution, and ultimately the core of
the International University, which, as M. La Fontaine remarked to
me, «has been our goal from the beginning*. The University came
into being in 1920, when 200 students attended summer courses in
international subjects under the guidance of twenty professors; this
year similar courses have been held when the numbers were doubled
in both cases. We have, therefore, another experiment here of some
significance founded, as a university should be, around a library and
a centre of bibliography.57

Sayers was enthusiastic but others were a little more sceptical.
L. Stanley Jast, Chief Librarian at Manchester, suggested
Sayers' description had, in fact been coloured by his enthu-
siasm. «It is not — of course it is not, though it might be
under happier circumstances — what I should consider to be
a working approximation to its ideal.» Jast pointed out that
in the Section for Great Britain in the Museum, half a dozen
pictures had been taken from illustrated magazines mounted,
hung on the walls and labelled «British Art». To his remon-
strances, Otlet had replied «Our idea is that we should make
a start».58 William Warner Bishop, an eminent American
librarian, had also called into Brussels in the Fall of 1921.
«I was greatly disappointed*, he reported in reminiscences
published some twenty-eight years later,

at the showing of the Palais Mondial. The union bibliographies on
cards were not even sorted three years after the war, and a general
impression of inefficiency and confusion remained with me from which
I have not recovered, although on subsequent visits I was more fa-
vorably impressed.59

Perhaps, the most judicious evaluation of the Palais Mon-
dial at this time was made by Ernest Cushing Richardson in
the following year. Having described the various elements of
the Palais Mondial and Otlet and La Fontaine's rationalisa-
tions of and plans for them, he said

These plans and their authors have been treated by many as grandiose,
visionary and unpractical, and have been neglected by us, but the
authors of the idea have pegged away for twenty-seven years and have
produced for the world of which we are a part, a going concern, with
all these features of real usefulness and a concrete property of organized
results. It is true that most of these are not only incomplete but
in large part only sketchy. On the other hand at almost every point
the material, so far as it goes, is organized in such a way as to be
a  concrete and permanent  contribution  toward  the respective  propo-

16*                                                                                          243

sitions, to which all accretion in the established methods will be a
contribution toward a complete result. Even where unorganized in
detail there is little that can be called confused.

It is an orderly, methodical result, all along the line — astonishingly
so for the force at disposal.

Further than this it is a monument of concrete permanent result for
the amount of money expended. When it is considered that the total
amount expended is (considering the rate of exchange in the last few
years) less than a million gold francs, or less than two hundred
thousand dollars and that it has with this produced the repertory of
twelve million cards, a library of a hundred and fifty thousand
volumes, the Museum, Encyclopedia, Union Catalog and the operations of
the University, it is little short of a marvel economically. Much more
imperfection could be excused than can be found.

It is true that this result has been achieved at this cost only because
Messrs. Lafontaine and Otlet have had no salaries and have given
or loaned considerable sums to the enterprise. It is an open secret for
example that the Nobel prize which Senator La Fontaine received was
largely absorbed into this. Moreover the directors have had an extra-
ordinary personal influence in enlisting voluntary collaboration and the
accepting of positions at almost nominal salaries. Still at best the
amount of cost is surprisingly small for the results.
While both the directors are men of ideal and enthusiasms, it is
quite beside the mark to think of the men or their enterprises as
visionary. To begin with, Senator La Fontaine has been for very many
years a practicing lawyer and Belgian Senator. He has kept the
leadership in the Socialist party, which has been growing stronger
and stronger, and he is at present a vice-president of the Senate.
Moreover, he and M. Otlet have not only put their enterprises in
this well ordered position for development, but have selected and
trained an unusually intelligent staff of workers to carry things for-
ward. It is obvious that if they had more money it would be spent
toward these objects with a minimum of waste. Now whatever the
amount of enthusiasm, this kind of thing is the opposite of the visio-
nary, who jumps at an idea, leaving a trail of confusion in his wake.60

For Otlet, when all the difficulties and the successes
were placed in the balance, 1921 was an unsatisfactory year.
It was characterised by all of the arduous labour of organis-
ing the second Quinzaine Internationale and of sustaining
the protracted, complicated, unresolved, disappointing nego-
tiations with the League of Nations. It was also a year of
bitter personal disappointment. He had begun to feel that
changes in Belgium were passing him by, that he had slipped
from that position of eminence in the social and intellectual
life of Brussels which he had occupied before the war, and
which had given him an opportunity to be a force in the
affairs that interested him. He confided this impression to
George Lecointe at the Royal Observatory, a man who had
collaborated with him in developing the I IB in the early
days. There had occurred in Belgium, he wrote,

events where nobody wants my help. It is a guestion of the Biblio-
theque Royale, the Bibliographie de Belgique, the Service des Echanges...
Everywhere I meet the same situation. I am discarded, or eliminated.
And I am let do or prevented from doing with the same indifference...

244

I work and battle for ideas, and they alone interest me. I conceive
these ideas clearly. I see them very highly reported and, from outside
contact, I am convinced they are not chimeras. My fellow country men
do not understand me. Is it that I haven't yet been able to exteriorise
them in a way suitable for their minds, or that my person is anti-
pathetic to them? ,1 experience natural regrets but cannot set about
anything else.

These regrets — they are to feel a force unused which one loves, and
to observe delay in the progress of one's ideas because of obstacles
where there should be help. Alas! This country has a natural aversion
to any idea which has in it some true grandeur. I do not urge them
for the possibility of money, honours ... But Belgium is not the world
and the Belgians do not constitute the whole of humanity ... It is
necessary to say this at a time when fatigue and wear and tear, bad
councillors, suggest that one should go and plant cabbages in some
corner ...61

Otlet was now a middle-aged man personifying an order
shattered perhaps for ever by the War. His philosophy of
world peace was not popularly understood and the Centre
International was mocked in the newspapers. The invitation
that resulted in the Pan-African Congress being held at the
Palais Mondial in 1921 elicited considerable vituperative
criticism of «the solemn fools of the 'Palais Mondial'* who
were occupying valuable locations for storing cards.62 After
the Quinzaine Internationale, Otlet was portrayed by one
commentator in his small, round, heavy glasses, with a stick
of chalk in his hands rapidly writing «chimerical figures» in
the air before him.

He speaks of cards, of pure sciences, of catalogs of statistics, and
above all of mondialism. This last vocable is sung quite softly in his
throat like a chant... as at the meetings of the first Christians. What
is mondialism? It is necessary to ask him, for no one else is cabale
of defining it unless it is his colleague and fried Henri La
Fontaine»

But this ironical commentator freely admitted «his disinter-
estedness and nobleness of intention*.63 The cards of the RBU
particularly captured the imagination and provoked the in-
dignation of his adversaries. Religion was not dead, a critic
said. It lived on in the new faith of the «documentatifs» whose
temple was the Palais Mondial. Worst of them all was M.
Otlet himself, for he had confounded the Palais Mondial with
himself: «M. Otlet, c'est le Palais Mondial, et le Palais
Mondial, c'est M. Otiet».64 And in the new year, Otlet and
La Fontaine were the subjects of a sketch in a satiric review
in which they were shown as not content with the Palais du
Cinquantenaire but wanting «to transform the whole of
Brussels into a vast city of cards».65

In the midst, too, of threatened aspirations, rejections,
vociferous and hostile critics, he suffered a dramatic resur-
gence of trouble with his half-brothers and half-sister. In
1920 he had  visited  one  brother,  Raoul,  in  Spain  to  try to

245

sort out some of the financial confusion continuing to exist
in the family's Spanish affairs. Early in 1921 he became aware
that another brother, Adrien, seemed to have finished with
him. Moreover, «Rita has written horrible things to me. Gaston
has disappeared from the horizon. Edo did not even inform
me of his marriage». And now Raoul asked for further help,
asked him «to mount a horse which I have left in the stable
for so long», and even to go to Spain again.66 Apparently,
Adrien was suspected by his siblings of discreditable financial
manoeuvrings at their expense. Eventually, in November, Otlet
wrote a letter to Adrien and sent a copy to Raoul with the
note «it is all I can do». He informed Adrien of the letters
he had received from various members of the family who
had invited him to intervene in the dispute and observed,
«I feel a thousand bonds in these eternal and complicated
affairs». He felt they should not be allowed to trouble the
tranquility he had so dearly achieved. Nevertheless, duty was
strong, and he hoped to solve the problems they faced by
driving all concerned together in Spain.67

FOOTNOTES

1.  UIA, Programme generate de la Quinzaine Internationale... (Bruxelles:
UIA, 1920), pp. 22—23.

2.  Ibid., p. 23.

3.  UIA,  Congres Mondial des Associations  Internationales:  Compte-rendu
sommaire de la deuxieme session ... (Publication No. 66; Bruxelles, UIA,
1913), p. 27.

4.  Paul Otlet, Les Problemes internationaux et la guerre  (Geneve: Libra-
rie Kundig;   Paris, Rousseau et Cie, 1916), pp. 296—297.

5.  Paul Otlet, Sur la creation d'une Universite Internationale: rapport pre-
sente  a   l'Union  des  Associations  Internationales   (Publication iNo.  90;
Bruxelles: UIA,  1920), p.  11. The quotations in this and the following
two paragraphs are from this document and no further reference will be
made to it.

6.  Otlet to Drummond,  13 January 1920, Dossier No. 39, «Societe des Na-
tions*, Mundaneum. All  letters to officials  of  the  League are in this
dossier and no further reference will be made to it beyond the iden-
tification of particular letters.

7.  Congres   Mondial   des   Associations   Internationales:   compte-rendu...,
p. 15.

8.  Otlet to Jules Destree, 8 May 1920.

9.  Otlet to Destree, 8 May  1920. The Red Cross enjoyed a special status
at the League. Though it was not an official union or organisation and
not provided for under Article 24 as a result, Article 25 of the Covenant
specifically pledged the members of the League to its support.

10.  Drummond to Otlet, 21 June 1920.

11.  Drummond to Otlet and La Fontaine, 14 August 1920.

246

12.  Drummond to Otlet and La Fontaine, 13 August 1920.

13.  iLa Fontaine to Nitobe, 25 August 1920.

14.  Otlet to Leon Bourgeois, 18 August 1920.

15.  UIA,   Les   litres  du  Palais  Mondial... (Publication   No. 11;   Bruxelles:
UIA, 1923), p. 11, «Haut patronage royal».

16.  UIA, Centre International... (Publication No. 98; Bruxelles: UIA, 19211),
p. 72.

17.  Nitobe to Otlet and La Fontaine, 21 August, 1920. Nitobe's address was
privately printed: Inazo  Nitobe, What the League of Nations Has Done
and Is Doing, lecture at the International University, Brussels, 13 and
14 September, 1920 (London: Harrison and Sons (for the author), 1920),
32 pp.

18.  Universite  Internationale,  L'Universite Internationale:  documents relatif
a   sa   constitution   (Publication   No. 1;   Bruxelles:   L'Universite,   1920),
p. 91.

19.  The accounts  of the Conference are two. The first is to be found in
^'Organisation de la documentation technique et industrielle en France*,
Documentation  Technique et  Industrielle,      November—December   1920,
925—945.   (This   article  has  been   given  the   IIB   Publication   No.   128a
in  the FID  75  Years of FID Publications but  is  there  shown  without
place, publisher or  date). There also exists in the Mundaneum  a  type-
script  headed  «Conference  Internationale  de Bibliographie  et  de Docu-
mentation, September   1920». The tw,o accounts are practically verbatim.

20.  A. I. Michailov, «Donker Duyvis' Contribution to the Progress of Scien-
tific Information and Documentation*, F. Donker Duyvis: His Life and
Work  (Publication series, No. 45; The Hague;  Nider,  1964)  p. 32.

21.  Programme generate de la Quinzaine Internationale ..., pp.  16—17.

'22. Sur L'Organisation Internationale du travail intellectuel a creer au sien
de la Societe des Nations: rapport et voeux presentes par I'Union des
Associations Internationales. This publication bears the date, November
1920 and the figure P. No. 95 but lacks formal imprint details. The
resolution appears on pages 3 and 4, the rest of the document compris-
ing an explanatory report and «annexes» supporting it.

•23. Otlet to Nitobe, 16 October 1920.

24.  Otlet to Nitobe, 13 November 1920.

25.  Otlet  and  La  Fontaine  to the  Council  of  the  League    of      Nations,
23 October 1920.

26.  Otlet to Hymans, 26 October 1920.

27.  Otlet   to   Hymans,   26   October   1920.   A   pencilled   note   on   the  margin
of this letter reads:  «Hymans said to me, I have received your letters.
I did not do anything about them at the Council. They are mentioned
in the 'proces-verbal'.»

28.  Nitobe to Otlet, 15 November 1920.

29.  Otlet to President of the Assembly, 14 December 1920 (telegram).

-30. Quoted in E. C. Richardson, Some Aspects of International Library
Co-operation (Yardley, Pa.: F. S. Cook, 1928), pp. 53—54.

31.  Ibid., p. 55.

32.  Ibid., pp. 56—57. Ernest Cushing Richardson,  1860—1939, was  Librari-
an  then Director  of  Libraries  at  Princeton  University  from 11880  until
1925. He was appointed Honorary Director from 1925 until his death and

247

during this period he also acted as Consultant in Bibliography to the
Library of Congres. He was active within the American Library Asso-
ciation— its President, 1904—05.

33.  Oliver Brett, The First Assembly... (London: Macmillan,  1921), p.  145.

34.  Nitobe to Otlet, 22 December 1920.

35.  Otlet and La Fontaine to Drummond, 7 February 1921.

36.  Otlet to Nitobe, 15 February 1921.

37.  Organisation  of Intellectual Labour:  report by M. Quinones  de Leon,.
Representative of Spain, adopted by the Council on March 1,  1921. This
is a typescript  (in English, 5 foolscap pages in length)  in the Munda-
neum. Quotations on the next two paragraphs are from the report and
no further reference is made to it.

38.  Nitobe to Otlet and La Fontaine, 2 March 1921.

39.  Otlet to Nitobe, 4 March 1921.

40.  Secretary-General to Otlet and La Fontaine, 10 March 1921.

41.  Otlet and La Fontaine to Sir Eric Drummond, 16 March 1921.

42.  Secretary-General to Otlet and La Fontaine, 16 April 1921.

43.  UIA,   Organisation   international   du   travail   intellectuel    (Publication
No. 97; Bruxelles: UIA, June 1921).

44.  UIA, Centre International:  conceptions et programme de l'internationa-
lisme, organismes internationaux et Union des Associations Internatio-
nales. Etablissements scientifiques installes au Palais Mondial  (Publica-
tion No. 98; Bruxelles: UIA, August, 1921).

45.  Otlet and La Fontaine to Sir Eric Drummond, 20 August 1921.

46.  IIB, La Classification  Decimale:  expose du systeme et tables abregees
(Publication No. 132; Bruxelles: IIB, 1921).

47.  A. Louis Vermandel and F. R. de Grauwe, Tables des divisions 621.39,
techniques  des  communications    a      distance      (Publication      No  63,
Fasc. 39; Bruxelles: IIB, 1921).

48.  The reports of the second Quinzaine Internationale and of the various
conferences are given in La  Vie Internationale, November 1921   (No. I
post bellum), 136—195.

49.  Alfred de Tarde, L'Organisation des intellectuels en France. Rapport au

Corgres International du Travail Intellectuel (Publication No. 100,
Bruxelles: UIA, 1921).

50.  La Vie Internationale, 163—164.

51.  League of Nations, Secretary-General, Educational    Activities    and the
Co-ordination of Intellectual Work Accomplished by the Union of Inter-
national  Associations   (in   English),   League  Document:  A42(B),   1921.

52.  Jan Kolasa, International Intellectual Co-operation  (Wroclaw: Wroclaw
Scientific Society, 1962), p. 21.

53.  The League of Nations and Intellectual Co-operation (revised ed.; Gene-
va:   Information   Section,   League  of   Nations   Secretariat,   1927),  p.  6.

54.  Paul Otlet, Le Societe des Nations et VUnion des Associations    Inter-
nationales ... (Publication No. 107; Bruxelles: UIA, 1921), p. 5.

55.  Nitobe to Otlet and La Fontaine, 5 October    1921; Nitobe to La Fon-
taine  (telegram), 2 December 1921; La Fontaine to Nitobe, 4 December
1921.

248

56.  «Communique: le Palais Mondial 21 April 1921» typescript, Mundaneum,.
and W. C. Berwick Sayers, «The Institut International de Bibliographie:
its Work and Possibilities for Co-operatiion» Library Association Records
XXIII  (1921), 346.

57.  Ibid., 347—348.

58.  Ibid., «Discussion», 350—351.

59.  William Warner Bishop,  ^International  Relations:  Fragments  of Auto-
biography*, Library Quarterly, (:1949), 273.

60.  Ernest Cushing Richardson, «International Library Co-operation in In-
tellectual Work», Library Journal, XXXXVII  (1922), 917.

61.  Otlet to Lecointe, 28 January   1921,  Dossier  No.  368e,  «Ministere  des
Sciences et des Arts», Mundaneum.

62.  «Au  Palais Mondial*,  La Politique, 26 June   1921   and  Edouard  Huys-
mans, «Le Mondialism», L'Horizon, 17 September 11921.

63.  «Paul Otlet», L'Horizon, 3 September 1921.

64.  «Bruxelles, Centre Mondial, nos  'mondiaux    a  l'oeuvre':    Le Hall    du
Ginquantenaire transforme en une vaste caisse a fiches», Midi,  12 No-
vember, 1921.

65.  «Au cercle artistique et litteraire: une   revue»,    Le Soir,    25   January,
1922.

66.  Various copies of letters exist in the Otletaneum in Brussels. Just what
the nature of the difficulties was it is hard to say, but Otlet certainly
found them trying and expensive. Much of what he has written is in-
decipherable. The quotations are from a letter by Paul to Raoul Otlet
dated 16 May 1921.

67.  Paul to Adrien Otlet, 13 November 1921, Otletaneum.

Chapter  XI
L'AFFAIRE DU PALAIS MONDIAL

A FIRST DISPLACEMENT

From the beginning of 1922 troubles crowded thick and
fast upon the Palais Mondial. First came a proposal from the
Belgian government temporarily to resume occupancy of some
of the quarters being used by the Palais Mondial in order
to set up a commercial fair there. Otlet at once dispatched
an urgent letter to Nitobe seeking the intervention of the
League against the Belgian government. Nitobe, inevitably,
had to refuse to implicate either himself or the League:

You will understand the reasons why I hesitate. Of course, the Council
has expressed sympathy for some of your undertaking, but the so-called
moral patronage that was guaranteed did not commit the League
at all deeply in the affairs of the Union... Even if the Union were
officially placed, according to Article 24 of the Covenant, under the
direction of the League, I very much doubt that the League could do
much in a case such as yours. You have a legal existence according
to Belgian law, and though your work is entirely international, not
only is the juridical status Belgian, but the Belgian government
has subsidised and given the Union a location... Don't you think there
is a fear of your government regarding an action on the part of the
League as interference in its own internal affairs?.1

Nitobe tried discreetly to get at the reasons for the
government's actions. «You speak», he wrote to Otlet,

of the Commercial Fair and the Colonial Exhibition and then you
speak of adversaries of the Union. What I most want to know is
whether you have given the government any handle for this sudden
step. If I may speak frankly, I have wondered if there was anything on
the part of the Union that could have given the government an op-
portunity for withdrawal from their engagement.2

Otlet seems not to have attempted to reply to Nitobe's
question and at this distance in time it is hard to know what
actually happened. An explanation is probably to be found in
the politics of the day and in Otlet's position in Brussels.
The coalition government of Leon Delacroix, formed after the
election  in  November   1919,  was  short-lived.   Delacroix,  who

250

fiad indicated sympathy for Otlet's projects and provided
government support for them, resigned in the autumn of 1920.
He was replaced by an acquaintance and colleague-at-law of
Otlet's, the Comte Henri Carton de Wiat whose equally brief
government has been described succinctly as «incompetent in
a dignified manner».3 New general elections were held late
in 1921 and resulted in the King inviting the Catholic Party
leader, Georges Theunis, to form another coalition government.
The socialists, protesting the term of compulsory national
military service, refused to be part of it and the pattern of
subsequent governments in Belgium was set: «a series of
•coalition governments with only occasionally one political
party in sufficient strength to govern for a short spell on its
own*.4 Seven governments then followed one another in the
¦space of twelve years. Though the various governments during
this time enacted a number of progressive social welfare and
industrial measures, the inflationary economy continued to
deteriorate until 1926 when national bankruptcy seemed
imminent. Stringent financial measures were then introduced
which provided a few years of stability before the maelstrom
of the Depression. Any fillip to the economy possible from
a commercial fair must have appeared most welcome to the
government and the Pare and Palais du Cinquantenaire, site
of the 1910 Universal Exposition of Brussels, were an ideal
place to hold one. Located in the buildings of the Palais du
Cinquantenaire were some of the Musees Royaux and the
Palais Mondial. The latter, occupying a hall where seasonal
exhibitions of paintings had been regularly held in the past,
had excited ridicule in some quarters. In yet others there
were anger and resentment that the rooms of the Palais
Mondial had been made available for the Pan-African Congress
of 1921. Otlet, himself, no longer had the ear of prominent
government officials. There was a new generation in power
and, from his own admission, they had been content to pass
him by. His «mondial» ideas were widely misunderstood and
many, no doubt, regarded him as an eccentric, amiable and
harmless or infuriating and possibly dangerous according to
the kind and frequency of the demands he made on them. The
dispossession, therefore, by the government of the area occupied
by the Palais Mondial in the Palais du Cinquantenaire seemed
logical enough. It was far less likely to arouse popular opinion
than the removal of the older, more respectable Musees Royaux.
As Theunis, the Prime Minister, observed decisively «the orga-
nisation of the Palais Mondial, occupying its location without
any legal right, can certainly be asked to make way for a
Commercial Fair».5

Nevertheless, Otlet and La Fontaine, Premier Vice-President
of   the   Senate     and Nobel   Laureate,    were   able   to   bring

251

sufficient pressure to bear to force the Government to decide
to appoint a Commission to examine the educational and
scientific value of various parts of the Palais Mondial in order
to determine the nature of its rights to the locations which it
had been given. The Commission consisted of academics from
the Universities of Ghent and Liege — «bitter disillusion*, wrote
Otlet somewhat cryptically. «It is concluded*, he said, repor-
ting someone's comment, «go to the moon! Basically you are
courageous people but you would feel more at home on another
planet».6 The Commission was not actually appointed until
the end of April 1922 by which time thirty two rooms of the
Palais Mondial had been cleared and occupied for nearly two
weeks by representatives of the Fair.

The Commission's conclusions were to some degree as
Otlet had feared. It decided that the UIA had no permanent
rights at all to the locations occupied by the Palais Mondial
in the Palais du Cinquantenaire. It singled out the Interna-
tional Institute of Bibliography and the International Library
for special commendation. It urged that these institutions
should be left where they were, provided they did not inter-
fere with the growth of the Musees Royaux, until such time
as the UIA could afford to erect its own building. As for the
rest of the institutes of the Palais Mondial, it was completely
a matter for the discretion of the Government as to when they
should be required to put their quarters at its disposal.7 It
was clear by this time, the government, unstable and hostile,
and the economy in a grave condition, that no more would
be heard of a special Palais Mondial to be erected from public
funds in the Pare de Woluwe, and it was firmly borne in
upon Otlet that something drastic needed to be done to secure
the future of the Palais Mondial as it then existed. He decided,
therefore, to call an international conference to consider the
question of wider international support. This was to be held
on the occasion of a third Quinzaine Internationale which
was planned for August 1922.

In the middle of the occupation of part of the Palais-
Mondial by the Commercial Fair, Nitobe wrote to Otlet suggest-
ing that the League's Secretariat for International Associa-
tions should publish a journal of information useful to inter-
national associations. He wondered if there was any prospect
of the UIA bringing out La Vie Internationale again at some
time in the near future. The League was reluctant to dup-
licate of encroach on the Union's work. He thought, however,
that such a «news» journal as he was proposing, far from
threatening any aspect of the activities of the Union, would
further its objectives, even if, in fact, La Vie internationale
were  to  be  revived.   In  any  case,  he  said,    «without    your

252

co-operation it will be difficult to succeed in such a venture.
If you do {agree to collaborate] we can at once put ourselves
in communication with the International Bureaux».8
The suggested wounded Otlet deeply:

We must in all sincerity tell you that in the middle of the worries
caused by the dismantling and re-installation of our collections, this
letter has saddened us profoundly. We don't need to tell you that if
we have been prevented from publishing our review, La Vie Inter-
nationale in the way in which it appeared before the War, it is not be-
cause we haven't as determined a will. We made an effort in publish-
ing fascicule 26, and we would like nothing better than to publish
fascicule 27. But... the Belgian Government refuses to augment the
laughable subsidy that it gives us ... It would be with deep regret that
we would see the League, thanks to the resources at its disposal, sub-
stitute itself for the Union.9

Curiously, Otlet made no reference to the Carnegie Peace
Foundation which had subsidised La Vie Internationale before
the War. No steps seem to have been taken after the war to
secure the resumption of the Foundation's subsidy of the UIA
and its International Center. Nitobe, undeterred by Otlet's
comments, went ahead with his plans, assuring the Belgians
that the journal the League would publish would be of great
help to them in the long run and in 1923 a Bulletin trimestriel
ou chronique internationale appeared.

Nitobe also began to press for the completion of the
Code des Voeux. Early in 1922 Otlet and La Fontaine had
still not been able to find a suitable collaborator for this
work. Their difficulty should not appear surprising. From
various comments made, it appears that they hoped to find
someone to assist them who would not only be fluent in
French and English, but would be willing to work for more
than eight hours a day at a low salary in a job having no
prospect of permanence with a devotion to its outcome similar
to their own. In attempting to solve the worst of their diffi-
culties and to placate critics at the League's Headquarters,
they proposed to issue the Code in fascicules. If this was
agreed to, publication could begin at once with the material
already prepared which would make a substantial first fascicule
of over three hundred pages.10 Apparently satisfied, Nitobe
agreed to persuade the League's financial department to keep
open the credit still remaining to them from the original
subvention. There was also involved, now, a particular donor.
«The man willing to advance you the money» (some 12,000
francs for the last stages of preparation of the Code), wrote
Nitobe, «is not a wealthy man and I think it will be conve-
nient to him to pay in instalments*. Nitobe was concerned,
too, to know how much more would be needed beyond this
sum for preparation to bring the fully completed work from
the presses.  It was urgently necessary, he believed, to get it

253

finished, «both for the reputation of the League and of your
own Union».u In September Nitobe was sent the pages of
what was intended as the first fascicule and was informed
that «measures have been taken for soon finishing the Code».l2:
It was, however, not issued in fascicules. The first volume,,
over 900 pages in length, was eventually published in 1923IS
and no subsequent volumes appeared.

In late August 1922, the Third Quinzaine Internationale
was held. It was a rather small affair compared with its
predecessors. A third session of the International University
took place and 72 professors gave 96 lectures on 80 subjects.14
The main business, however, was the Conference for the
Development of the Institutes of the Palais Mondial. The
Minister for Foreign Affairs had agreed to transmit through
his department invitations to the Conference from the UIA
to nominated governments, and Diplomatic representatives
(mostly minor embassy officials) from sixteen countries and
the League of Nations met in Brussels from the 20th to the
22nd August with Otlet, La Fontaine and a representative of
the Belgian Government. Ernest Cushing Richardson, the Ame-
rican librarian, was also present. There were no represent-
atives from any of the major European powers. Before the
delegates was the text of a draft convention which would place
the Palais Mondial as an official international organisation
under the protection of the nations who would sign it. Briefly,
the draft provided that the management of the new organisa-
tion be left to the UIA under the overall supervision of an
International Commission. The members of the Commission
were to be drawn either from national commissions created
by individual governments for the purpose, or from specially
designated organisations already existing. The budget was to
derive from contributions from participating states determined
in a manner similar to that used for determining and allocat-
ing the budget of the Universal Postal Convention. Contri-
butions from governments would be augmented by subscrip-
tions, donations or other funds as available. The League of
Nations was to be asked to offer its patronage to the newly
constituted Palais Mondial in terms of Article 24 of its
Covenant, and would be invited to be represented on its Inter-
national Commission. Furthermore, participants in the Confe-
rence were asked

to take into serious consideration the project presented to them of an
International City to be erected on the occasion of an approaching
Universal Exposition. The City would be foimed from pavilions erected
by each country involved in the Exposition and from buildings
established for the international institutions grouped around the
Palais Mondial.

The Exposition referred to had recently been announced by  the
Belgian Government for 1930, the year of Belgium's Centennial

254

Anniversary. Each nation would also sign, as well as the
general treaty, special individual agreements in which its
particular commitments to each part of the Palais Mondial —
IIB, UIA, International Library, Museum and University —
would be spelled out. Resolutions conveying the term of the
text of the convention as adopted by the Conference were
addressed to King Albert and the Belgian government, the
League of Nations, and through Richardson, to America.15
No action was taken on the resolutions of the Conference.
The Belgian government in 1923 refused to consider that it
had been officially represented, and also refused to distribute
the Protocols of the convention to participating governments.
This was an extraordinary volte face but explicable, Otlet
alleged, because of misrepresentation of the UIA's attitude to
Franco-Belgian policy in the Ruhr.16

THE INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE ON INTELLECTUAL
CO-OPERATION

In May 1922, the Council of the League of Nations
finally appointed the members of an International Committee
on Intellectual Co-operation. The Belgian representative was
not Otlet or La Fontaine, as one might have expected, but
Jules Destree, former Belgian Minister for Arts and Sciences..
Destree's appointment placed him in one of the most select
gatherings in the world, for among his fellow committee-
members were Henri Bergson, the great French philosopher,
Madame Curie-Sklowdowska, one of the discovers of radium,.
Albert Einstein, the physicist, and Gilbert Murray, a renown-
ed classical scholar at Oxford University. For Nitobe, report-
ing to La Fontaine, Destree's appointment came as something
of a shock: «It has been a great surprise, and I must confess
a personal disappointment to me that your name was not
among the members*.17 Gilbert Murray expressed a similar
view to Otlet but ventured an explanation. «May I take this
opportunity*, he wrote,

of expressing my regret that neither you nor Senator La Fontaine are
serving on the Permanent Committee. I understand, however, that
this is because the Council thought you could do more as expert wit-
nesses than as actual members, to guide the Committee in its delibe-
rations.18

La Fontaine did not regret being passed over by the
Council, and believed that his friendship with Destree would
be an adequate vehicle for UIA influence in the Committee.
Otlet's reaction was typical. He sat down and wrote an
Introduction to the Work of the Committee on Intellectual
Co-operation of the League of Nations19 which he dispatched
as soon as it was finished in anticipation of the Committee's

255-

"first meeting in August 1922. In it he described the origins
of the Committee in the various proposals of the UIA during
the War. He repeated what the UIA had suggested should
be both the general and the specific duties of the League in
the realm of intellectual work. He recommended as particular
problems requiring immediate solutions the development and
improvement of the international organisation of scientific
research, the relations governing the exchange of professors
and students between universities, and the international orga-
nisation of bibliography, matters with which the Committee,
in fact, immediately involved itself. Otlet's note to the Commit-
tee, however, emphasised his belief that a grand and far-reach-
ing design, along the lines already set down by him in
many places, should guide the work of the Committee. He
made a point of stressing the need for a centralised system
of organisation for regulating the relations between the
Committee and the nations, arguing that this was the most
economic and effective way of securing good communication
and co-operation. He described as the sort of permanent
international centre the Committee would need to develop,
the Palais Mondial in Brussels, powerful testimony to the
importance of which, he reminded his readers, Gilbert Murray
had given in the General Assembly the year before.

The Committee's first meeting touched on a great many
of the issues of interest to Otlet. Destree had placed on the
agenda the matter of a permanent international center. He
also suggested that an International University should be
created under the auspices of the League. Another member
of the Committee raised the matter of an International Library
growing from material flowing into it through the adoption
of international deposit regulations. The most important issue
before the Committee, in its view, however, was the interna-
tional organisation of bibliography. The work of the Inter-
national Institute of Bibliography was described and praised
by Destree. Others suggested the need for a uniform classi-
fication, though G. de Reynold, Professor of French Literature
at Berne University and rapporteur for the Committee, believ-
ed the «decimal system» was imperfect because of lacunae.
The idea that bibliography should be placed under the aegis
of the International Research Council was discussed and so
was the need to consult librarians, bibliographers and technic-
al experts before any decisions about bibliography should be
taken. A distinction was made between retrospective biblio-
graphy and current bibliography, the needs of the latter being
strongly related, it was thought, to the development of
adequate abstracting services. On the whole it was agreed that
«questions of documentation and bibliography were extremely
complicated  because  of  their  technical  nature».   The  diverse

256

views expfessed at its meetings and the complexity of the
subject eventually led the Committee to decide to appoint
a sub-committee to consider the matters involved. The Sub-
Committee as constituted was to meet under the chairmanship
of Bergson, and was to consist of Destree, Madame Curie-
Sklowdowska, and from three to five co-opted experts. Later
in the year four experts were appointed to the Sub-Committee,
all but one of them librarians.

When Bergson closed the first series of meetings of the
Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, he observed that their
initial achievement was essentially that of having isolated
questions to be settled, of having defined a program for
further study. As the Committee reported to the League
Council:

The international organisation for scientific documentation, particu-
larly bibliography, is essential for all intellectual co-operation; scien-
tific relations are very intimately connected with this question. For
this reason, the world of science unanimously desires that such an
organisation may be established as soon as possible. The Committee
therefore gave this priority over scientific research and interuniversity
relations.20

Otlet reviewed the Committee's deliberations with no
satisfaction at all but with great suspicion and then with a
kindling anger. Reporting to the International Associations at
the beginning of 1923 on the UIA's relations with the League,
especially with its new Committee, Otlet observed that Nitobe
had referred to the UIA in an address which opened the
work of the Committee, but it had received no other mention.
No one, not even Destree, had been prepared to recognise
that the UIA had already created the basis for an international
university and an international library. The idea of this library
receiving its material from the operation of an international
deposit regulation had been part of the UIA's plans for the
development of its library, and had been discussed in its World
Congresses of 1910 and 1920. Moreover, the foundations of
an international center existed at Brussels and the possibility
of the Committee's building upon them, which should have
been fully explored, was completely neglected. In fact, even
the general idea of the value of such a center to the Commit-
tee had hardly been discussed at all. It was true, he acknow-
ledged, that the work of the IIB had been drawn to the atten-
tion of the Committee, but the Committee had also apparently
rejected the IIB as the basis for the organisation of biblio-
graphy and documentation, of the necessity for which it
appeared to be convinced, and, after a number of proposals,
only the most general resolutions about bibliography in no
way clearly involving the IIB, had been adopted. Otlet's bitter
conclusion was that a second phase had now begun in the
relations of the UIA with the League in which

17—3391                                                                                 257

the Union sees itself as discarded by the Committee [on Intellectual
Co-operation]; it is not even called to work with its Sub-Committee.
The seminal idea which had led to the formation of the Committee is
not even discussed, and the parts of the idea, which the Union has
itself been successful in expressing in some first institutions, are
taken over by others who give them out as their own and receive
support.21

These views were reinforced by de Reynold, the rapport-
eur of the International Committee on Intellectual Co-opera-
tion, who published an article about its early work in i\\& Revue
de Geneve towards the end of 1922, disparaging grandiose,
impractical and visionary schemes for the organisation of
intellectual work. Otlet was incensed by his attitude, and ca-
refully and rather savagely dissected the article.22 Indeed, so
concerned was he by the implications of the views put forward
by de Reynold that he unburdened himself about them to the
League of Nations Union in England which had proposed at
this time to send a delegate to Brussels to look over the Pa-
lais Mondial and especially examine the geographical museum
there. The visitor was gladly received, Otlet reported to the
Union upon his departure, but he had arrived in Brussels

just when we were strongly upset by the recent attitude of the Com-
mittee on Intellectual Work of the League of Nations. Although the
formation of this Committee is due to our unceasing action ... the
members comprising it have counted our work as not existing in their
work. .. This injustice and wastage of effort augurs very badly for
the rest of the work... We throw up a cry of alarm and invite you
[the Union of Associations for the League of Nations] to examine the
Committee's work very attentively. As all who understand the League
agree, co-operation should be its foundation. But destruction is about to
take place if the principles revealed ... by M. de Reynold ... are fol-
lowed.23

On the 19th December, Otlet and La Fontaine sent a tele-
gram to Drummond expressing their concern about the
Committee and their dismay at not having been asked to give
evidence before it, or in any way participate in its meetings.
Drummond replied that the Committee's first session had
been essentially preparatory but that the Committee had
decided to invite a representative from the IIB to participate
in the next series of deliberations of the Sub-Committee on
Bibliography, an invitation duly sent.24

It seems clear that Otlet had over-reacted, and that neither
he nor La Fontaine had appreciated the deliberateness with
which the Committee had proceeded to define its areas of
interest, examine possible forms of organisation, and debate
what immediately useful and practical kinds of action it
might take. Nor had they appreciated the financial constraints
within which the Committee had to function and which quickly
became so restrictive that the Committee was forced to turn

258

to outside help to implement any program at all. Otlet
and La Fontaine were in no position to offer the kind of
financial assistance needed, and became less so as the situation
of the Palais Mondial gradually deteriorated. Nor was the
UIA without at least an indirect voice in the Committee's
affairs. La Fontaine became a member of the Belgian National
Committee on Intellectual Co-operation set up in 1922, one of
the first of such local bodies which the Committee had decided
were «the best means of organising co-operation and promoting
exchange*.25

GEDDES, THE SUB-COMMITTEE ON BIBLIOGRAPHY

At the very beginning of 1923, Patrick Geddes wrote to
Otlet regretting that they had not corresponded much since
the War. He had been wondering how the two of them might
collaborate. Since he had seen him last, Geddes informed
Otlet, he had been occupied with various matters of interest
to them both. One of them was sociological theory:

Since Comte, Spencer, since Le .Play, Demobius, since Ward and the
Americans, since the Institut Solvay, the School of de Greef and de
Tarde, of Durkheim ... the synthetic view is missing, and even the
attraction of speculative thought seems to me in rotation rather than
progress. Am I wrong? I wish I were. Can you show me with the help
of your bibliographic knowledge, and above all, with your general
view, where I can draw on new and fecund ideas?26

Geddes was in India at this time, and he described his life
there to Otlet. He was occupied at the University of Bombay,
and elsewhere through consultative engagements, with the
dual strands of his work: sociology and town-planning. Delhi
he described as «a new town of imperial megalomania, a sad
town of bureaucrats gathered together to build their tombs,
truly like the Sultans of the past». Soon he was to come to
Europe to look at universities and then to go to the United
States which he had not seen since his tour in 1900. He asked
Otlet to examine the bibliographic store of the RBU for
material which contained «something in the way of critiques
of universities as they are, and yet more, propositions for the
future...» Above all came the plea, «Why not co-ordinate our
ideas a little and your presentation on the grand scale with
mine on the small ...?»27

Otlet seems not to have responded very strongly to this
overture, which, because of the long friendship and the common
philosophical interests and orientation of the two men, must
have been very appealing. But his attention was riveted on
the field of his immediate actions, a battlefield in which
victory was yet to be won or lost. In March 1923 the Sub-
Committee on Bibliography of the League's Committee on
Intellectual Co-operation met to deal   with   various   problems.

17*                                                                          25a

One of them was the future role of the IIB, and La Fontaine
represented the IIB at the Sub-Committee's deliberations which
were held in the Palais Mondial itself. The Sub-Committee
resolved

...that the important pioneer work accomplished by the Internatio-
nal Institute of Bibliography in the domain of international bibliogra-
phy, should be used as much as possible ...; the Sub-Committee, ...
considering the services which a universal repertory... would provide;
considering that it would be premature at the moment to propose a
single system of classification, also premature to attempt to establish
a Universal Bibliography by subject; considering that it is possible,
however, to establish by international agreement an alphabetic reper-
tory by author's names; considering that it is important that such an
enterprise be based on the results already obtained in this matter by
a great international institution... (resolves) ... 1) that the Interna-
tional Institute of Bibliography should be chosen as the unique inter-
national depot for the bibliography of works arranged alphabetically
by author's names; 2) that the International Committee on Intellectu-
al Co-operation should decide to study the means by which this or-
ganisation can be achieved under the auspices of the League of Nations
with the agreement of appropriate national and international
associations and institutions.28

These resolutions were adopted by the Committee when it met
at Geneva at the end of July, together with a further resolu-
tion that central or national libraries should be encouraged to
send two free copies of their catalogs to the IIB, together
with two copies of any supplements.

Otlet now conceived another vast undertaking which re-
flected his dissatisfaction with the League of Nations which had
not «achieved a desirable universality*, he declared.

Its functions have remained confined to a limited area; representation
at it is purely diplomatic without relation to parliaments, political par-
ties, and the great associations. The nations remain independent and
act as if there were no League of Nations. War continues to menace.
The uncertainties and troubles of the time show that the work of
reconstruction is merely an outline.

What was needed in Otlet's view was the assembly of a great
international convention to draw up «a world constitution
which could provide a real basis upon which Humanity can
move towards its future». «Every interest, every nuance of mod-
ern thought» would need to be represented at this convention.
By way of preparation for it, the UIA would mount a vast
«enquiry-referendum» under the name Les Cahiers de la Paix.
These would be analagous to the material prepared by the
Deputies of the Estates-General in France at the time of the
French Revolution. In this material the French had expressed
their grievances and their wishes. «This», said Otlet, «is the
only way a new regime can succeed an old regime». The idea,
he stressed, had already received some support, and when the
material was collected it would be indexed and organised at
the UIA headquarters in the Palais   Mondial in Brussels by a

260

special commission of experts. A draft World Constitution
would then be drawn up and an unofficial conference called
at the Palais Mondial to examine it and to decide how to pro-
ceed to the ultimate goal of an official world constitutional con-
vention. A circular about Les Cahiers de la Paix was issued in
April and Otlet hoped to be able to call an introductory confer-
ence later in the year.29 In this way, one may suppose, Otlet
hoped to implement the World Charter he had devised during
the War, but nothing whatsoever seems to have come of Les
Cahiers de la Paix.

Otlet was also at this time vigorously pursuing the work
of the Committee for an International City which had its seat
at the Palais Mondial.30 The desirability of an international
city had been recognised by the Conference to Develop the In-
stitutes of the Palais Mondial. The idea, however, was a much
older one reaching back to the period before the War to the
work of Hendrik Andersen and the deliberations of the UIA
World Congress in 1913. The Belgian Government had decid-
ed to hold a Universal Exposition at Brussels in 1930, the
year of Belgium's Centennial Anniversary. Otlet had immedi-
ately fallen upon this as providing at a blow the basis for
the International City. He made a report to this effect to the
UIA and the Union Internationale des Villes both of which had
actively pursued the idea. In his opinion such a city should
ideally be placed under the protection of the League oi
Nations whose secretariat should be set up in it. The exposition
of 1930, as it seemed to him, should be something different
from other expositions.

It should mark a new development in the already very varied series
of Universal Expositions. There is now an opportunity to let it express
a complete and living synthesis of universal progress...A similar
synthesis should be incorporated in a city yet to be built, a city which
should be a model in all matters, a commemorative monument worthy
of the added efforts of all people, a permanent location for all inter-
national activities, the symbol of the new Humanity.31

In 1923,, plans, propaganda, meetings, correspondence about
the city were given impetus by the government's brief
occupancy of part of the Palais Mondial in 1922, its refusal to
transmit to other governments the recommendations of and
convention drawn up at the Conference to Develop the Insti-
tutes of the Palais Mondial, and by the threat of furher
disruption in 1924.

THE RUBBER FAIR

During the early part of 1923, publicity was given in Bel-
gium to a British Rubber Fair which was to come to Brussels
in February 1924. There was speculation about where it would
be held. The Palais du Cinquantenaire was once again sug-

261

gested as, a good venue for such an event and on the
27th July 1923, Otlet was officially informed that the UIA
would be required to vacate by the 1st February 1924 the parts
of the Palais du Cinquantenaire which were occupied by it.
The Rubber Fair was to last a fortnight and all of the space
used by the UIA, except for several small offices, would be
required. It was abundantly clear, therefore, that this would
be a major dislocation and could even prove fatal if it took
place.

Otlet threw himself into the task of saving the work of
nearly thirty years with all the energy he had, and the rest of
the year was a period of desperate activity the mark of which
he never lost. On the one hand he strove to reverse the
government's decision, and on the other he had to continue
his negotiations with the League of Nations and its Inter-
national Committee on Intellectual Co-operation. He could not
even afford to prosecute these less vigorously because any
success at the League would strengthen his position in rela-
tion to the government, and so they became ever more anxious,
intense and frustrating. That the IIB had not fared badly at the
League and seemed on the verge of faring better was to him
almost irrelevant. It was the whole of his institutions that con-
cerned him, and undue attention to any one of them threatened
the integrity of the whole.

In June of 1923 he published a short document summaris-
ing the relations of the UIA with the Belgian government.32
This was followed in July, when the Government had made its
position clear, by a Bulletin cancelling a fourth Quinzaine In-
ternationale which had been planned for August 1923. He
alerted Sir Eric Drummond at the League to the conflict that
was beginning between the UIA and the government,33 and
submitted a note to him outlining ways in which the League
might help.34 Drummond's staff in the legal section of the Sec-
retariat deliberated over the note for a month and then con-
cluded, as they had concluded in 1922, that the conflict was
essentially an internal one and could not involve the League.
But now they went further and analysed the UIA's rights.
The UIA could not surrender its collections to any official in-
ternational organisation unless an international convention
establishing such an organisation were signed. Nor could the
UIA claim the protection of the League under Article 24 of
its Covenant because this Article was applicable only to offi-
cial international organisations existing by treaty between
governments. Moreover, the UIA could not have access to
the International Court of Justice for its jurisdiction was
limited to disputes between States.35 This decision showed
how far-reaching were the consequences of the Belgian
government's decision  to  refuse to transmit to other governments

262

the convention protocols arising from the Conference to
Develop the Institutes of the Palais Mondial, a convention
-which, if signed, would have set up the Palais Mondial as an
official international organisation under the protection of
signatory states. To Otlet, the League's decision suggested
only the inadequacies of current international law and admin-
istration which cried out for rectification and he strongly
protested against them.36

He was encouraged in his desire to reject the League and
the government, both of whom he felt were conspiring against
him, for some more neutral, uncomplicated form of support,
by the visit of Godfrey Dewey, Melvil Dewey's son, to Brus-
sels to see him at the beginning of September 1923. The two
men discussed a wide range of topics. Among a number of
bibliographical subjects discussed was the possibility of the
joint publication of a single, polyglot edition of the Decimal
Classification in French, English and possibly German and
Russian. Above all, however, the two men discussed the Palais
Mondial.

In speaking with Godfrey Dewey, Otlet emphasised the
strict interdependence of the parts of the Palais Mondial (Bib-
liography, Library, Encyclopedia, Museum, University and
Union of International Associations). He admitted, however,
that the institution which formed the whole from these parts,
could only be considered a first and imperfect attempt at a
greater, more useful institution, a «New Palais Mondial*,
which would eventually rise in some hospitable location. Here,
on some auspicious day in the future, occupying a great many
buildings, it would represent the nucleus of an International
City.

He described the events that had led to his disillusion
with the League of Nations, and hinted at political manoeuver-
ing both in Brussels and Geneva against the Palais Mondial
and the UIA. Because of the various incidents between the
UIA and League, it had become necessary, he now believed,
to associate the work of the Palais Mondial as clearly as
possible with a movement to reform the League. When the
League had been set up, Otlet's hopes had been high that
through it the world might be constituted anew and apart
from politics, or at least in a way not entirely limited by po-
litical considerations. This had not been done. The League,
which should have been an intellectual, economic and politi-
cal society of nations, was not. «In its structure*, Otlet said,
«there should be a place for official action, and one for that
¦of associations and individuals*. There was none, particularly
since the League's Council had decided in July of 1923
no longer to accept direct communications from individuals
or   non-governmental   international   associations.

263

The major problem facing the Palais Mondial, as Otlet
now saw it, was how to extricate it from politics in Belgium
and in the League, and so assure it freedom for unhampered
development. Should the Palais Mondial be kept in Brussels,
and American intervention sought to ensure its financial sup-
port and to influence the government into shouldering its
resposibilities for it? Should it be set up in some other Euro-
pean city? Should it, or a duplicate of it, be moved to America,,
perhaps established in conjunction with the Lake Placid Club
run by the Deweys?37 These were some of the alternatives
examined by Otlet and Godfrey Dewey. No decisions were
made, but Dewey's visit and his interest were reassuring to
Otlet who certainly took from their meetings a vision of some
of America's abundant wealth flowing into and strengthening
his now foundering institutions.

At its meeting in July-August 1923, the International Com-
mittee on Intellectual Co-operation having adopted unanimous-
ly the Sub-Committee on Bibliography's resolutions about the
IIB, debated the problem of creating international libraries
and of compiling an Index Bibliographicus which would
provide listings of bibliographical institutions and periodicals
in all countries in the world and in all areas of knowledge.
This latter project was approved almost at once by the
League's General Assembly, which, when it met in Septem-
ber, urged that use should be made of the work of the IIB
wherever possible.38 Bergson spoke to the Assembly about the
crippling problems faced by the Committee because of its
meagre budget which had been reduced in 1923 to nearly half
its former already inadequate amount,; and its lack of a per-
manent executive body without which continuous international
action was impossible.39 The League's Council, supported by
the Assembly, eventually authorised the Committee to accept
outside funds and «a somewhat desperate appeal directed to
the 'generosity of the various states and even of the private
associations' was issued».40

During October 1923, Geddes, who had arrived in Europe
and was in almost daily contact with Otlet, visited Paris and
held long conversations with Bergson. «He is quite honest and'
open», Geddes reported to the suspicious, persecution-prone
Otlet. «It is a pity that you don't try personal contact with him
and his Committee in place of doing everything by correspon-
dence.» Leon Bourgeois, it turned out, Geddes informed Otlet,
had been the stumbling block which had prevented Bergson
and the Committee acknowledging and fully understanding
Otlet's ideas and the work of his institutions in Brussels. It
seemed to Geddes that

he   is   (they   are)   ignorant  not   only  of  your  work,   but   too  much;
of all things of this order... However,  it is necessary    to say that

264

they begin to understand this, and that they proposed to come to-
Brussels, without my having to prompt (as you can imagine, I have
done and will do all I can to see that he does not forget this good'
resolution). He understood that all the ideas that you believe valuable
behind your works, were from Leon Bourgeois to whom they attri-
buted the paternity. But don't write anything: he is intelligent enough
to understand ... They have had much difficulty with the philistinism
of the politicians ... Now for your part, dear friend, let me make my
little protest to you. The question is not as simple as it appears to
you in your isolation as specialist for generalisation, and in the face
of a Committee of amateurs. Believe me that they are still educable.
Remember also that you are not the only prophet... Go on tour, from
Aberystwyth to Tagore, from New York to San Francisco... It is
necessary to come out of your absorption, even in your work. I have
loyally recognised them as being the most important I know — but
not the only ones.

Geddes saw Otlet and himself as struggling to achieve a
wider recognition of the «synthetic» philosophy or motivation
underlying their work. He was concerned with an idea, not
like Otlet who jealously identified himself with the insti-
tutions he had created to embody it. Geddes promised to do all
he could with Bergson to encourage him to support the Palais
Mondial, to emphasise its value to the Committee.

But, thanking you again for all you have given me, and congratulating
you again on your work, I am a little disappointed, even in terms
of your own interests, that your tension of mind does not permit you
to give me an hour for criticism and for strengthening my line af at-
tack which is not only that of presenting my own personal efforts for
a common synthesis, which I believe would be useful to you, but also
the general movement — I dare say mondial — however fragmented
and dispersed.

You are like a general too separated from his army which, for the
most part, doesn't know him any more. Think of synthesis as a move-
ment in progress, more vast even than the field of your associations,
of your bibliography, etc., despite their importance, even as their cen-
ter. Think of the Universities in the same way — that you wish to re-
peat the dominating influence of the University of France earlier,
even of Oxford, and now of London for Great Britain and Salamanca
for Spain. Down with the super-universities! Long live free civic and
regional universities. But create a clearing—house for them, congresses,
summer, Christmas, Easter meetings. But take notice of realities too...
Will the International University be international always? It is
beyond the capabilities of any man; all you will do is to create a re-
volt against the new Vatican. You will say that it isn't your intention
to pontificate at all. I know it—but unfortunately this is the impression
you continue to give. And I seriously believe that if you substitute
the idea of International University meetings for your ^International
University* you would in fact have something more than that indeed.
I depend upon our long friendship for you not to be hurt by this
frankness, and to recognise the loyalty of co-operation which
inspires it.41

For Otlet, in the middle of his feverish struggle to keep the
Palais Mondial alive, this letter must have been something of
a shock, but he took no offence from the penetrating criticisms
it contained. In replying to it, he expressed regret that he had

265

not been able to express clearly enough his real preferences
in ideas. But Geddes must understand, he said, that he was
«... an indignant man, pressed by necessity in the form of the
League of Nations and the Belgian government*. He could
not do more than take to his pen. At the Palais Mondial «the
daily administration absorbs me; the uncertainty of the morrow
¦of the work deflects me from all other preoccupations now. And
I become hard and angry, unjust perhaps. But you are wrong
about my fundamental wish. To call me by the qualitative,
'Pope', when I have always been for the Ecumenical
Council...!* It seemed to him that, in the end, he had done
himself just what he had reproached others for doing to him —
not listening. «It is bad; it is irritating; it is ridiculous. I
should have given over my incessant preoccupation with the
care of the ground floor and mounted with you to the higher
stories, to the habitation of purer ideas.» He was startled by
Geddes' revelation that there was a plan Bourgeois, and was
glad to learn that the Committee was educable. (Some scepti-
cism,, however, could be forgiven him when one recalls that the
Sub-Committee on Bibliography had visited Brussels, and that
Otlet had had some early correspondence with Bourgeois and
later with the Committee itself.) He concluded that «the
deception will have been great! It [the committee] should con-
stitute a real federative force; it is that which will become the
Vatican, or at least a 'Congregation Pontificale'».42

It is interesting to see reflected in a satire appearing in a
literary review at about this time, aspects of Otlet's persona-
lity and attitudes that Geddes had criticised. There is no doubt
that Geddes was accurate in his assessment of the unfortu-
nate impression that Otlet was creating. The satire was a re-
port of a visit to Otlet and the Palais Mondial. Otlet's inter-
locutor, who at no time mentioned Otlet's name during the
course of his visit, referring to him simply as «my host», ad-
verted to the use in earlier times of the rooms in the Palais
Mondial for what was called the Spring Exhibition of Painting.
He elicited the comment from his host:

Before-the War, Before-the-War—that was a preparatory period.
Led by a supreme and mysterious will, man erected the temple for
ends which he could not understand. Deceiving himself, he had sacri-
ficed them, turn and turn about, to trade, entertainment and art, as
you call what are to me these crude impressions of the mind. He was
groping for the true destination of his work. I came. I drove out the
merchants. And henceforth misfortune be on any of those of them who
return. When they suggested at the beginning of the year that they
should return in force to install their ungodly fair here, I hurled
anathemas at the whole tribe, and have vowed to deliver them
over to the execrations of the people. My Papal edict: the creations of
the mind are being threatened, the righteous indignation of the people
has been roused».

266

His visitor reported himself as sticking to his guns in favour
of painting, and received the following outburst in reply:

What could be more disgraceful, more disorderly than an exhibition
of painting? Nothing of that peaceful regularity which sustains the
health of the mind. Not even a common measure. Nothing but disparate
dimensions, separate frames, medleys of colour without relation,
a scattering of originality in thousands of hues, thousands of forms,
thousands of objects without connection, without a pleasant grada-
tion from one to another.

It is necessary to restrain this anarchy. It is necessary to order,
regulate, discipline, classify. When, Sir, these works of our painters
and sculptors are described by my methods, their descriptions conden-
sed in my files, my files numbered, arranged in rows, put away in
alphabetic, chronologic, numeric, nominal, decimal, «mondial» order —
when art rejects dancing to a frenetic jazz band ... and returns to the
wisdom of my pigeon-holes — When art finally, O sublime perfection,
will be a card and a number — then your friends will find, not
a Spring exhibition, but a perennial exhibition from which the mer-
chant has been forever banished.

Thereupon, his host whispered mysteriously to his visitor that
ihe figures on the Brussels town-hall showing the slaying of
a dragon by an angel represented in effect «the spirit of Lucre
and ME». Then he became absorbed in a moment of internal
contemplation. Emerging from it, he touched the cabinet be-
iore him with «his sovereign finger, that finger made to sup-
port a forehead round and heavy with omniscience*, and sum-
med up his work:

Here is the miracle of method, MY miracle, and the wonder of unifor-
mity, MY wonder. In this cabinet you have the world — Why do I say
world? ... The Universe, the universe completely contained in ten cubic
metres of cards ... Man has erected cathedrals to house the Host. This
is true, but beyond the Host there is an idea, there is God, while
here ... here, Sir, there is ME43.

EXPULSION

Despite Otlet's anathemas and appeals to the «righteous
indignation* of the public, the Government was in no way
swayed from its decision to resume the Palais Mondial for the
English Rubber Fair. Otlet had published a pamphlet at the
end of September 1923 designed to refute the charges of the
Government that the UIA had no rights to the areas occupied
by it in the Palais du Cinquantenaire. Its rights, according to
Otlet, were in fact threefold: legal rights (embodied in arretes
royaux and other documents), rights in fact, and moral
rights.44 «The decision of the Government is final. The Union
of International Associations must submit to it,» Baron Ru-
zetti, the Minister for Public Works, informed Otlet and La
Fontaine.45

267

In early November, however, the Government requested
the Royal Academy of Belgium to examine the collections of
the Palais Mondial and attempt to evaluate their scholarly
worth independently of other judgments. The Academy report-
ed in January 1924 unfavourably. Representatives from the
Academy from both the Class of Literature and that of
Science had agreed the collections of the IIB had no value.
The collections of the Museum,, they agreed had some value,
but the representatives from the two Classes differed as to
how much. Outright condemnation would, no doubt, have been
unwise because Otlet claimed that the Museum had been vis-
ited by over 50,000 people during 1923, a figure greater than
any to which even the oldest museums of the City could
point.46 Moreover, their judgment was completely opposite to
that of the 1922 commission of academics whom the govern-
ment had set about the same task. On this occasion the Mu-
seum was thought to be without value and the collections of
the IIB important. Otlet refused to accept the opinions of the
Academy, formed, he observed dryly, after an inspection of no
more than half an hour in the IIB's rooms and an hour and a
half in those of the Museum.

Late in November, Baron Ruzetti suggested that other lo-
cations could be found for the Palais Mondial, and proposed
to make available some old abandoned railway engine sheds.
This offer was indignantly refused. As the year drew on, var-
ious questions were asked in Parliament about what was to
happen to the Palais Mondial. A number of ministers, includ-
ing the Prime Minister himself, tried unsuccessfully within
parliament itself to influence La Fontaine, one of the Senate's
most respected figures, to agree to the UIA's eviction from
the Palais du Cinquantenaire without further fuss. Meetings
between Otlet and La Fontaine and Ruzetti and others were
arranged without agreement or compromise being reached.
Otlet, in desperation, wrote to Cardinal Mercier the eminent
cleric and Neo-Thomist who had been called, during the Ger-
man occupation, the «conscience of Belgium», to all the Heads
of Diplomatic Missions in Brussels, to the Belgium represen-
tatives at the League, and he petitioned the King. Towards the
end of January 1924, Baron Ruzetti made a new offer of
alternate locations which would be appropriate for the Secre-
tariat of the UIA — a small, pleasant building tucked away on
a boulevard, Rue Joseph II, and undertook to ensure that any
of the UIA's collections not transferred to this location would
be carefully stored in an unused part of the Palais du Cin-
quantenaire.

Otlet regarded himself as having been a prey to political
victimisation. Why had the Government been  so implacable?

268

No doubt tnere were many reasons, as mentioned in connection
with the events of 1922. But there was now one more. «ln
foreign politics*, the year 1923 in Belgium, «was marked by the
aggressive policy of the Franco-Belgian Allies towards Ger-
many, of which the invasion of the Ruhr was the principal ma-
nifestation*.47 The Paris section of the Union of Associations
for the League of Nations had included on its agenda for 1923
a resolution requesting that the Belgian and French Govern-
ments refrain from invading the Ruhr. This had appeared in
its Bulletin. In May, 1923 Otlet had been invited to the Mi-
nistry of Sciences and Arts, to explain this public opposition
to the Government's policy, for the Union of Associations for
the League of Nations had its headquarters in the Palais Mon-
dial. The Department of Foreign Affairs had drawn the atten-
tion of the Department of Sciences and Arts to this fact, and
in consequence, Otlet alleged, had refused to carry out the
resolutions of the Conference of the Development of the In-
stitutes of the Palais Mondial. Otlet pointed out that the Union
of International Associations was completely different from
the Union of Associations for a League of Nations. This dis-
tinction was ignored and he was informed, he said, that «it
is not permissible that such publications should emanate from
an organisation which has enjoyed the hospitality of the
Government in State buildings*. As late as November Otlet was
still having questions asked in Parliament about this and the
Minister for Foreign Affairs denied that he and his colleague,
the Minister for Sciences and Arts, had said that they
«would not tolerate» such a publication as the Bulletin in
¦question.

The culmination occurred on the morning of the 12th
February 1924. A body of professional movers joined some
gardeners outside the Palais Mondial. At nine o'clock, the
Principal Architect of Public Buildings entered the building
and went straight to Otlet's office. He asked Otlet toco-operate
in moving the UIA's furniture and collections. Otlet refused.
The official retired to seek advice from his department and was
ordered to continue. Otlet again refused to co-operate and in-
sisted that he leave the building immediately. Upon his de-
parture, Otlet and his staff at once locked all the doors behind
him, barricading themselves inside their «gloomy offices», as
an unsympathetic observer wrote, «protected by innumerable
green files and their ramparts of cards». About a quarter of
an hour later, a force of thirty men broke into the building and
proceeded to block off the access of the offices Otlet was allow-
ed to retain to the rest of the building in which the UIA's
collections were housed. Then, under Otlet's eyes, they began
to disassemble the collections. He was forced to watch the re-
moval, as he said to a reporter who came along later in the

269

day, «by gardeners in clogs of delicate relief maps of the Alps-
donated by the Italian Government*.

When he was asked what he would do next, Otlet replied'
that he was considering two courses of action: the first to
seek legal redress, the second to move to another country.
«Many countries have made us offers», he said. «We could go
to Paris, the Hague, Rome, New York.» This was an empty
boast and he was mocked for having made it. For the next
few weeks the labourers in their clogs came and went among
the collections. Some of the material was stored, the rest of it
was piled into carts which were drawn up outside the building,
and taken to the Rue Joseph II where Otlet had been forced
to accept quarters. On one occasion as the carts started to
trundle away, it was reported that one melancholy onlooker,
«his umbrella under his arm, followed them as though he had
fallen into step with a funeral procession*.

A few days after the removal began, a visiting reporter
found a number of rooms already completely empty, and ice-
cold in their barrenness. He learned that «some foreign person-
alities* were there having discussions with Otlet. They were,
he thought when he saw them, «more stupefied than indignant,,
not being able to grasp the brutal fact» of what the Govern-
ment had done. One can imagine Otlet's despair. He and La
Fontaine were described as being like Marius weeping before
the ruins of Carthage. Indicating Leon Wouters who was with
him, Otlet said to a reporter: «I have laboured for 27 years
with M. Wouters here, in this idealistic work . . . the library
alone, 130,000 volumes of it, took three months to install in
1920 when it was only a quarter of its present size...» With
him too, was Alfred Carlier, whom be described as «the learn-
ed artist* who had produced the Museum's thirty historical
dioramas. «Do you know how much he earns?* asked Otlet,
«four hundred francs a month. Everyone here works from a
purely artistic and philanthropic spirit.»

For many these events spelled the end of the Palais.
Mondial. Some regarded this as just further evidence of the
folly and weakness of evermore insecure Belgian Governments,
increasingly powerless to control for any length of time the
Belgian franc whose accelerating decline seemed on the verge
of precipitating the country into financial ruin. Some regret-
ted the passing of the Palais Mondial, accepting to a greater
or lesser extent Otlet's own evaluation of its significance and
achievements. Others did not, resenting the proprietary terms
Otlet used in asserting his claims to the parts of the Palais
du Cinquantenaire occupied by it. They were contemptuous of
its  collections,  the  documentary work which  had    cumulated

270

from the labours «of patient spiders», and thought that the
battle to retain the Palais Mondial ludicrous in its conduct,,
fully satisfactory in its outcome.

FOOTNOTES

1.  Nitobe to Otlet,  13 February  1922, Dossier No. 39, «Societe desNati-
ons», Mundaneum.

2.  Ibid.

3.  Paul  Colin,  «Belgium»,  Annual Register,  1921     (London:     Longmans
Green, 1922), p. 233.

4.  Vernon Mallinson, Belgium   (London:  Ernest Bean,   1970), p. 97.

5.  Les Titres du Palais Mondial:  deuxieme memorandum  sur les  rapports
avec  le  gouvernement   beige   (Publication    No.   110;     Bruxelles:     UIA,
1923), p. 14 (my emphasis).

6.  Otlet to Nitobe, undated, Dossier No. 39, «Societe des Nations*, Mun-
daneum.

7.  Les Titres du Palais Mondial..., p. 14

8.  Nitobe to Otlet,  19 April   1922,  Dossier  No.  39,  «Societe  des  Nations*,
Mundaneum.

9.  Otlet    to    Nitobe,    11    May    1922,    ibid.

10.  Secretaries General to Nitobe, 17 March 1922, ibid.

11.  Nitobe to La Fontaine, 22 May 1922, ibid.

12.  Secretary, UIA to Nitobe, 16 September 1922, ibid.

13.  UIA,  Code des   Voeux Internationaux:  codification   generale  des  voeux
et resolutions  des  organismes  internationaux  ...  elabore  et  publie  par
l'UIA sous l'egide de la  Societe    des    Nations     (tome    1;    Publication
No.    104;    Bruxelles:    UIA,    1923).

14.  «Etat  statistique  des   institutions   du   Palais  Mondiab,     Les  Titres  du
Palais Mondial, p. 19.

15.  Conference  pour  le  developpement  des  institutions  du  Palais Mondial,.
Bruxelles,  20  au  22  aoiit   1922,  proces—verbaux   (Publication   No.   106;
Bruxelles:    UIA,    1922).

16.  L'Affaire du Palais Mondial: documents  (Publication No.  112; Bruxelles:
UIA,    1924),    pp.    4,    44—45.

17.  Nitobe to La Fontaine,  16 May,  1922, Dossier No. 39, «Societe des Na-
tions*, Mundaneum.

18.  Paul  Otlet, La Societe  des Nations  et I'Union des Associations  Inter-
nationales: rapport aux associations sur les premiers actes de la Com-
mission  de  Cooperation  Intellectuelle   (Publication  No.   107;    Bruxelles:
UIA, 1923), p. 7.

19.  Paul Otlet, Introduction aux travaux de la Commission de Cooperation
Intellectuelle de la Societe des Nations  (Publication No.  105; Bruxelles:
UIA, 1922).

20.  Most of the text of the Committee's deliberations and the various mo-
tions placed before it are given in E. C. Richardson,    Some Aspects of
International   Library   Co-operation   (Yardley,   Pa:   F.   S.   Cook,   1928),
pp.  68—79.  Quotations   are   from   this   source.  An  outline  of   the  full

271

range oi topics covered and decisions made is given in C. H. Livermore,
The Third Yearbook of the League of Nations for the Year 1922 (Brook-
lyn: The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 1923), pp. 216—218.

21.  In  his  report  to  the Associations,  Otlet  excerpts  the Proces—verbaux
and other documents, appending his own comments. Much of the do-
cument is heavily ironical. See Paul Otlet, La Societe des Nations    et
I'Union des Associations Internationales, passim.

22.  Ibid., pp. 20—25.

23.  Education Committee of the League of Nations Union, London to Otlet,
3 January  1923;  and Otlet to the League of Nations  Union,  London,
12 January 1923, Dossier No. 39 «Societe des Nations», Mundaneum.

24.  Paul Otlet, La Societe des Nations et I'Union des Associations Interna-
tionales,   pp.   25—26.

25.  Quoted from the Committee's minutes by Jan Kolasa, International In-
tellectual Co-operation  (Wroclaw), Poland: Wroclaw Scientific    Society,
1962). Kolasa lists the national committees formed in 1922 in a footnote,
p.   26).

26.  Geddes to Otlet,  19 January  1923, Dossier 92 (G), Otletaneum.

27.  Ibid.

28.  IIB, Bulletin de s&ptembre 1923.   (Publication No.   134;    Bruxelles:  IIB,
1923), p. 11.

29.  UIA, Bulletin du 15 juillet 1923  (Publication No.  109; Bruxelles:    UIA,
1923), pp. 3—4.

30.  Ibid.,   p.   4.

31.  Paul Otlet, L'Exposition Universelle de 1930 en Belgique et    Vetablisse-
ment d'une Cite  Iniernaticnale   (Publication  No. ,103;  Bruxelles:     UIA,
1921).

32.  Paul Otlet, Memorandum sur les rapports du gouvernement beige avec
I'UIA et le Palais Mondial  (Publication No. 108; Bruxelles: UIA, 1923).

33.  Paul  Otlet  to   Secretary  General,     15 August   1923,     Dossier  No.  39,
«Societe   des   Nations*,   Mundaneum.

34.  «Union des Associations Internationales et Societe des Nations*,    note
No.    5121,    4    August    1923,    ibid.

35.  Van Hemel, Director of the Legal Section, for the Secretary General to
Otlet,    26    September    1923,    ibid.

36.  Otlet to Secretary General, 3 October 1923, ibid.

37.  «Note  sur  les  entretiens  entre M.  Godfrey  Dewey  et M.  Paul  Otlet a
Bruxelles le 3 septeinbre  1923», Dossier No. 259, «Dewey», Mundaneum.

38.  The  League  of  Nations  and  Intellectual  Co-operation   (Geneva:   Infor-
mation Section, League of Nations Secretariat,  1927), pp. 26—27.

39.  Institut International de Cooperation Intellectuelle, Institut International
de     Cooperation     Intellectuelle,     1925—1946     (Paris:     the     Institute,

[1946?]), p. 211.

40.  Kolasa,   p.   31.

41.  Geddes  to  Otlet,  undated  letter  October  1923,  Dossier 92 (G),  Otleta-
neum.

42.  Otlet   to   Geddes,   9   October    1923,   ibid.

43.  A. Leinard,  «Le  Cinquantenaire  est  rendu  aux  Salons  de  Printemps»,
Le Thyrse, 1 July 1923, pp. 250—255.

272

44.  Les   Titrcts  du   Palais  Mondial,   p.   2.

45.  Many  of  the  letters,   documents   and   aecounts  in  the  press   (for  and
against) involved in the events at the time of and immediately before the
eviction of the UIA from the Palais du Cinquantenaire are reprinted in
L'Affaire du Palais Mondial: documents (Publication No. 112; Bruxelles:
UIA, March  1924)   and the account given in the next pages is taken
from   it   except   when   otherwise   indicated.

46.  Le Conflit du Palais Mondial   (Publication No.   Ill;  Bruxelles:     UIA,
1924),   p.    11.

47.  Paul   Colin,   «Belgium»,  Annual  Register,   1923   (London:      Longmans
Green,    1924),   p.   233.

18—3391

Chapter XII
GRADUAL DISINTEGRATION

THE MB

The Belgian government's resumption of the Palais Mon-
dial had extremely far-reaching consequences for Otlet's work.
It marked the beginning of an end. Afterwards there was never
any real hope that his vision of institutionalised synthesis could
ever become manifest, could ever become a    powerful tool for
standardisation, co-ordination, and co-operation in intellectual
work. The actions of the Government, real in that they arrested
the work of the Palais Mondial, disarranged its collections, and
discouraged its personnel, had yet an even more important sym-
bolic meaning of abandonment, rejection, denial. Nevertheless,
it should be mentioned that the government    at    the very last
moment before the eviction from the Palais du Cinquantenaire.
promised that it would permit the UIA to resume its  locations
there after the Fair, and made good that promise, though still
not admitting that the UIA had any permanent rights to them''
(a new eviction was    threatened for 1925) ? Moreover, in 1926
the government finally admitted that its actions in 1924    had
been a mistake. As Otlet said when he   reported the «vindica-
tion» of the Palais Mondial to Godfrey Dewey, it had all been
«a sort of Dreyfus affair».3 But what little comfort Otlet might
take from this must have been diminished considerably by the
government's almost permanent   state   of   crisis which led to
constantly changing Cabinets. Indeed, shortly    after the letter
admitting error had been written, a new government was for-
med under the former Minister for Foreign Affairs, who had, in
effect, quashed all official proceedings on the resolutions of the
1922 Conference to Develop the Institutes of the   Palais   Mon-
dial.4

At the end of the Rubber Fair, Otlet now nearing sixty,,
and a few voluntary supporters began the work of returning the
UIA's collections to the Palais du Cinquantenaire. This time,
however, there was no government help, and the work proceed-

274

ed very slowly. The repertories of the IIB were probably the
first to be set up again. By 1926 about half of the rooms of the
Museum had been reconstituted.5 In 1927 a valiant effort was
made to re-install the Library before the opening of a Confer-
ence of the IIB, called that year at the Palais Mondial. The
effort required exhausted Otlet.6

The year 1924 marked a turning point, then, in Otlet's
career and in the fortunes of the institutions he had created and
called the Palais Mondial. He was forced to recognise their
precariousness in Belgium and had to look abroad for help. The
supporters of the IIB were also forced to consider their own
attitudes towards these institutions. The IIB was the oldest and
intellectually, at least in terms of Otlet's rationalisation, at
their centre and their collapse as a whole would certainly bring
it down. The supporters of the IIB were, therefore, faced with
the alternatives of attempting to resuscitate it separately from
the other institutions, or of reviving them all. For Otlet his insti-
tutions were one, parts of a whole, inextricably linked by inten-
tion and in effect. In his view there could be no real separation
of one from the others without violent harm being done to them
all. Yet this view required a commitment to his philosophy of
synthesis rather than to a demonstrable fact and some saw no
necessity for the commitment. At the end of 1923, for example,
when eviction from the Palais du Cinquantenaire seemed cer-
tain, Masure, the IIB Secretary, and Losseau, that old and tried
supporter of the Institute, were convinced of the necessity of
extricating the IIB from the ruins of the Palais Mondial.
A newspaper article had made a comment to this effect, «con-
forming», Masure wrote to Losseau, «exactly to what we de-
sired». He added wryly, «needless to say, the article made Otlet
hop who wants at no price to separate the two organisations*.7

In June 1924, after the bouleversements of the Rubber Fair
in Brussels, a group of members of the IIB met formally in The
Hague under the chairmanship of La Fontaine to consider the
future of the IIB. Nine of the seventeen participants were from
Nider (Nederlandisch Instituut voor Documentatie en Registra-
tuur). Two matters were before the meeting: a draft of re-
vised statutes for the IIB, and a constitution for an Interna-
tional Committee for the Decimal Classification. The aims of
the IIB as stated in the revised statutes were:

1.  To  improve  and   unify  bibliographical   methods,   especially  classifi-
cation;

2.  to organise co-operation to elaborate or form works and collections,
especially the Repertoire Bibliographique Universelle;

3.   to establish,  for this,  an  international    center    for    co-ordination;

4.   to permit intellectual workers to use the collections, especially by
providing copies and extracts;

5.  to  multiply  bibliographical  and   documentary  services  in   all  coun-
tries.

18*                                                                                          275

The Institute pursues its work according to an overall plan, standard-
ised methods, and a convention having the purpose of forming
a Universal Network of Documentation, Publication and Information.
It co-operates in the International Center formed by the Union des
Associations Internationales.8

The statutes recognised three categories of members: effec-
tive, associate and honorary. Effective members were the only
ones with the right to vote. In Article 9, «Representation», ef-
fective members were described as regional or national organi-
sations having documentation or bibliography as their object.
Where such organisations did not exist, the Council of the IIB
could designate national representatives. Any international or-
ganisation, governmental or non-governmental with goals in-
volving human knowledge could also become effective members
of the Institute.9 These statutes as a whole did not express rad-
ically new ideas. They expressed, however, a new emphasis on
national or regional sections as underlying the Institute's organ-
isation. Otlet had always recognised the importance of nation-
al organisation for achieving the international goals of the
IIB, but had never viewed it as having the exclusive impor-
tance it was given in these statutes.

The statutes changed the Institute's emphasis in yet another
way. The RBU was now only one of the works and collec-
tions for which the IIB would maintain an international center,
a «center for co-ordination*. The Universal Decimal Classi-
fication on the other hand, the means in Otlet's eyes to the end
of the RBU, was implicitly recognised as having achieved an
enhanced importance in the affairs of the Institute. This impor-
tance was made quite clear by the creation of an International
Committee for the Decimal Classification.

The continued absence after the War of published revisions
of the Classification particularly disturbed Donker Duyvis who,
in 1921, had become secretary of a committee to consider sug-
gestions for revision of parts of the Classification. In January
1922 he had himself prepared revisions for organic chemistry
consisting of nineteen typed pages, and for the chemistry of
colloids. He also attempted to interest the International Union
of Pure and Applied Chemistry in the Classification, and in
July 1924 it applied for representation as a special international
organisation on the IIB Council.10 Donker Duyvis had, in fact,
quickly become the hub of activity on the Classification, and
he helped Otlet draw up the constitution of the Classification
Committee, which formalised the work of his 1921 committee
and laid down appropriate procedures and controls for dealing
with the Classification.

The Classification Committee now became the official body
through which the IIB exercised its rights over the Classifica-
tion. Representation in the Committee was   «confederative»   in

276

the same manner as in the IIB itself, members being drawn
from regional or national sections and from the international
associations. The Committee was to have its own Secretariat
appointed by the IIB Council. The purposes of the Secretariat
were: to form «a liaison center for all who co-operate in the
tables of the Decimal Classification*, to keep «the list of col-
laborators and the list of the Committee's documentation up
to date»; and to distribute and publish «news and important
facts on the work of the Committee».n A formal procedure was
set down for recommending, deliberating upon and then adopt-
ing proposals for the revision and development of the Classifi-
cation. Preliminary drafts and plans were to be sent to region-
al secretaries who had the responsibility of seeing that they
were reproduced in as many copies as needed and distributed
wherever appropriate. Copies were also to be sent to the Gen-
eral Secretariat of the IIB and to the appropriate officials in rel-
evant international organisations. After three months, if a de-
lay was not requested for further consideration, a draft was
considered to have been adopted officially by the Classification
Committee. An annual General Assembly of the Committee was
to be held at the time of the IIB's annual meeting, and would
decide between opposing claims when they arose. The Secreta-
riat was designated as having been provisionally assumed by
Nider, and Donker Duyvis was appointed Secretary. The tem-
porary nature of the location of the Secretariat apart from
IIB's General Secretariat was emphasised and explained by the
difficulties encountered by the IIB in Brussels at this time.
These, then, were the major steps taken by the group meeting
in The Hague to ensure that the Institute regained its strength
and influence on the widest possible base.

The Hague meeting also decided to call a conference of
the IIB in its newly constituted form in Geneva on Septem-
ber 8, 1924. At this meeting the new statutes could be ratified,
and the IIB formally apprised of what had been happening in
Brussels. It could also discuss the draft agreement between the
IIB and the League's International Committee on Intellectual
Co-operation which had at last been drawn up, and could now
be presented to the IIB fcr ratification. A Bulletin was publish-
ed in July containing the draft statutes and the League agree-
ment by way of preparation for the conference.12

Ironically, during this year of adversity for the IIB in Bel-
gium, its negotiations with the League appeared at last to be
about to bear some fruit, though the wider questions of the UIA
and the League were no" nearer to being settled than ever. In
December 1923 La Fontaine had participated in a meeting of
the International Committee on Intellectual Co-operation in
Paris. There the Committee's Sub-Committee on Bibliography
had recommended that an agreement between the League and

277

the IIB be drawn up which would set out a program of work
for the IIB, the subsidy to be granted it by the League and pro-
posals concerning procedures for controlling it.13 A Committee
was appointed to consider these proposals. Marcel Godet, Asso-
ciate Member of the Sub-Committee on Bibliography and Swiss
National Librarian was appointed rapporteur. A number of
trenchant but just criticisms of the IIB were made in his re-
port. He pointed out that the IIB presented to the observer dif-
ficulties which arose both from the spirit and the manner of its
work. «The reproach has been made», he said, «that it lacked
clearness, a critical sense, and that it endeavoured to embrace
every country, every language, every period, and every subject,
a task which it is difficult to achieve. The Institute undertook
one gigantic task after another...» He pointed out, too, that
the materials of the collections of the IIB were often incomplete
and to some extent were haphazardly assembled, and that opin-
ions differed on the value of the Decimal Classification adop-
ted by the Institute. «Finally, the Institute had been reproached
because of its propensity to overrate the value of index cards,
and because it was said to mistake the   means    for the end.»14

On the other hand, he recognised that the Institute had
responded to a real need and had achieved a great deal in its his-
tory. «For a quarter of a century it had acquired a reputation
which could not be ignored. The disinterested labor of its cre-
aters must call for respect.» Godet's Committee concluded that
«it was necessary to give strong help to the Institute», but
that «help could not be granted without discrimination or un-
conditionally to all its activities. The solution was to give it a
mandate for certain definite tasks». What these tasks might be
was explored in some detail, but it was observed that at this
stage, while control «must be exercised by representatives of
the authorities or organs which might subsidise the Institute*,
little more specific than this could be set down. If the program
of work set out in his report was accepted by the Commit-
tee, Godet indicated that he and his colleagues could then pro-
ceed to the next steps in formalising a relationship between the
League and the IIB. An agreement would be drawn up. If this
were accepted by both parties, the Committee would then ob-
tain the League's approval and the necessary credits, where-
upon the Sub-Committee on Bibliography could immediately
«draw up a detailed and specific program of work for a first
period of several years, indicating precisely the nature and or-
der of the work to be undertaken*.

After La Fontaine replied at some length to the criticisms
made in Godet's report, a draft agreement was drawn up and
approved by the Committee. Article One of the draft was an
undertaking by the League of Nations to grant its patronage to
the work of the IIB as set out in Article 2, and to «grant  its

278

assistance as far as possible with a view to facilitating the
work of the Institute within these limits». Article Two, setting
out the work of the IIB, contained the undertaking of the IIB
«to concentrate its efforts and resources, in the first instance»,
¦on the following tasks:

(1)   The development of an alphabetical catalog of author's names on
the lines of a collective catalog of the great    libraries of the world,
indicating where a copy of any particular work can be found;

(2)   The development of the following sections of a systematic catalog:

a)      Bibliography     and    sections     connected      with    bibliography...

b)   organisation of scientific work and intellectual co-operation.

The Institute also undertook to perform the other tasks set out
in Godet's program of work. Article Three was an undertaking
to fix the exact order of specific tasks later. Article Five
-was an agreement to include a member of the International
¦Committee on Intellectual Co-operation in the governing body
of the Institute.15 It was Richardson's opinion that the draft
prepared by Godet was «thoroughly practical*. «The fact», he
observed to Otlet «that the League Committee has no budget
to devote to it is a detail».16

THE MONDANEUM

During these difficult months of 1924, Otlet attempted to
gain support not only for the IIB, which, in point of fact, was
proving to have able advocates in Holland and America, but
also for the whole, beleaguered Palais Mondial. Godfrey Dewey
offered to do his best in America through the Lake Placid Club
for the «World Palace», as he called it:

I realise fully that right now is a critical time for the World Palace,
and feel that we should do everything in our power to assist right
now when help is most needed, and to enlist the interest and help of
the Club clientele, among whom there are many who could be of ef-
fective assistance either by influence or money if their interest could
be reached and roused.17

But he found it difficult to understand what had actually
happened in Brussels and why, and his lack of facts he
believed interfered with his attempts to counter the unfavour-
able impressions about the Palais Mondial that were
spreading in America, some of them engendered he suspected
by American members of the Committee on Intellectual
Co-operation.18

Otlet decided to call a conference of the UIA in 1924 at
the same time as that of the IIB. He made no attempt to
set up a Quinzaine Internationale in Geneva, but it was
¦clear that a conference of the UIA on the doorstep of the
League, as it were, would be opportune and might be thought
to carry on the great World Congresses of 1910, 1913 and
1920, though in diminished form. He prepared two documents

279

for this conference. The first, a Table of International Orga-
nisations^ was simply a list of international associations
arranged systematically under a dozen main headings and
a number of sub-headings. It was intended to show their
multiplicity and all-encompassing variety. The second, how-
ever, containing the program for the conference and a
lengthy report to the associations was of considerable impor-
tance. Once again, but now in extremely general terms,
Otlet set out his views about what international life should
be like, now it should be organised, how international orga-
nisations should be formed and work «for the co-ordination
of international forces 'for progress, in peace, by co-operation
and putting into effect the capacity of the intellect'*.20 While
it reiterated much of what Otlet had said before, the present
report provided a clear statement of his philosophy of inter-
nationalism as now developed, what he described as «the
directing principles and the bases upon which it is desirable
to rest the organisation, as a whole, of world life».21

International organisation, he said, should be conceived
as linking «in a constantly improving unification particular
pieces of acquired knowledge*, and as stimulating subsequent
programs «set down by common agreement, of investigation
of common interests*. For a century, he claimed, analytical
work had prevailed, but now the needs of synthesis are-
affirmed more and more».22 He noted that society had evolved
through a number of stages in the course of history, but had
at last reached a point where

Society craved a scientific direction, what August Comte, giving it an
entirely positive sense, called the restoration of the spiritual power —
of now being able to formulate rational directives, having the neces-
sary science, disengaged from the immediate suppositions of action, and
placed in a central position, in some way panoramic and synthetic,,
which is necessary for the consideration of matters from a point of
view high enough to discover the general causes of the social evils
from which all nations suffer equally .. .23

For Otlet, the only way of finally achieving the «scien-
tific direction* positivists like himself so much desired and
believed in so passionately that they spoke paradoxically and
without hesitation of its providing a «restoration of the
spiritual power of men*, was by means of a synthesis of
knowledge. What was original in Otlet's statement of this
positivistic conventionalism was that the necessary synthesis,
the necessary panoramic view, could only be had, in his
opinion, through international intellectual organisation which
could be accomplished only by means of the organisation of
international associations, for these alone were general:
enough, sufficiently all-embracing in their spheres of activ-
ity, and disinterested    enough, to achieve    the    desired    goal.

280

An American official recently visiting Paris had raised
the problem in another form by asking «if democracy and
liberty have been preserved... what are we managing to do
with them?»24 Attempting to answer this question himself,.
Otlet was emphatic:

In the public sphere one word characterises the use to be made of
peace: progress, conceived of as an expansion and perfecting of life
in all its aspects. This idea can be a powerful motivator and a power-
ful regulator. Combined with co-operative and federalist notions, it
can give the world a principle of direction it now lacks.25

Without the mobilisation of the forces of the intellect the
progress of Humanity would, he believed, be slow and erratic.
Mobilisation could occur only through the organisation of the
international associations in which for him were vested, in the
widest sense, the production and dissemination of man's
knowledge.

The notion of an international center was at the heart
of Otlet's theories, for upon it he focused and limited the
otherwise unconfined abstraction of his thought. It held his
ideas together, and gave some semblance of order to their
shifting levels of generality. It could be studied, he said,
from three points of view, as an idea, an institution and a
material body. As an idea, the following explanation
accounted for it:

All that exists, despite its infinite diversity, is one in relation to the
knowledge we can have of it, in relation to the repercussions of the
activities of all that exists. But this unity which is real, concrete, can
be unorganised, amorphous, massive, if there is no effort to co-ordi-
nate it. It is necessary, therefore, that by intelligence we achieve
a Science, an encyclopedic synthesis, a science of the universal, em-
bracing everything we know, uniting one thing with another in ex-
planations ever more general, displaying them by methods ever more
simple. It is necessary, therefore, through our endlessly developing
possibilities, that we achieve an organisation for relations between
men, and for their relations with things, an organisation which should
be oriented towards synegetic action, which takes into account at one
and the same time and as a whole, all men, all countries, all relations:
the Earth, Life, Humanity.26

The institution which would embody the idea, Otlet
believed, would be realised through a great «confederation»,
what he described as «an organised effort of co-operation and
co-ordination...», which would «group in a triple, federalised
hierarchy, international associations, national associations
and groups and individuals*, the international associations re-
taining overall control. «At the World Center all of the organi-
sations and institutions which have been born in the course of
successive civilisations, will be... amplified in an extraordi-
nary way in their power on the mind, because all aspects of
their agency will have been combined to function each with
the other.»27

281'

The ultimate material expression of the institution would
foe the actual physical buildings constituting the world centre.
«The Center», Otlet observed, «is... the whole of its instal-
lations, collections, services, all the architectural forms
'objectifying and visualising' the idea of the institutions28 In
its initial stages, the center would have one building, but later
it would grow into

a great colony, a universitas, with its many institutes swarming
around the central structure. And yet later one may entertain the vision
of a 'city' where each nation will be represented by its pavillion each
great special organisation of world life, by its building...M

In its «ideal form», this is what the Center would be
like — a Mondaneum (the spelling was later changed to Mun-
daneum). No longer did Otlet use the name «Palais Mondiab.
"What he called the «Palais Mondial and its Institutes» were
merely a first and imperfect version of the Mondaneum, and
had suffered grievous assault in Brussels. The Conference that
Otlet now proposed to call at Geneva, and to which this report
was directed, was intended «to unite all effort to reconstruct
immediately the institutions grouped at the Palais Mondial, to
strengthen and to complete them».30 The tasks to be faced by
the Conference, then, were to prepare and have adopted an
appropriate statute, and to choose a suitable location which
would be accepted by the world as «extra-territorialised», a
location where the Mondaneum could grow absolutely freely,
unhampered by any restriction of nationalist interest. Otlet
described what he meant by «extra-territorial» at some length,
pointing out that in the Vatican, the Holy City of Jerusalum,
the principalities of Liechtenstein and Monaco and elsewhere,
freedom from national control, an internationally respected
Jocal independence, worked very well. This is what was needed
for the new Center-City he wished to see arise from the old
Palais Mondial.

In presenting this plan for a Mondaneum, the new Palais
Mondial, Otlet critically examined the work of the League of
Nations and other international organisations in order to
suggest possible «modalities» of their collaboration with the
Center. Two particular grievances came out strongly in his
account of the League: its decision to restrict representation
to governments, and the activities of the International Com-
mittee on Intellectual Co-operation. The League's Council
had decided in 1923 not to transmit within its secretariat doc-
uments originating from individuals and non-governmental
associations and quite specifically limited its representation to
governments. In Otlet's view, grave consequences for the inter-
national associations had resulted for

There exists no firm organic disposition regulating the relations of
international associations with the League of Nations. The international

282

associations have no regular means at all of corresponding with the
League of Nations. The simple right of petition, provided for in every
national constitution, has always been refused them. The collaboration
requested from them by the agencies of the League is determined in
a quite arbitrary manner. They have no right to be consulted ... The
international associations are therefore the only persons having no
protection in modern law; for, if they can have neither recourse to the
League of Nations nor the Court of Justice, they are in an inferior
position in respect of every physical human being and every national
association who find a protector in their governments.31

The invidious position of international associations with re-
spect to the League on the one hand, and national governments
on the other was dramatically exemplified, Otlet believed, in
the recent conflict of the UIA with the Belgian Government
and in the powerlessness and indifference of the League in
this conflict.

The Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, which Otlet
pointed out yet once again had originated in the activities and
the published proposals of the UIA, had proved no less disap-
pointing than the League. Once formed, it «had discarded
without discussion the Union's plan». Moreover, it had re-
fused, Otlet alleged, to envisage the problem of organisation
from a global point of view, according to a vue d'ensemble,
quite apart from not attempting to assure «the international
associations representation at the League of Nations*. As a
result, only one conclusion was possible, the conclusion upon
which, in a sense, the whole of Otlet's report was based: «the
proposition of the Union to create an International Organi-
sation for Intellectual Work, general in its object, .and federa-
tive in its constitution, remains completely as it was».32

This report of Otlet's is confusing in its apparently disor-
derly movement between description, analysis, prescription,
and theorising of an almost vertiginous generality. Most
striking is its abstractness, the patent impracticability of its
proposals, qualities arising from the very first premise of
Otlet's theory of international organisation, the point upon
which his absolute disagreement with the Committee on In-
tellectual Co-operation rested: that it must be done as a whole,
from «la vue d'ensemble». The problem was that the more gen-
eral, the less «local» Otlet's thought, the more centered on the
ideal, on «ought» and «should», the more difficult it was for
him to express and anchor it in action through real institu-
tions. Recognising the simplification, one might say that the
UIA (1910), the Palais Mondial (1920) and then the Mon-
daneum (1924), increasing in abstractness, represented an in-
creased potentiality of failure, an increased defiance of reality
as Otlet became more and more detached through excessive
cerebration and perhaps through disappointment, from the dif-
ficulties and limitations of actual, competitive, international
organisation.

283

THE CONFERENCES OF 1924 AND AFTERWARDS

Godfrey Dewey presided at the Geneva meeting on the 8th
September 1924 of the IIB, effective membership in which was
held by Nider, the Bureau Bibliographique de Paris, the Con-
cilium Bibliographicum, the Union Internationale des Villes,
the Federation Dentaire Internationale, the Institut Inter-
national d'Agriculture and the Union of Pure and Applied
Chemistry, and one or two other bodies.33 Two new sections
were now admitted to effective membership of the Institute:
the Association Suisse pour l'Organisation de Travail et de
Documentation (Asted) and a Section for Bibliological Psychol-
ogy. Both sections originated in Otlet's sojourn in Geneva
during the War. In 1912 Emile Chavannes from Switzerland
had visited the IIB and had made Otlet's acquaintance. During
the War years the two men had set up Asted and had even
discussed the possibility of Asted publishing an edition of the
Decimal Classification for the IIB.34 The moving force behind
the Section for Bibliological Psychology was an expatriate
Russian, Nicholas Roubakine, who had written since 1889 some
two hundred works of scientific popularisation. He had also
written on Bibliological Psychology, the theory and practice of
«the scientific study of all the mental phenomena associated
with the creation, circulation, influence and use of the book
and of the written and spoken word ingeneral». Roubakine, Ot-
let and the Director of the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute
had set up a special Section of the IIB for «Bibliological
Psychology* in 1916. These two sections were now admitted to
membership of the IIB in terms of Article 9 of the new Statu-
tes. At the same time the IIB Council, acting within the terms
of this Article, issued invitations for the formation of Austrian
and Hungarian sections, requesting that the Nationalbibliotek
and a Professor Harvath respectively temporarily assume
charge of each section's secretariat. Only Chavannes voted
against the new statutes because he thought that they «did
not give sufficient support to the Secretaries-General*. The
Institute also adopted without question the draft agreement
with the League. It was signed by Sir Eric Drummond and
came into force in November 1924.

Among the delegates to the Classification Committee's
meeting were Godfrey Dewey and Dorcas Fellows who had
succeeded May Seymour as editor of the American classifica-
tion. One of the most important conclusions of this meeting was
that «the editions of the Decimal Classification Codes of Dew-
ey and of the IIB should be unified*. Towards this end it was
resolved that the two codes should be modified in such a way
that «the best of both will be adopted, each party consenting
to the necessary sacrifices*. It was concluded that there should

284

be three versions of the Classification: an abridged version, a
library version, and a bibliographic version, the last being the
European version. Dorcas Fellows, as editor of the American
version, was appointed «to check up entries (1st for an abridg-
ed ed.) report differences and recommend for to be re-
tained».35 The Belgians in their turn agreed to extend their
numbers before the decimal point to three figures, even if this
required the addition of one or two zeros. A committee of three
members of the IIB and three experts appointed by Dewey
would review all developments.

Representatives from about seventy international asso-
ciations, none of them except the Red Cross, the great humani-
tarian or learned associations, took part in the UlA Confer-
ence.36 The Conference resolutions simply recapitulated the desid-
erata of international organisation set out in Otlet's report.
A number of annexes attached to the Commpte-rendu of the Con-
ference are interesting in indicating that an unsuccessful at-
tempt was made to give the UIA a sounder foundation than
it had. There was a list of the principal tasks to be undertaken
by the UIA (modelled, no doubt, on the procedure adopted by
the League in dealing with the IIB), a list of regulations
which were to govern UIA World Congresses, and a statement
of the functions of the various organs of the UIA (members,
commission, secretariat, special committees). The constitution
of a governing Council of twenty members which was provid-
ed for at this time in the regulations, was postponed. It was
decided to conduct a postal ballot for this at a later date. The
ballot appears never to have been held.

Nitobe represented the League of Nations at the Confer-
ence, and immediately the Conference began, moves were made
to attempt to get the League of Nations to make some recog-
nition of the collaboration in its work of the international as-
sociations and their work.» The day after the Conference
closed, twelve representatives of the UIA waited formally on the
League Secretariat to present the League with the UIA's de-
mands. These were for the representation of the UIA on the
•Committee for Intellectual Co-operation, for an international
statute,, and for the right to petition the League.

Now, however, a new threat to Otlet's hopes for League
support for his international center had appeared. In July
1924, the French government responded to the call for exter-
nal help made by Bergson in late 1923 on behalf of the Com-
mittee on Intellectual Co-operation. It offered to provide the
Committee with an institutional headquarters, an «executive
instrument*, located in Paris, supported by a budget from the
government and called the Institute for Intellectual Co-opera-
tion. A week before the Conference of the UIA opened, Otlet
and La Fontaine addressed a letter to the League designed to

285

keep before the President and the Council of the League «the
things realised and the plans» of the LJIA.37 It reminded them
of the Secretary-General's 1921 report on the educational in-
fluence of the UIA, and alerted them to the approaching Con-
ference. They were asked to delay making any decision on the
French proposal to set up an Institute for Intellectual Co-oper-
ation until after the UIA Conference had finished.

The League's Council accepted the French Government's
offer «in principle* on the 9th September, the day the UIA
Conference concluded. It referred the matter for consideration:
to the Assembly asking for its opinion on several points, one
of which was

the relations between the projected Institute and existing internationat
institutions, such as the Union of International Associations, the Inter-
national Office of Bibliography, the International Union of Academies,
and the International Research Council, whose headquarters are at
Brussels and whose autonomy it is important to maintain.

The Assembly concluded that the Committee on Intellectual
Co-operation should

in each case determine, having consulted the interested parties and1
in agreement with them, the relations of the institutions mentioned
in the Council's resolution... The Committee on Intellectual Co-
operation will attempt to collaborate with these institutions to resolve
particular questions without, however, in any way restricting their
autonomy.38

This was disguised repudiation of the UIA and its World'
Center. Otlet and La Fontaine wanted a stay of action by the
League on the French Government's offer because the UIA's
World Center could become, was already, though ineffective
for want of support, they believed, everything which the French
Government proposed to create. Simple recognition of this
fact would be enough, for inevitably patronage-and a healthy
subsidy would follow and the day would be saved for the Palais
Mondial. A recognition of «autonomy» was in effect a form of
rejection.

After the 1924 Conferences in Geneva, Godfrey Dewey
went back to America where he continued his work for the Pa-
lais Mondial in general and for the IIB in particular. In No-
vember he began to make appeals for specific information. The
Lake Placid Club was ready to publish a booklet about the
Palais Mondial, he said, «but I can do nothing definit on that
til I have the date, fotografs, diagrams and translations of
the legends on them, that yu promist».39 He began to travel
and speak about the World Palace, and kept repeating his ap-
peals for accurate information. «Yu make a great mistake*,,
he warned, «if yu send me only the favorable items». Above
all he wanted to know, having heard talk of moving the Pa-
lais Mondial and all its institutes to Geneva,

286

(1)   How much could the IIB spend efficiently per year beginning  at
once under present conditions, i. e., with the uncertainty as to Brussels
Palais Mondial, etc?

(2)   How much could the IIB spend efficiently per year (on operating
expenses, not including equipment, moving, etc.)  as soon as establisht
in Geneva?

(3)   With how small an appropriation would you be prepared to move
to Geneva at once? We figured out the need for $ 5,000,000 and I said
it would require at least $  1,000,000 to move with temporary housing
etc. but I think I can    see where even with  $ 500,000 it would    be
possible to start firmly establisht on our own territory in fire proof
housing.. .40

He talked with representatives from various foundations in
America (such as the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carne-
gie Corporation) and found, as he reported to Richardson,
«despite the general undercurrent of distrust of Otlet and La
Fontaine growing out of a lack of comprehension of their larger
plans and underlying world center conceptions... an
unexpectedly definit spirit of rediness to co-operate...»41

In February Otlet furnished Dewey with the financial in-
formation he had requested. A total of $92,000 could be spent
efficiently at once. In Geneva, a budget of $300,000 a year
would permit the completion of the RBU in ten years, though
a sum of $62,000 would be needed to make the move thither.42

At this time, as the first anniversary of the eviction from
the Palais Mondial approached, a debate was held in the Bel-
gian Parliament on the Palais Mondial and the relations of
Belgium with the Committee for Intellectual Co-operation.
Jules Destree who had been appointed the Committee on
Intellectual Co-operations representative on the IIB Council,
spoke against the Palais Mondial. This was a betrayal in Ot-
let's view. In an act «whose boldness I don't deny», Otlet
reported that he interrupted Parliament upon the resumption
one week later of the debate in which Destree had spoken.
He reminded Parliament very strongly «of our existence and
our history. The ministers —and this was one of my aims —
were moved and we have received a letter from them...»43

The anniversary of the eviction was formally celebrated.
What Dewey thought of all this emotion of betrayal, recrimi-
nation and defiance, it is hard to say. It is also hard to say
how effective Otlet was being in promoting the cause of the
Palais Mondial especially after the League quite definitely
agreed to the establishment of the Paris Institute for Intellec-
tual Co-operation. Otlet's mind was fixed now on abandoning
Belgium and moving lock, stock and barrel to Geneva. There
had been a suggestion that the new Paris Institute might take
over the Institution of the Palais Mondial, though the amount
of space needed for the Museum especially, was regarded as
a serious drawback.44 Otlet was unenthusiastic and possibly
even suspicious of this overture made through Julien Luchaire,.

287

French historian and one time Inspector-General for Public
Instruction in France, who was the Paris Institute's Director
between 1925 and 1931. He was going to leave «the door open»
to Paris «without rushing it», he confided to Dewey. «The best
solution is Geneva, but Geneva is impossible without the Amer-
icans.^5 Albert Thomas, the director of the International La-
bour Office, himself a Frenchman and nationalist, wrote Otlet
to Dewey, had assured him that Geneva was absolutely best.46
Early in 1925 he issued a brochure about what was now
called the Mundaneum. The change from «Mondaneum» to
«Mundaneum» had been made late in 1924. The Secretary-Gen-
eral of the Union of Associations for the League of Nations,
whose Bulletin in 1923 had contained the troublesome remarks
against Franco-Belgian policy in the Ruhr, approved the
change. «The 'O'», he said,

displeased humanists. I am not sure even that the ending 'eum' is good
Latin. It seems to be more Greek, being the transposition of the
Greek ending 'caion'. As to the sense of the expression, I wonder if it
conforms to etymology. 'Mundus' in Latin, like 'Kosmos' in Greek, de-
signated in general not the human world but the totality of the physi-
cal universe which comprises the sky and the stars. Now we aren't
about to establish intellectual co-operation with the Neptunians or
even the Martians ..."

Whatever the philological niceties (Ruyssen's was a some-
what ponderous «jeu»), the brochure was translated into Eng-
lish,48 and the name stood (with only occasional variations)
as Mundaneum thenceforth.

At the end of July 1925, representatives of the Sub-Com-
mittee on Bibliography met at Brussels to establish the order
in which should be performed the tasks recommended as
appropriate for the I IB by the Committee on Intellectual Co-
operation. First, it was decided, should come a supplement to
the Index Bibliographicus a world-wide derectory of bib-
liographical services the first edition of which, edited by Mar-
cel Godet, had been issued by The Hague in 1925, and a sub-
vention of 1,000 Swiss francs was allocated for this. Next came
the «Main Catalogue* by author's names, followed by the in-
formation service, then the library and «other operations*,
and finally, the Bulletin.*9

A small meeting of the IIB Council was held in 1925 at
which it was decided, the sum allocated by the League permit-
ting nothing more, merely to publish a simple supplement to
the Index Bibliographicus in 1925. A proposal that Asted
should assume responsibility for publishing the IIB Bulletin,
which had appeared from time to time in 1924—1925 through
the efforts of Donker Duyvis, was rejected on the grounds that
the Bulletin was so closely linked with the General Secretariat
that it would be unwise to separate them.

288

Otlet addressed the meeting on a favourite subject of his
«the microphotographic book». He had been very much inter-
ested in the notion as early as 1906 and had collaborated on
a paper about it then with the inventor, Robert Goldschmidt.50
In 1925 they collaborated on another paper on the subject.
Otlet recognised the enormous potential of microphotography
for bibliography and cataloging. He believed that it would
hasten progress towards the realisation of the world network
of documentation centers he had begun to speculate about
because it permitted «an economy of effort in the conservation
and distribution of documents in a way impossible at the mo-
ment with present means».51

During 1925 work progressed on the European version of
the Decimal Classification (CD). Donker Duyvis reported to
the Classification Committee meeting that year that 141 notes
about changes and extensions had been exchanged. He observ-
ed that little tangible progress had been made on the unifi-
cation of the American and the European versions of the Clas-
sification (DC—CD), giving as the major reason the serious
illness of Dorcas Fellows.52 During the period 1924—1925, Miss
Fellows had worked hard but unwillingly on the problems of
unification. Her time was limited, however, not only
because of illness, but because of the work of preparation
of the twelfth edition of the American version of the Classifi-
cation (published in 1927) .53 It was just at this time, and only
momentarily, that unification of the two codes had become
distinctly possible with the prospect of new editions of both
and an expressed desire for reconciliation of differences. Don-
ker Duyvis sent Miss Fellows proposals for expansion and mod-
ification of the CD, but because of pressure of preparing the
1927 edition of the DC, and a gradually mounting distrust that
became almost pathological detestation of the Europeans,54 she
had agreed to them without much if any study. In Europe,
where second-hand copies of the twenty year old first edition
of the CD were fetching as much as $200,55 Donker Duyvis
and Otlet were being pressed urgently for a new edition and
they hastened with developments and revisions as fast as they
could, accepting Miss Fellows' uncritical approval of their
drafts. Indeed, Donker Duyvis decided to issue «provisional
tables* in a few hundred copies of the sections most in demand
as they were completed to reduce some of the pressure of de-
mand on him.56 The result was, of course, more divergence
slowly solidifying though the 1927 American edition did incor-
porate some of the IIB expansions.

Two major parts of the European Classification were
formally published in 1925, both by the Concilium Biblio-
graphicum.57 Herbert Haviland Field had died in 1921, and
the Concilium  Bibliographicum  had  fallen  into  a  decline.  It

19—3391                                                                                             289

was briefly rescued by support from the American National
Research Council, the Rockerfeller Foundation and the Swiss
Society for the Natural Sciences, but the Rockerfeller Founda-
tion withdrew its support in 1926. Though the Concilium
Bibliographicum lingered on until the beginning of the Second
World War, its eventual demise was assured and, with the
publication of these parts of the Classification, it ceased to
play any real part in the affairs of the IIB.58

Ernest Cushing Richardson was chairman of the ALA's-
Committee on Bibliography at this time and travelled to<
Europe practically each year after 1921 for a number of years.
He was optimistic about the IIB's future. He had already
frequently expressed his conviction of the value of the IIB
and of the usefulness of the RBU as an international finding;
list. He saw no reason why the IIB could not be supported
«by the familiar co-operative method» if Godfrey Dewey's.
efforts to secure large scale funds failed.59 As he saw it, the
most serious problem was the real intentions towards the
IIB of the League Committee on Intellectual Co-operation
whose energies were absorbed during 1924, 1925 and 1926
by the setting up of the Paris Institute as its executive organ.
Should the League take hold of the IIB «practically», Richard-
son believed that it would then be feasible for the ALA alsa
to come to its support.60 But even after the order of tasks had
been agreed on in Brussels by the IIB and the League Com-
mittee, a specific program had to be decided upon and funds
allocated to support it. Eventually, Richardson was able to get
the ALA Committee on Bibliography to agree that it would
support the IIB whenever it and the League «came to an
agreement as to operations so that the League Committee is
prepared to recommend through the American Committee of
the League, definite solicitation of funds for definite activ-
ities...»61

Late in 1925 in a memorandum to Professor Alfred
Zimmern, Director of the Section for General Affairs, Richard-
son made a number of general proposals concerning biblio-
graphical work in the Institute for Intellectual Co-operation
in Paris. He criticised both the League Committee, whose
secretariat was in Geneva, and the new Institute for Intellec-
tual Co-operation for not having sufficiently definite ideas
for encouraging international co-operation in bibliography, and
«in the matter of the Brussels Institute*, he was careful to
insist, they in America «were looking with interest to your
actions now that you have a secretariat*.62 His memorandum
was submitted for comment both to Marcel Godet, who had
acted as rapporteur for the Sub-Committee for Bibliography
in 1924 when the agreement between the League and the
IIB had been drawn up, and Barrau Dihigo, Librarian of  the

290

University of Paris. Both tended to disagree with Richardson's
proposals. Godet continued to think that above all else the
IIB should be developed as soon as possible into an interna-
tional bibliographical center supported by the League. He
realised that «a competent man» was needed to carry out
what would be delicate negotiations between the League, the
Directors of the IIB and potential benefactors such as the
Carnegie and Rockerfeller Foundations from whom the sums
necessary to support the changes and developments envisaged
for the IIB might be had. He reaffirmed, rather more directly,
his awareness of the difficulties that would be encountered in
putting into effect the program he had proposed,

difficulties resulting from the character — very considerable indeed —
of the present directors, their inability to limit themselves, their intran-
sigence; and I know that their Utopian tendencies do little to inspire
confidence in those who hold the purse strings. I have proposed as
a solution to give them limited support, for certain determined tasks
and to provide them with a  subsidy    dependent    on    strict    control.

He appealed earnestly for a serious attempt to be made for
proper and successful use of the IIB and its resources, for
something that went beyond mere piety and tokenism.63

Barrau Dihigo, on the other hand, declared that any work
undertaken by the Directors of the IIB would be held in suspi-
cion by the Directors of the worlds's great libraries «who
consider them incompetent*. The classified catalog, one part
of Otlet's great Universal Bibliographical Repertory, he be-
lieved to be «useless», and the other major part, the author
catalog to require «minute revision*.64 In a supplementary
note he went so far as to say that in his opinion the Directors
of the Institute for Intellectual Co-operation «would be
compromised in any continuation of relations with
M. Otlet».65

This last remark was stimulated by a contretemps bet-
ween Otlet and the Institute for Intellectual Co-operation
concerning the proposed supplement to the Index Biblio-
graphicus. The official most concerned with this, the Assistant
Head of the Institute's Scientific Section, M. De Vos Van
Steenwijk, thought that the supplement and then a new
edition were urgent, the first edition having been much criti-
cised. He saw the tensions between the IIB and the Institute
as likely to interfere with a swift conclusion to the work and
he proposed to travel up to Brussels to talk with Otlet and
La Fontaine and report his general impressions to Luchaire,
the Institute's Director. He was able, however, only to meet
with Otlet with whom he held talks during the 5th and 6th
of March, 1926. He came away from Brussels profoundly
disturbed. He was convinced that the enormous program
of work undertaken by Otlet and La Fontaine at the IIB was

19*                                                                                          291

far beyond their resources. He had the impression that so
strong was their feeling of having been treated «unjustly and
ungratefully on various occasions and by various parties»
that they were no longer capable of being objective about the
Paris Institute and had lost all sight of their own faults. He
was convinced, too, that personal relations between them and
either the Committee or the Institute for Intellectual Co-opera-
tion had deteriorated to such an extent that co-operation
between them had become impossible. The 1924 agreement, in
which League support to the IIB depended upon restriction
of its work, he discovered to have been deeply antipathetic
to the Directors of the IIB. It

had been accepted by them with bad grace and, it seems, on the other
hand the CICI [Commission Internationale de Cooperation Intellectuel-
le] had done little to lessen this bad grace ...

He pointed out, as an instance of neglect on its part, that
the League had allowed over a year to elapse before inform-
ing the Directors of the IIB as to the manner in which the
1924 agreement might be carried out.

The Supplement to the Index Bibliographicus had been
undertaken under such poor financial conditions, he decided,
that there was no way in which it could be well done, a point
Marcel Godet had made some months earlier when appealing
for adequate support for the IIB when it was charged by the
League with specific tasks. The situation, however, was more
complicated and unpleasant than this. The League had refused
the Belgians any more time to prepare the work than
originally agreed on, though there had been a considerable
delay in getting it started. As to just what the real state of
affairs was, de Vos Van Steenwijk was unclear because of
lack of sufficient communication between the Secretariat for
International Intellectual Co-operation in Geneva and the
Institute in Paris. What was clear, however, was that Otlet,
highly incensed yet again with the League, proposed to issue
the Supplement at the IIB's own expense with a preface in
which he intended to explain fully the difficulties that had
occurred between the IIB and the League over the matter.
This disturbed de Vos Van Steenwijk because «perhaps wrong
is on both sides».66

There was rather a flurry in Geneva upon receipt of de
Vos Van Steenwijk's report, for La Fontaine had informed the
Secretary of the International Committee for Intellectual
Co-operation in Geneva that the supplement was finished and
ready for printing. It seemed difficult, as a result, for the
League now to repudiate payment for it as de Vos Van
Steenwijk seemed to think it had been decided to do.67 De
Vos Van Steenwijk, however, thought La Fontaine was, in
fact, not au courant with    the   real    state   of    affairs.    Otlet

292

had actually read from a letter from the Secretary of the
Committee refusing to grant the delay requested and propos-
ing to pay cost incurred only until the 1st January,.
1926—250 Swiss francs. It was this letter that had determined
Otlet to conclude the work at the expense of the IIB and
«expose» the League in a preface of which de Vos Van Steen-
wijk had seen the proofs. When the work was issued, hurriedly
and imperfectly, Marcel Godet, editor of the first Edition,
refused to have his name associated with it.68

The preface indicated that information had been incorpo-
rated into the Supplement as received without verification,
amplification, or consistent transliteration of titles in
non-roman alphabets.

These insurmountable difficulties have resulted from the fact that the
Accounting Services of the League of Nations considered that the sum
voted by the Assembly of 1925 for bibliographical work, was intended
to cover only the costs of printing the Index Bibliographicas and its
Supplement, without any provision whatever for an indemnity for the
work of preparation, selection or verification which is imposed on and
exacted  by  any  serious bibliographical  work.69

The version in English of de Vos Van Steenwijk's report
of his visit to Brussels, which went to Richardson and which
incorporated suggestions from Godet and the opinions of
Barrau Dihigo, was rather different from the confidential
document submitted to the Director of the Paris Institute.
In the English report, de Vos Van Steenwijk took pains to
stress the completely unbiased nature of his study of the
Brussels situation, his conclusions being based on consulta-
tions with a great many people as well as with Otlet, and
drawn, indeed, partly from Richardson's own reports. The
first point to be made, in his view, was that it was urgently
necessary «to restore confidence in the IIB because it has
been badly shattered*. The mere raising of funds would not
have this effect because of the lack of co-operation between
the IIB and the Directors of the world's great libraries. Nor
would adding members to the IIB's Executive Committee, a
move Richardson was himself understood to have recommended,'
be enough. The necessary confidence

can only be regained by putting the entire responsibility for the IIB,
or at least for such parts as are to be patronised by the League of
Nations, on the shoulders of a new man of recognised authority
among   librarians   ...

At present direct co-operation between the IIB and the CICI is im-
possible, if only for personal motives. Too much ill feeling has been
stored    up.70

Richardson did not at once rise to the bait, never did to the
idea that he might become what he called the «Dictator of
the Dictators*. He repeated that they in America were waiting
for the  League to  act  before they would  attempt to  do  so.

293

He was disappointed that the Institute had not understood
that he had suggested, in fact, a complete re-organisation of
the IIB's Executive Committee «so as to have a majority of
effective men representing the League, the American Library
Association and other potentially aggressive factors who
might kindly but firmly control and direct the energies of the
minority.» Indeed, de Vos Van Steenwijk's report suggested
to him that it might be best to have the IIB declared bankrupt
and placed in the hands of a Receiver. In this way its tangible
assets might be seized and effective re-organisation achieved.
As this was not likely, the only solutions were those already
proposed: «contingent grants, direct co-operation and moral
support*.71 Not long after this, he stressed that he saw the
constructive working out of the «Brussels problem» as one of
the Institute's major problems, if not its central one, because
all international intellectual co-operation ultimately rested, he
believed, on the cornerstone of bibliographic co-operation. «To
many of us over here», he wrote, «it seems a sort of acid test
of your committee and the new Institute. The task is in your
hands by virtue of your commitments and especially the record-
ed agreement*.72

However, stalemate, despite what appeared to be good
intentions within the Paris Institute, was inevitable at this
time because of the personalities involved, especially that of
Otlet, hostile, persecution prone, convinced of having been let
down once again, of having been betrayed. In July 1926,
Destree asked to be relieved of his position as the League
representative on the IIB Executive Committee. His resigna-
tion was accepted and the Committee on Intellectual Co-oper-
ation decided not to appoint a replacement but to review its
agreement with the IIB with the hope of finding some alter-
native modality for co-operation.73

THE SYNTHETICAL MOVEMENT

The work of reconstituting the Palais Mondial, now the
Mundaneum, proceeded slowly. Otlet seems to have spent a
good deal of his time on study and writing and in participat-
ing in a number of conferences such as the first Psycho-
sociological Congress in Paris,74 and an International Congress
of Accounting.75 Above all, however, Otlet worked for what
he called the «synthetical movement* in which lay his
long-standing, steady bond with Patrick Geddes. He began to
explore its implications for education. In 1926, he proposed to
set up an International Museum-Center for Education within
the Mundaneum, and prepared a rationalisation of it and
what he thought modern education should be like in terms
of his notions of «universalist    synthesis*.76    His    underlying

294

premise was expressed in a slogan: «for universal civilisation,
universalist education*.77 For the kind of synthesis-oriented
¦education he proposed, great emphasis needed to be placed
on teaching media. There should be, he believed, «didactic
•charts and tables* which displayed diagrammatically, schema-
tically and therefore in a simplified form, all that had to be
taught. Moreover he showed himself to be firmly convinced of
the value of film in teaching. Visualisation on the screen
-will become a fundamental teaching method*,78 he declared.
At the Museum-Center would be established a finding list of
important educational materials, and the problems of prepa-
ring and distributing abstracts of this material were carefully
¦examined in his study. A collection of syllabi, anthologies,
annotated bibliographies, and, one imagines, text-books, would
be begun also. Summing up one major point, Otlet expressed
his appreciation of the potential value in education of recent
technological developments. He wrote:

Mechnanical instruments: these instruments will have a great future in
teaching. They are automatic auxiliaries to the teacher, the extension
of the word and the book. Without a doubt, they are a long way from
being perfect, but what marvellous progress has already been made.
The gramophone has assisted the teaching of language greatly ... It
can do the same for music. The Pianola will permit the acquisition of
an extensive knowledge of music, of works which one should hear.
Machines for projecting fixed dispositive plates or microfilms (photo-
scope), the cinema in black and white and in colour, with texts inter-
spersed in the film with the possibility of interrupting it, will allow
knowledge of things and actions which should be seen.
The radio (broadcasting . ..) with its personal apparatus and its great
speakers, its musical programs, its lectures, its courses, will permit
one to be in direct contact with the outside world, to receive messages,
to observe the usefulness of foreign languages, to attempt to under-
stand   them   ...

New Teaching Equipment: education based on the considerations devel-
oped here will necessitate the development of teaching materials. The
poor material which educational establishments use to-day, will no
longer be satisfactory.79

'Otlet envisaged the production of new kinds of text books by
international co-operation and in the next few years he himself
"worked on the production of such material. With all the new
materials, new methods, the enlarged aims, teaching estab-
lishments would become, he believed, «a little world».

a microcrosm, schools for infants at the primary level, colleges, lycees,
athenees for young people at the secondary level. Static objects, func-
tioning objects, materials to be observed, experimented with, used for
construction, simple charts for the class room cupboard, a laboratory,
a workshop, the school museum. In the form of manuals and publi-
cations this material should be the result of collective work, of a con-
tinuous collaboration involving teachers of all countries, of all levels,
and of every educational speciality.80

Charts,  diagrams,  schemas  had  a  particular  importance
for Otlet. They permitted the representation of complex wholes

295

simply and completely so that they were valuable both for
educational and propagandist purposes. His interest in this
method crystallised after the War, though its beginnings can
be seen in illustrative material prepared on the International
Center before the War.81 The method was developed in setting
up the Museum, and owes a great deal conceptually to Geddes
and practically, one imagines to the employment of an artist
on the Museum staff, Alfred Carlier. For Geddes, «Graphics»,
as he called it, was a subject of the greatest interest and
working on it used to give him amusement on his long
voyages. In 1923 he gave Bergson a «solid lesson» in it, and
Bergson, he commented to Otlet, appeared to be «much taken-
with it».82 In 1926, Otlet himself presented a report prepared
by the «graphics» method on the contemporary state of
bibliography to the sixth Congress of Industrial Chemistry in
Paris. Tables with a minimum of somewhat disconnected text
showed the relationship of the universe, the mind, science and
the book; how the book represented the world and how com-
munication of various kinds took place; the principles and
desiderata of the universal bibliographic organisation of in-
tellectual work; aspects and parts of documentation; the Deci-
mal Classification; and the universal organisation of docu-
mentation.83

During this period the collaboration of Otlet and Geddes
was very strong. They corresponded frequently and visits
were exchanged between Brussels, Edinburgh and Montpellier
where Geddes had founded the College des Ecossais, an inter-
national university residence* in 1924.84 In 1925 Geddes hoped
to get a number of scholars and intellectuals to prepare a
series of papers for the Sociological Review to appear during
1926 through 1929. These papers would have, he hoped, the
general unifying aim of «resumeing into one generalised view
of contemporary civilisation, the specialised approaches of the
sociological subsciences*. It was proposed that Otlet should,
write on «the Present World Situation viewed as Transition —
the Transition in Europe*, and on «the Civil Role of the
Palais Mondial*.85 Otlet appears, however, to have stressed the
need for something even more general, what he called «Studia
Synthetica: an Atlas Encyclopedia Synthetica, and an Antho-
logie Synthetique des Sciences*86 and the projected collabora-
tion did not eventuate.

Otlet, however, studied ways of moving forward, inde-
pendently of Geddes, towards achieving the synthesis, the
encyclopedia, he so much desired to see created. During the
winters of 1923, 1924 and 1925 he lectured on «universalism»
at the School of Higher Studies of the New University of
Brussels in the creation of which he had been tempted to
participate  in   1894.  During these three  winters  he  repeated

296

a series of fifteen lectures on the subject, and, as he wrote
to Geddes in 1925, having delivered the series three times he
would like to deliver it yet a fourth. It is necessary, he
explained «to go over the same ideas, to deepen them, to
classify them better, to correlate them, to find a more lively
expression for them, to simplify their presentation, and above
all to make them less 'local'».87 He published an outline of
the arrangement of subjects in and visual material available
on «the Encyclopedia and Synthesis of Knowledge* for which
he was working.88 He embarked on a program of using
microfilm to make available the results of synthetic activity
in the Mundaneum. «For the diffusion of the works and
collection of the Center, two collections*, he announced, «have
been begun simultaneously. The first is in microscopic format
(14X 18 mms.), Encyclopedia Microphotica Mundaneum. The
second is in chart format (64X67 cms.), Encyclopedia Univer-
salis Atlas Mundaneum...».89 Ten years later hundreds of
microfilms and a great many charts were available for
purchase on all kinds of subjects related to the collections
of the Mundaneum.90

THE LAST QUINZAINE INTERNATIONALE

One particular preoccupation of Otlet's in 1926 was the
idea of holding another Quinzaine Internationale in 1927 at
the Mundaneum. Perhaps he hoped to reawaken the interest
that had greeted this venture on its first appearance in 1921,
and to catch up on the support lost between 1924 and 1927.
Conferences of the IIB, the UIA and the International Uni-
versity were scheduled for the period between the 17th and
the 30th July 1927.91 The scale of activity of the Conferences
and the session of the University was much reduced, however,
and the Quinzaine produced nothing new for any of the three
organisations. Discussions and resolutions were similar to
those of previous Conferences, except that the repetition and
the evidence surrounding the participants of ineffectuality,
must have made them seem rather hollow. Indeed, there was
something emptily repetitive about the whole venture and it
marked the last session of Otlet's International University
and the end of the UIA, which held no further international
conferences. Otlet continued to publish occasionally in the
name of the UIA; meetings of representatives of the Asso-
ciations with offices at the Mundaneum continued to be held;
and Otlet persisted in attempting to maintain the Mundane-
um, which had originated as the UlA's international center,
until his death. But effectively, the UIA had become moribund
in   1927.   It  was  revived  after the  Second World  War  and,

297'

with a limited and realistic program, now enjoys consider-
able success.

The IIB, however, continued to show signs of a vigorous
new life. Late in 1926, the new edition of the European
Classification started to come off the press and about 500 pages
of it, up to the end of Class 5,, Natural Sciences, was presented
to the IIB's Conference. Another important piece of business
dealt with at this Conference was the decision to accept the
British Society for International Bibliography (BSIB) as the
British national section of the Institute. The Society was
formally constituted in London later in December 1927 by
Samuel Bradford, then Deputy-keeper of the Science Museum's
Library, Alan Pollard, Professor of Optical Engineering at the
Imperial College of Science and Technology, and others.
Pollard was elected its President. The IIB decided to reserve
its Presidency to an Englishman for the 1927—1928 term and it
was accepted by Pollard.

The year 1927, despite the insignificance of the Fourth
Quinzaine Internationale, is of importance in the history of
the IIB because it marked a stage in the development of
its new life, and the end (though this did not become fully
clear until 1932) of its domination by Otlet and La Fontaine,
as compared with the UIA and the International University
"which had at last succumbed, as it were, under Otlet's hands
in the vast halls of the Mundaneum.

The few Bulletins issued in 1924 and 1925 had been
prepared by Donker Duyvis at some financial loss.92 They
introduced a new tone in IIB publishing. They were necessa-
rily brief, but they presented at the same time comprehensive
and apparently objective accounts of IIB activities. These
reports carefully reflected the IIB's new statutes. Council
Meetings, Assembly Meetings, Classification Committee and
other Committee meetings were all carefully identified. As
Donker Duyvis wrote to Godfrey Dewey, he had done his best
to use the new machinery set up in 1924 for the smooth
functioning of the Institute. He corresponded, for example,
with regional secretaries and relied upon them to pass neces-
sary information on to their members. Otlet, however, tended
to ignore all these arrangements and go his own way. «For
some time», said Donker Duyvis, «I tried to educate M. Otlet
to more accuracy, but at that moment I myself had forgotten
a bag of documents... so I have no more the courage to mor-
alise on my fellow man's promptness*.93

In these years, the reports prepared by Otlet lacked the
clarity, precision and objectivity of tone of those of Donker
Duyvis. Not only did he ignore the new organisation of the
IIB, his thought remained firmly anchored to the concept of
the IIB as embedded in the institutional setting of the Palais

.298

Mondial. He would not or could not grasp the fact that in
the late 1920s the IIB had to find new directions and was
gradually but quite definitely becoming independent of him as
it did so, both in terms of its new regional organisation and
its emphasis on the Decimal Classification. Otlet's universalist
and centralist approach soon became irrelevant to the new
faces appearing within the IIB.

One of these was Alan Pollard's, IIB President for
1927—1928. Pollard had been interested in the IIB and the
Decimal Classification since 1908 when he had made Otlet's
acquaintance and looked over the IIB in Brussels.94 After the
War he began to translate and develop those parts of the CD
dealing with optics and light for application to the index of
the Transactions of the Optical Society. His account of the
classification and his translation of the tables was published
in 1926.95 He was, therefore, no newcomer to the IIB or to
the Universal Decimal Classification. His leadership during
his several terms as President was vigorous, intelligent and
courteous, and it brought the IIB firmly out of the shadow
of its past.

A sad, symbolical ending of the old order in the IIB was
the death reported by Otlet to its 1928 meeting, of Louis
Masure who had been its Secretary in Brussels for over
thirty years. «0wing to the circumstance*, Otlet observed,
«it has not been possible to replace him».96

FOOTNOTES

1.  L'Afjaire  du  Palais  Mondial   (Publication  No.   112;     Bruxelles:   UIA,
1924),   pp.   30—31.

2.  Otlet to Godfrey Dewey, 27 January,  1925, Dossier No. 259, «Dewey»,
Mundaneum.

3.  Otlet to Godfrey Dewey, 8 May 1926, ibid.

4.  Adolphe  Van   Glabbeke,  «Belgium»,  Annual  Register,  1926      (London
Longmans   Green,    1927).

5.  Ernest   Cushing   Richardson,  Some Aspects  of  International     Library
Co-operation (Yardley, Pa..: F. S. Cook, 1928), p. 154.

6.  Otlet to  Godfrey  Dewey,   19 August   1927,  Dossier  No.  259,  «Dewey»,
Mundaneum.

7.  Masure  to  Losseau,   10  December   1923,     Dossier  No.  256,  «Losseau»,
Mundaneum.

8.  Bulletin de novembre 1925 (Publication No.  145;  Bruxelles:  IIB,  1925),
P.   1.

9.  Ibid.,   p.   2.

10. Georges Lorphevre, «Donker Duyvis et la  Classification Dccimale Uni-
verselle»,    F. Donker Duyvis.:  His Life and  Work    (Nider    Publication

299

Series 2, No. 45; The Hague, Netherlands Institute for Documentation
and Filing, 1964), p. 18. Also Bulletin d'aout 1924 (Publication No. 140;
Bruxelles: IIB, 1924), p. 9.

11.  Bulletin   d'aout    1924,   p.   4.

12.  Bulletin  juillet  1924:   session    annuelle,    Geneve,    8    septembre    1924
(Publication No. 139; Bruxelles: IIB, 1924).

13.  Richardson,   p.   84.

14.  The Minutes of  the International Committee on  Intellectual Co-opera-
tion are given in Richardson, pp. 88—93, and separate reference is not
made   to   <them.

15.  The draft agreement is given in Richardson, pp. Ill—112.

16.  Richardson to Otlet,   10 June  1924,  Dossier No. 259, «Dewey»,    Mun-
daneum.

17.  Godfrey  Dewey  to   Otlet.   4  March   1924,   ibid.  The  occasional   curious
spelling  is  Dewey's.  He was  a  strong believer  in  simplified spelling

like   his   father.

18.  Godfrey Dewey to O-tlet, 9 August 1924, ibid.

19.  Tableau  de  I 'organisation  Internationale:   organismes   internationaux  et
activites   internationales   (Publication  No.   114;   Bruxelles:   UIA,   1924).

20.  Paul   Otlet,   Conference  des  Associations   Internationales — programme,
rapport   general...    (Publication     No.   113;     Bruxelles:     UIA,     1924),
pp.    10—11.

21.  Ibid,   p.   11.

22.  Ibid.

23.  Ibid.,   pp.    38—39.

24.  Ibid.,  p.   34.

25.  Ibid.

26.  Ibid., pp. 40—44.

27.  Ibid., p. 42.

28.  Ibid.

29.  Ibid.,   p.   43.

30.  Ibid.,   p.   44.

31.  Ibid.,   p.   21.

32.  Ibid.,   p.   29   and   p.   31.

33.  The  following  account  except where indicated  is  taken  from Bulletin
de  septembre—octobre  1924     (Publication    No.     141;    Bruxelles:   IIB,
1924),   pp.    17—18,   22—24,   and   26.

34.  See Dossier No. 275,  «Service de Documentation*, Mundaneum.

35.  John Phillip Comaromi, A History of the Dewey Decimal Classification:
Editions  One through Fifteen, 1876—1951   (Unpublished  Ph.  D.  disser-
tation,  Department  of  Library  Science,  University of Michigan,   1969),
p. 318.

36.  The following account of the conference is taken from UIA, Conference
des   Associations   Internationales:   compte-rendu   sommaire   (Publication
No.    115;    Bruxelles:    UIA,    1924).

37.  UIA,   Conference  des  Associations  Internationales:   compte-rendu  som-
maire,   pp.    16—18.

38.  Ibid.,   pp.   20—22.
300

39.  Godfrey Dewey to Otlet, 14 November 1924, Dossier No. 259, «Dewey»,
Mundaneum.

40.  Godfrey   Dewey   to   Otlet,   9   January   1925,   ibid.

41.  Copy sent .to Otlet  of  a  letter from  Godfrey  Dewey  to     Richardson,
17 January, 1925, ibid.

42.  «La crise et le transfert du Palais Mondial: reponses de M.    Otlet aux
questions de M. G. Dewey...», Note No. 525, 1 February 1925, ibid.

43.  Otlet to Godfrey Dewey, 27 January  1925 and  18 February  1925, ibid.

44.  Luchaire to  La Fontaine, 23 February  1925,  ibid.

45.  Otlet to Godfrey Dewey, 11 February 1925, ibid.

46.  Otlet to Godfrey Dewey, 25 March 11925, ibid.

47.  Ruyssen to Otlet, 5 December  1924, Dossier No. 39, «Societe des Na-
tions», Mundaneum.

48.  UIA, Mundaneum: a World University, Museum, Bibliography and Lib-
rary — Headquarters  for   International  Associations  in   a   World  Centre
(Publication    No.    117;    Bruxelles:    UIA,    1925).

49.  Bulletin   de   novembre    1925,    pp.    5—6.

50.  Robert  Goldschmidt  and  Paul  Otlet, Sur une forme nouvelle du livre:
le  livre  microphotographique... (Publication  No.  81;     Bruxelles:   1 IB,
1906).

51.  Robert   Goldschmidt   and   Paul  Otlet,   La  Conservation  et  le  diffusion
Internationale de la penses;  le livre    microphotique     (Publication    No.
144;    Bruxelles:    11B,    1925),    p.    7.

52.  Bulletin de novembre 1925, pp. 17—19.

53.  Comaromi, p. 319.

54.  Ibid., pp. 3121—325.

55.  Ibid.,   p.   319.

56.  Bulletin de novembre 1925, p. 19.

57.  Concilium Bibliographicum, Conspectus methodicus et alphabeticus    nu-
merorum  «systemis   decimalis»   qui   in   Bibliographija    Zoologica... in
usum veniunt (3rd ed., 1 IB Publication No. 146; Zurich, Concilium Bib-
liographicum,   1925);   and  Concilium  Bibliographicum,  Conspectus  met-
hodicus et alphabeticus numerorum «systemis decimalis» ad usum Bib-
liographiae Physiologicae  (3rd ed., Office  (sic)  International de Biblio-
graphie Publication No.  143;  Zurich: Concilium Bibliographicum,  1925).

58.  Katherine O. Murra, «Some Attempts to Oiganise Bibliography  Inter-
nationally»,   Bibliographic   Organisation,   ed.   by  Jesse  H.   Shera   and
Margaret   E.   Egan   (Chicago:   University    of   Chicago     Press,     1950),
pp.    41—41.

59.  Richardson,    p.    125.

60.  Ibid,,   p.    126.

61.  Ibid.,   p.    129.

¦62. E. C. Richardson to Prof. A. Zimmern, December 29 1925, Institut In-
ternational de Cooperation Intellectuelle: Institut International de Doc-
umentation: DVII. 13, Unesco, Paris.

€3. Marcel Godet to Alfred Zimmern, 2 February 1926, ibid.
64. Barrau Dihigo to de Vos Van Steenwijk, undated, ibid.

301

65.  Note signed de Vos to M. le Directeur 11 March, 1926 with supplement
dated    19   April    1926,   ibid.

66.  De Vos Van Steenwijk, «Rapport sur ma visite a l'lnstitut International
de   Bibliographie   a   Bruxelles   les   5   et  6   Mars   19i26 —Confidentiel»,.
13   March    1926,   ibid.

67.  G. Oprescu to M. Luchaire, 16 March 1926, ibid.

68.  Undated note signed de Vos to M. le Directeur and de Vos Van Steen-
wijk   ito   M.   Oprescu,    19   March   1926,   ibid.

69.  Ibid.

70.  «Report of M. de Vos Van Steenwijk on the Brussels Institute of Bib-
liography» with pencilled note «this declaration has been communicated'
to    Mr.    Richardson    by    Mr.    Zimmern»,    ibid.

71.  E. C. Richardson to Prof. A. Zimmern, 15 May 1926, ibid.

72.  E. C. Richardson ito Prof. A. Zimmern, 28 June 1926, ibid.

73.  The Director to Otlet and La Fontaine 19 October 1926 —a note trans-
mitting the decisions of the Sub—Committee for Bibliography taken at
its meeting of 24 July 1926, ibid.

74.  Paul Otlet, «Ya Politique et le plan d'evolution», typescript of a paper
for first Congres Psychosociologique, Paris,    30 May to 6 June    1926,
Otletaneum.

75.  Paul Otlet, «L'Avenir de la comptabilite et ses rapports avec les besoins
de 1'organisation mondiale», Congres  International  de la Comptabilite,,
Bruxelles   (No copy of this paper has been found by the author.    He
learned of it from a typescript sent him of a lecture given at the Mun-
daneum on 12 June 1969 by M. M. H. E. R. Mommen entitled, «La Comp-
tabilite   economique   universelle   et   Paul   Otlet,   l'eminent   mondialist».)

76.  Paul Otlet,  L'Education et les Instituts du Palais Mondial   (Mundane-
urn)    (Publication   No.   121;   Bruxelles:   UIA,   1926).

77.  Ibid.,

78.  Ibid.,

79.  Ibid.,

80.  Ibid.,

81.  For example,  UIA,  The  Union of International Associations:  A   World
Centre   (Publications   No.   60;   Bruxelles:     UIA,     1914),     «Tables   and
diagrams*, pp. 33 ff. Some of the same diagrams used in this work were
reproduced  again in  Centre International...   (Publication  No.  98;  Bru-
xelles: UIA,  1921)  and in subsequent publications.

82.  Geddes to Otlet, ? October 1923, Dossier No. 9fi(G), Otletaneum.

83.  Paul  Otlet,  L'Etat  actuel de 1'organisation mondiale de la documenta-
tion: extrait des comptes—rendus du sixieme Congres de Chimie Indust-
rielle    (Paris:    Chimie   et   Industrie,    1926).

84.  A contemporary account of the College is provided in Petit Meridional
(Mont pettier),    29    October    1935.

85.  Geddes to Otlet, 11 August 1925, Dossier No. 92 (G), Otletaneum.

86.  Otlet    to   Geddes,   7   December    1925,   ibid.

87.  Otlet   to    Geddes,    1    September    1925,   ibid.

88.  Universite  Internationale,  Cycle  d'exposes  fondamentaux  sur  l'encyclo-
pedie et la synthese des connaissances (no place or date, F. No. 9195),
Mundaneum.

302

p-
	10.

p-
	3.

p.
	24.

p-
	25.

89. Mundaneutn:  Les Instituts  internationaux du Palais Mondial   (Publica-
tion No. 124; Bruxelles: UIA, 1972), pp. 4—5.

90.  Le     Mundaneutn:     Les     Instiiuts     du     Palais       Mondial       (extraits
de ses publications)   (Publication No. 203; Bruxelles: Mundaneum, 1939).
This pamphlet is unpaged, but a «Catalogue des Microfilms — Munda-
neum» appears at the end of it.

91.  UIA, Actes de la IVe Quinzaine Internationale... (Publication No. 125;
Bruxelles: UIA, 1927). This contained the reports of the UIA and 1 IB.
Conferences  and the meeting of the  International  University.

92.  F.  Donker  Duyvis,  «The  International  Federation  for  Documentation*,
Journal of Documentary Reproduction,  III   (1940),   183.  See  also  Don-
ker Duyvis  to  Godfrey  Dewey,   14  February    1925,    Dossier  No.  259r
«Dewey», Mundaneum.

93.  Donker Duyvis to Godfrey Dewey,  14 February  1925, Dossier No. 259r
«Dewey»,   Mundaneum.

94.  E.  M.  R.  Ditmas,  «A.  Chapter  Closes:   Bradford,  Pollard  and  Lancas-
ter-Jones*, College and Research libraries, X (il949), 333 ff.

95.  A.  F.  C.  Pollard,   The Decimal Bibliographic  Classification  of  the  In-
stitut International de Bibliographie, Partly Translated for the Forma-
tion and Use of a Universal Bibliographic Repertory Concerning Optics^
Light  and  Cognate  Studies   (Cambridge:   Cambridge  University   Press,
1926).

96.   VIIe Conference de Bibliographie Internaiionle, Cologne (Pressa), 17 et
18 septembre 1928  (Publication No.  156;   Bruxelles:  11B,  1928), p. 3.

303

Chapter XIII
CHANGE, NEW DIRECTIONS

POLLARD AND A STRENGTHENED INSTITUTE

The IIB's Annual Meeting in 1928 took place in Cologne
tinder the presidency of Alan Pollard. The business before
it arose partly from Otlet's activities during the year, and
partly from some suggestions for change in the Institute
propounded by Pollard himself.

During the year Otlet had continued to publicise his
plans for moving the Mundaneum to Geneva. He published
a new study of these to accompany architectural drawings by
Le Corbusier of the proposed Center-City there.1 He examined,
also, the possibility of creating almost immediately at Geneva
an International Library which could become a center for
universal documentation through the co-operation of the IIB,
the UIA and other organisations.2 He also continued to nego-
tiate the future of the RBU. He appeared to have accepted a
proposition from Richardson in America that the RBU could
be developed apart from the other UIA—IIB collections, a
separation anticipated as early as the 1920 Conference of the
IIB. There was now no suggestion of discontinuing it, only of
moving it. It had been said that the League of Nations did
not implement the 1924 agreement with the IIB because of
lack of confidence in the IIB's administration. What was
needed, Richardson maintained, being, of course, fully appris-
ed of the attitude towards the IIB in the Paris Institute was
«some method of operation which would give weight to the ad-
ministration of the repertory as now defined,3 in order that this
might command the confidence of the particular agencies from
whom it was hoped money might be obtained».4 Otlet's response
to this, perhaps prompted by Richardson himself, was to
suggest that the American Library Association take over the
administration of the Repertory. Richardson reported that the
ALA Committee on Bibliography was prepared to support this
suggestion if the League would undertake to provide $25,000

304

a year for a five year period. With his Committee on Biblio-
graphy's support and that of the League, Richardson was
convinced that the RBU could be saved and that a useful
information service based on it would become feasible. He
also supported the idea of moving it to (or, as he put it,
«unloading it on») Geneva as a useful way of achieving its
physical separation from the rest of the IIB «plant». In Ge-
neva it would still be recognised «as part of the Belgian
contribution to world co-operation through the League» and
would «enhance prestige both for Belgium and for the
League».5

He was, however, very precise as to the nature and limits
of his Committee's interests in the IIB and the RBU. As he
wrote to Otlet:

This Committee does not undertake, cannot undertake, to act except. ..
on precise undertakings for co-operation. It does not attempt to act
as your agent or representative in any sense, and it cannot undertake
to organise any body which will so act. The Institute must do such
things on its own initiative and responsibility.

This being clearly understood, I may restate with equal clearness the
fact that ihe American Library Association is on record officially as
wishing to find practical ways of concrete co-operation in some of
your projects which it recognises as of real value for international
learning through bibliographical means. .. .6

Edith Scott has noted the circularity in the positions even-
tually reached in the late 20s by both the ALA and the
League. It seemed clear that the ALA would not act to support
the IIB unless the IIB received from the League such a firm
commitment that ALA intervention would in fact become
unnecessary. On the other hand, the League was waiting for
some kind of confidence-inspiring intervention by the ALA
in IIB affairs. «The result was that the IIB received no
support from either the Committee (on Intellectual Co-opera-
tion) or the ALA».7

The League Committee eventually completely repudiated
the notion of a universal finding list and, as Richardson wrote
to Otlet in 1932, «The notification by the League Committee
that it could not or would not carry out the lines of co-opera-
tion agreed on between the League and the Institut ended
the formal undertaking by the ALA to operate. Our plate is
now clean as to undertaking its operation.» Nevertheless, even
in 1932 Richardson was still convinced

that a project for Universal Repertory (sic.) finding list operated at
Geneva under the direct, but not necessarily residential operating su-
pervision of your Institut, and the triple expert supervision of the In-
stitut, the League, and the American Library Association, would be the
thing which would best serve the purposes of international scholarship.
The League Committee has definitely turned down, contrary I think /to
its undertaking towards you, the idea of a gereral international re-
pertory, in favour of urging national repertories. This is, in my judge-

20—3391                                                                                  305

merit, contrary to the interests of international scholarship as well as
well as to its public obligation to your Institut.8

Pollard agreed that the RBU could be administered
separately from the IIB in Brussels. Moreover, he declared
that the British Society for International Bibliography wel-
comed «the prospect that the League of Nations may support
or even temporarily adopt the repertory and hopes that there
may result from this not only a useful differentiation of
functions, but also improved relations between the sister
institutions of Brussels and Paris». But he warned against
any move to Geneva unless the League would not support
the RBU otherwise. The RBU, said Pollard, needed to be
administered in connection with a great national library in
some important centre of population and research. The most
appropriate places for it, if it were to be moved, were Paris,
London, Oxford, Berlin or Rome.9 Later, at the IIB Conference
in Cologne, Pollard formally proposed to transfer the RBU to
London. The IIB Assembly, however, supported Otlet's conclu-
sion that «Geneva is the best solutions*, whereupon Pollard
withdrew his proposition remarking that, «at any time, if it
should be necessary, the Repertory would receive a refuge in
England.*10

The Dutch section of the Institute (Nider) came up with
an entirely new solution for the problems posed by the
Repertory and an information service based on it. At the
time J. Alingh Prins was President of Nider, and the Dutch
report was signed by him and Nider's Secretary G. A. A.
de Voogd. It was provoked by Otlet's General Report to
the IIB.11

Prins and de Voogd attacked Otlet's general principle of
centralist organisation, an attack which, when repeated more
intensely a few years later was to bring the Institut to a
crisis of organisational philosophies and the prospect of a
schism. They expressed dissatisfaction with the amount of
material in the classified sections of the RBU and estimated
that the number of scientific and technical periodicals in
existence was about three times the figure estimated by Otlet.
The information service in the Palais Mondial was poor, they
asserted, partly because of the lack of material on which it
was based, but also partly «because of the incompetence of
the personnel*. They proposed, therefore, that the bibliograph-
ical services of the IIB should be decentralised and organ-
ised on a federative basis. The English section, in their view,
would be the best to develop the sections for the pure and
applied sciences because of the existence already in Kensington
of the Science Library with its great catalog. The central
section at the IIB Headquarters, on the other hand, would'
be the best section to maintain the Author Repertory, and if"

306

American support could be obtained, the sections dealing with
«the sciences of the mind».12 The IIB Council discussed the
Dutch proposal to decentralise the RBU and finally adopted
it. The Bibliographical service provided by the IIB was there-
upon entrusted to the English Section for all matters dealing
with science and technology. The Palais Mondial was left
with the rest.

This was, in fact, a sensible recognition of what had
already taken place in London. In 1926 the Science Museum
Library in South Kensington had received a large corpus of
bibliographical material from the Bureau Bibliographique de
Paris. Bradford, who had then succeeded to the Deputy
Keepership, decided to cut up and intercalate with this mate-
rial all bibliographies in the Library bearing decimal notations,
thus forming, in Otlet's terms, a comprehensive national
bibliographical repertory in the pure sciences and technology.
A well organised information service with adequate staff and
institutional backing was set up in the Library in relation
to this repertory.13 Bradford had been an enthusiast for the
UDC since his earliest years in the Library. Indeed in 1900
he had the «impudence» to suggest that the UDC be used
for the Library's Catalogue. He was then a junior «of some
eighteen months' experience*, and, not surprisingly, was turn-
ed down.14 He bided his time for a quarter of a century
until he was in a position to order his suggestion carried out.
He saw one of the major aims of the British Society for Inter-
national Bibliography, which he and Pollard had founded in
1927, as publicity for the UDC and its widespread adoption by
indexing and abstracting journals so that material published
by them would have classification indices accompanying en-
tries and could be eacily cut up and inter-filed in catalogs like
that of the Library of the Science Museum.15 In all of this
Bradford closely followed Otlet, whose influence he acknowled-
ged, though he repudiated Otlet's wider pre-occupations.16

There was about all of this discussion of the Repertory
at the 1928 Cologne Conference something contrived. Pollard
was merely reporting to the Conference a modified form of
views communicated in more detail and with more frankness
by Bradford in several letters to Gilbert Murray, now Chairman
of the League's Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, in an
attempt to stimulate further League support for the IIB.
Having been made aware of League distrust of the IIB,
Bradford had exclaimed of the situation: «I did not know that
it was still so bad». He agreed that Otlet and La Fontaine
were «delightful personally but lacking in tact». He continued,
however, to believe and to stress the point to Murray, that
they were the authors of the only practical scheme of inter-

20*                                                                                                      307

national bibliography. He made it clear that he had no confi-
dence in the American proposals for rescuing and supporting
the IIB. The American Library Association, in his view, had
had no experience of running a bibliographic venture on the
scale of the Brussels Repertory. He also disagreed with the
proposal that it be moved to Geneva for there it would be
too distant from most centers of scnce and industry. The
solution to all of these difficulties, he concluded, was for the
Repertory to be taken over by the Science Museum where there
was a staff both scientifically and bibliographically experi-
enced and where the Repertory could be maintained at a cost
of no more that 2,000 per annum. As the same systems were
used in the Museum and in Brussels all that was needed was

a  comparatively small increase of the    organisation we have already
established .. .

If it should be possible to secure this enormous bibliography, con-
taining, as it does, a wealth of references on all branches of econ-
omics as well as science and technology, merely for the cost of upkeep,
it should be a coup.17

Bradford then revealed that Donker Duyvis acquiesced
in these views. Indeed, Donker Duyvis had himself written
to the Institute in Paris informing de Vos Van Steenwijk that
most useful to it in place of the entire Repertory which the
English, Dutch and German sections. «The personality of
M. Otlet had not much importance in the practical work». He
suggested that if the current agreement between the League
and the IIB was unsatisfactory, it should be abandoned
forthwith and a new one worked out in conjunction with
Pollard, La Fontaine and himself.18

The Dutch proposal at the Cologne Conference to «decen-
tralise» the Repertory was, in fact, a political ploy to secure
for the Science Museum in London that part of the Repertory
most useful to it in place of the entire Repertory which the
Conference, following Otlet's proposal, wished to see transfer-
red to Geneva. The practical effects of the manoeuvre were
probably minimal. Certainly no cards appear to have been
transferred from Brussels though, no doubt, collaborators sent
both new material and requests for information henceforth
to London.

There was no immediate action at the League either as
a result of Bradford's intervention. Murray communicated his
letters to the Secretariat in Geneva and they went thence to
the Institute in Paris. It was decided quite emphatically to
continue to wait for the views of the Sub-Committee on
Bibliography on a new approach to the IIB. Indeed, it was
clear that in the Secretariat it was a case of «once bitten
twice shy», and Murray was informed of this in no uncertain

308

terms.  «My experience*,  the  Secretary of the  Committee  for
Intellectual Co-operation wrote,

in dealing with this affair during the last few years is rather more
pessimistic [than Bradford's]. I am not sure that MM. Otlet and La
Fontaine will consent to stop their other activities and deal only in
the future with bibliographical work. I was told that their actual posi-
tion is rather difficult and perhaps for the moment they will agree to
keep only the International Institute of Bibliography; but I am not
sure that in the near future they will not begin again with Munda-
neum.

He pointed out that, despite allegations to the contrary
being circulated by the IIB, the first part of the agreement
between the League and the IIB had been implemented and
a subsidy paid. This was for the Supplement to the Index
Bibliographicus. «The manner in which the Brussels Institute
undertook the work, however, was such that we were obliged
to stop the execution of the programme*.19

More immediately dramatic than the Dutch suggestions
to decentralise the RBU were Pollard's suggestions at the
IIB's 1928 meeting for improving the organisation and the
governance of the IIB.20 They were far-reaching. He strongly
recommended that the IIB should establish «daughter soci-
eties* in each of the various countries of the world on the model
of the BSIB in England. These societies would mainly attempt
to secure the membership of national and local scientific,
commercial and other organisations in the country, and induce
them to employ the Decimal Classification. They would act
as national or special bureaux responsible for indexing the
literature of their countries and for sending this indexing to
the IIB in Brussels. Above all, they would receive from their
members suggestions for improvements in the UDC, would
edit them and would communicate them to the IIB, receiving
from the IIB official alterations and additions to the classi-
fication for communication in turn to their members. The IIB
on its part would receive and incorporate into its repertories
the bibliographical information prepared by the «daughter
societies*, and would eventually issue regular bibliographies,
perhaps based, Pollard suggested, on the ten main classes of
the UDC. It Would receive suggestions for improvements in the
UDC, transmit these through the Classification Committee
from one daughter society to another for criticism, and imme-
diately distribute alterations and additions as they were
adopted by the CC. This closely co-operative and co-ordinated
work on the UDC, Pollard said,

w.ould be vital to the very existence of the Institut International de
Bibliographic and I venture to think that it would be of greater
importance than the -Repertoire itself and the periodical publications
of bibliographies, for the reason that, in England, at least, many in-
stitutions prefer to make their own repertories and if they are to use

309

the Decimal Classification they must have a live classification which
grows with the advance of the particular branch of knowledge which
concerns them.

His recommendations for change in the governance of the
IIB, however, struck immediately at the positions occupied by
Otlet and La Fontaine. They were expressed in a way that
would minimise offence or alarm. Otlet and La Fontaine,
Pollard said,

have laboured in the interests of the Institut ever since they founded
it in 1895. They have produced a monumental work — a great biblio-
graphical institute and they continue to bear the burden of its increasing
activities upon their shoulders. It is now time members of the
Council stepped forward and helped to shoulder these labours.
I venture to suggest that your General Secretaries should consist of
not less than eight active officials who can meet together several
times during the year to carry on the business of the Institut. The
General Secretariat, I suggest, would in reality be an Executive
Council, consisting of a single General Secretary who should be a
permanent salaried official of the Institut, a Treasurer, an Editor of
publications, and five Ordinary Members of -Council.
It addition to the President of the Institut there should be four Vice—
Presidents who are distinguished members of Council and who would
serve say four years ... Your Commissions or Sections are very im-
portant and you have at present four of these dealing with and con-
trolling matters of a bibliographical nature,21 but you have no Fi-
nancial Commission or Publications and Propaganda Commission.
You certainly should have a Financial Commission consisting of the
Treasurer and two or three members of Council to look after the
financial side of the Institut.

Again, your Publications and Propaganda Commission would be
most important, for this Commission would make recommendations
to the General Secretariat or Executive Council on all matters con-
cerning the publications of the Institut and methods of advertising
the Institut's activities and the Treasurer would be an important
member of this Commission or Section.

All of these suggestions were adopted except the one
relating to the General Secretariat. Donker Duyvis was
unexpectedly elected as a third Secretary-General, Otlet and
La Fontaine being confirmed in their mandates. The existence
of three Secretaries-General complicated the formation of the
Commissions or Committees suggested by Pollard. An Execu-
tive Council was set up consisting of the President, the three
Secretaries-General and three other members of Council, one
of whom was Bradford of the Science Museum Library in
London. A financial Committee of three members and the
President and Secretaries-General was also constituted. The
formation of a Publications Committee was left to Donker
Duyvis who was to draw its members from the other IIB
Commissions.

These reforms were extended at the 1929 meeting of the
IIB which took place, again under the Presidency of Pollard,
in   September   in   London   at   Pollard's    own   institution,  the

310

Imperial College of Science and Technology.22 Otlet did not
attend this meeting. There were also no representatives from
Poland or Russia or the International Associations. It was
now decided that all official letters from the IIB to the League
of Nations or to Governments should bear the signature of
one of the Secretaries-General and that of the President. As
a political manoeuvre within the Institute this pre-empted any
further exercise of the Otlet-La Fontaine hegemony. They
could not act without the signature of the President but the
President and Donker Duyvis as third Secretary-General had
complete authority if they wished to act independently of
Otlet and La Fontaine. Moreover, as both third Secretary-
General and Secretary of the Institute's most important
Commission or Committee, the International Committee for
the Decimal Classification, Donker Duyvis became more pro-
minent and powerful in the affairs of the Institute than ever.

Among other matters of a formal or structural nature
examined by the 1929 meeting of the Council were the problems
of membership and the official seat of the Institute. It was
decided that national sections would have eight votes each in
the affairs of the Institute, special sections (the International
Associations) would have four votes, corporate members two
and individual members one. The composition of the Council
was formally determined as consisting of the President,
Secretaries-General, the Treasurer, a representative of the
League of Nations (provided the 1924 convention was imple-
mented), two members elected by the International Associa-
tions and two members elected by corporate and individual
members, making a total of ten (given the fact that La
Fontaine acted as    both Treasurer    and    Secretary-General).

La Fontaine explained to the meeting, when Pollard raised
the question of the location of the headquarters of the Insti-
tute, that in Belgium the IIB had a legal status that could
be maintained only if the official seat of the Institute were
in Belgium and if three members of its Council were Belgian.
The Council, therefore, decided to modify the Statutes to show
Brussels as its official headquarters. La Fontaine observed
that the decision about the official seat of the IIB «had only a
formal character and served to fulfil the conditions imposed
by Belgian law. The IIB still had to take into account the
possibility of moving to Geneva».

La Fontaine urged the meeting to pursue the 1924 agree-
ment of the League of Nations' with the IIB. It was time, he
observed, that «both parties should definitely decide their
attitude*. Pollard was instructed by the Council to write to
the League «requesting it either to put into force the present
Convention or to alter the Convention in such a way that
it was  acceptable  to  both  parties*.  This  matter  had  earlier

311

in the year been taken up independently by a Committee of
Library Experts appointed by the League Committee on In-
tellectual Co-operation. The Committee of Library Experts had
originally been appointed to advise the Sub-Committe on
Bibliography on the setting up of a co-ordination service for
national information offices. It now recommended that infor-
mal negotiations with the International Institute of Biblio-
graphy at Brussels* be entered into «with a view to laying the
foundations of practical co-operation regarding in particular
the problems of bibliographical classification, the study of
which it is most important to co-ordinate in existing circum-
stances*.23 A meeting was arranged for the middle of 1930. As
de Vos Van Steenwijk remarked in a confidential note to
Pollard:

The expert librarians seemed to be inclined to think that collaboration
along the lines previously considered in the agreement as drawn
up between the League and the Institut International de Bibliogra-
phie should be postponed in lavour of the above.24

In June 1929, a World Conference of Libraries and
Bibliography had met in Rome. Otlet had addressed a report
on the IIB to it, and Donker Duyvis a very brief one on the
UDC.25 Bradford, who had attended, discussed it at the IIB
Council meeting later in the year. He remarked that there
had been many discussions about the UDC which was strongly
supported in every quarter. Moreover, he said, he had had a
long talk with Ernest Cushing Richardson who had informed
him that

The American Library Association did not wish to interfere in the
control of the Repertory but was willing to help, so far as they were
able, if desired. It was clear, however, that the American Library
Association looked at the matter from ithe point of view of books
rather than of the original information in papers, and their idea is to
develop the Author  Catalogue rather  than the  Subject-Matter  Index.

The Americans, whom Otlet had actively courted, were regard-
ed with some suspicion within the Institute generally. Never-
theless, their emphasis on the alphabetical part of the
Repertory, the less important part in the eyes of men like
Bradford, was a reflection of the League Committee on
Intellectual Co-operation's desire to see it developed into an
international «finding list».

Inevitably one of the most important matters examined
at the 1929 IIB meeting was the Universal Decimal Classi-
fication. .So wide had interest become in this that a serious,
problem of dealing with translations and translation rights
had arisen. Translations were underway or published in some-
form by this time in German, Czechoslovakian, Russian, Po-
lish and English. It was decided that the conditions under
which translation rights for the CD would be granted were:

312

1. Thorough control of the manuscripts [be retained by the Institute];
,2. Five copies  of  each  translation  to be  supplied  to  the    secretariat;

3.  The  correctly  translated  parts  of  the  CD  to  have    a    publication
number and to be incorporated into the series of official publications;

4.  If financial profits were obtained by the issue of a CD translation,
the IIlB to get a certain percentage of them.

In the case of the German translation a problem arose because
it was to be published formally by the Normenausschuss or
Standards Office. Donker Duyvis informed the meeting that
«the British publication might be treated similarly». It was, in
fact, later issued by the British Standards Institution. This had
a bearing on the regulation that translations should be incor-
porated into the official series of IIB publications. Donker
Duyvis observed, however, that

It did no harm if a good translation of the Decimal Classification-
appeared without bearing the IIB series number. It was far more im-
portant that the IIB should take care that no editions appeared with
the  official  «imprimatur»  unless  they  had  been  thoroughly  checked.

He suggested that a note in the preface or elsewhere would
be a sufficient indication of origin. Official permission to
publish rested in the hands of the new Publications Commis-
sion the duties of which were assumed by the Executive Council
in   1930.

By 1929,three years after in had been begun, the printing of
the new edition had reached the stage of completed
main tables. All that remained were the tables of the common
subdivisions and the Index. La Fontaine told the meeting
that more than 1100 copies had been sold in advance, fifty
copies going to America — all this without serious publicity.
Printing expenses would be met, he remarked, when 1400
copies were sold, and it was «forseen that the manual would
be out of print in a short time». Donker Duyvis anticipated
that the Index to the new edition, which was being prepared
by La Fontaine, would be issued within six months, and the
Council appointed Carl Walther,2" Samuel Bradford and the
three Secretaries-General to be a committee to work on the
tables of the common subdivisions. It was generally agreed
that these should be altered as little as possible, although
Donker Duyvis criticised the subdivisions and juxtapositions
in the geographic table and the separation of the time divi-
sions into two groups.

Because of the advanced stage of printing of the new
edition Donker Duyvis gave a detailed report on it at the
CC meeting, stressing an observation that he had already
made a number of times: «the present edition must be consid-
ered as a provisional one». Because of this view, he pushed
ahead for the completion of the edition regardless of obstacles,
and particularly regardless of problems of concordance with'
the American edition.27 For him the edition was to represent"

313:

the beginning of something new and perfectible not the defin-
itive statement of something old and perfected.

The parts of the Classification that Otlet and La Fontaine
"were responsible for had been on the whole simply reprinted
from the 1905 edition. Great dissatisfaction with them was
expressed and finally in 1935 various collaborators under the
guidance of Donker Duyvis then set to work «to bring those
first chapters on the same level as the following ones».28
These, the parts for science and technology, had been almost
completely rewritten by Donker Duyvis with the help of var-
ious collaborators.

Lorphevre gives a vivid and personal picture of what
went into the preparation and final printing of this new edition
of the full UDC.

The responsibility of the editors was established: pure and applied
sciences under the authority of Donker Duyvis, the humane sciences
under the direction of Otlet and La Fontaine.

It was understood that Donker Duyvis would be entirely responsible
for editing the chapters devolving on him. He did so with the aid of
a hundred specialists whom he had interested in the work.
In November 1926, printing properly speaking began...
The gathering together of the material in different languages present-
ed the greatest difficulties. There were English, German and Dutch
texts, all having to be turned into French. A good part of the translation
"was done at Brussels, but the files are scattered everywhere with
linguistic discussions. Unexpected incidents led to the loss of time,
such as that of a badly translated German abbreviation which com-
pletely distorted the text without anyone immediately identifying the
cause of discussions which resulted in... [a] faulty interpretation.
t'Donker Duyvis had the sheets of this withdrawn and paid for the
printing of a corrected version from his own pocket.]29 A letter from
Deventer [Donker Duyvis' home town] of 31 July 1927 said about
this that «the linguistic control is the heaviest part of the works.
After translation, the text was returned to Deventer for decimalisa-
tion. Donker Duyvis preferred to work on a text showing the subor-
dination of ideas but devoid of decimal numbers. The number of main
terms was revised according to the new everywhere compulsory cri-
terion: that of the statistical frequency of publications on a subject.
When the division arose from the classification of one of the Patent
Offices (Germany or Holland), the number of patents necessary for
the introduction of a special classification number was fixed at 1,000.
In the following stage, the proofs were corrected in Deventer and
even in London as well as in Brussels where the printing was car-
ried out...

The work of correction was one of the most difficult after that of
translation. An enormous problem was that of our friend's eyes. His
sight was bad and La Fontaine went to help him, but, of course, the
Belgian Senator was a multiple person. He was busy with national
and international politics. He was the Belgian delegate to the League
of Nations. He travelled frequently and each departure created a dra-
ma for Donker Duyvis who saw the work slowed by it. On the 1st
November he wrote: «the opthamologist has condemned me to a two
week treatment for my eyes». In fact he had to undergo an operation.
Happily, La Fontaine was in Brussels, and the damage was les-
sened.

314

But this was not all. One is confounded in the face of the sum of
the difficulties which the three brave men encountered. Donker Duyvis
absolutely did not wish to lose any time. He wrote even in the train.
On the 24 March il928 he sent off five pages in pencil, the result of
a train trip.30

Two extremely important matters bearing on the future
-of the UDC and the IIB were discussed by Donker Duyvis in
his 1929 report to the Classification Committee: the problem
of preparing from this imperfect and provisional edition of the
classification «a really accurate, standard» one, and the
problem of the reconciliation of the European CD with the
American DC. In considering the first of these problems,
Donker Duyvis informed the Council that part zero of the
classification had been translated into German and published
by the German Standards Institution. Not only did this not
•contain a single printing error

it contains a number of small extensions, corrections in the defini-
tions, and other small improvements which we call «retouches» ...
I think this is the way by which to arrive at a really accurate,
standard edition. We should promote the reprinting of very carefully
studied parts of the Manual either in English, German or the French
language, and give them the «imprimatur» of the Institute only after
rigorous checking.

These small «retouched» editions will together build up the standard
manual, for which the present new manual serves as the raw mate-
rial. It is obvious that the process will require a decennium, but as
log as we have no strong financial support at our disposal, I do
not see any other possibility.31

This proposal, accepted by the 1931 Hague meeting as IIB
policy for the Abridged Editions at least, was again a break
from Otlet's centralist views, and was later to cause him some
anger. For him control of the classification had to be much
more than the co-ordination and «accreditation» of parts in
various languages, a process carried out independently of a
complete basic text which should, in his view, constitute a
final authority, and he was to resist «decentralisation» of the
classification along with decentralisation of the Repertory.

The problem of reconciliation of the CD and the DC had
been under active consideration in America during this period.
A crisis was precipitated by the IIB proposal in 1928 to
alter the tables for botany, 580.32 Donker Duyvis had proposed
to Dorcas Fellows that the order of the tables be converted
from the complex to the simple, and that the Engler-Gilg
botanical classification «which was said to be more modern»
should be used as a basis for developing the CD tables for
botany. Miss Fellows objected to anv change from the older
Bentham-Hooker order used in the DC and she now stated
her firm conviction that

the CD was filled with problems and inconsistencies, which, she point-
ed out, were  ones that were «not  culd  fr  a  single class... samples

315

v bad work w wh I know CD t be permeated, my general ground for
distrusting it all.»

Donker Duyvis, dismayed by her attitude and the difficulties
of reconciliation of the two editions after the appearance of
the 1927 American edition, proposed that CD should go its
own way independently of DC. Miss Fellows' comment t»
Godfrey Dewey was brutally frank:

I wish f bottom v my hart th hd gon th own way 30 years ago, t
extent v laying out a skeme v th own. Probabli I h wisht 100 times
during last 7 yrs tt I IB nvr had herd v us, wh z vr uncharitabl, be
th nvr wd h got aniwhere without us.

Godfrey  Dewey,  however,  tenaciously  opposed  her  with
his belief in co-operation:

The most important new thought is to work toward a single  biblio-
graphic edition bilingual with French and English on facing  pages,,
publisht preferably by I IB leaving our library editions as the  fullest
publisht by us independently.

So strong did Dorcas Fellows' opposition to the IIB grow
that her animosity began to be directed towards Godfrey him-
self, its champion. Melvil Dewey, nearing the end of his long
life,33 was forced to intervene and held two conferences with
them to clear away the differences. Negotiations were under-
way with the Library of Congress at this time to have decimal
numbers placed on printed Library of Congress cards. The
Library of Congress required great speed in the provision of
numbers and that once they were printed they could not be
changed, so that the IIB had to accept changes of expansions
made at the DDC Office or face «consolidated» divergence.
At the 1929 IIB Conference, Donker Duyvis gave his
version at attempts at concordance and the troublesome prob-
lem of the tables for 580. He observed that

In the new manual we have made important alterations in order to
approach unification with the American edition of the DDC. In their
last edition our American friends have made only very few alterations
in our direction, but they have introduced various extensions based
on the international CD, sometimes with the same numbers and
sometimes not.

Now, in one respect we have caused new discordance. In botany we
have introduced the system of Prof. Engler which is at present the
most widely used standard system for botanical classification. Our
main object was to fix a definite place for every plant, so that in cases
of doubt about the classification of some specimen, the Engler man-
ual might give the decision... Our American friends keep strongly
to the out-of-date Bentham and Hooker system, which, in the form
in which it was published in the last American edition, is certainly
not utilisable for scientific classification. Recently our American col-
leagues have expanded the Bentham and Hooker system in order to
make it fit for practical use. Personally, I think the result of this
very careful work does not meet the reguirements of assigning a def-
inite place to every specimen.34

316

The 1929 IIB Conference decided that its 1930 meeting
would be held in Zurich, Switzerland in the last week in
August. Bradford had proposed at the 1929 meeting that the
annual meetings of the now firmly reconstituted Institute
should henceforth become something more than business
meetings. They should take on something of the character they
enjoyed in earlier days and should last from four to five days
with general papers being presented at them. The 1930 meeting
was to be the first of these new kinds of meeting. Godfrey
Dewey wrote to Otlet early in 1930 to ask him to get the confer-
ence date set back to June when he would be able to get to
Europe. At the same time he expressed his increasing sense of
dissatisfaction with the IIB. He reported that the DC office
had at last reached agreement with the Library of Congress
for placing decimal numbers on Library of Congress printed
cards, on the understanding that publication of cards could
not be delayed by the necessity of getting decimal numbers,
and that numbers once assigned and printed on the cards,
must not be altered. He continued:

This brings to a head the issues regarding the basis of co-operation
between QD and DC, arranged in 1924 but entirely disregarded by
CD ever since commencing preparation of their new edition. To facilitate
final study of the situation, a special worker on Miss Fellows
staff is devoting three months to an analytic comparison of CD and
DC which I hope I will bring with me in May.
I am greatly distressed to have no reply to my 14 November 1929
letter to you, either as regards 580 or the Mundaneum. I cannot
over-emphasise the essential importance of your adhering to the
promises given with respect to 580. If these are disregarded, it will
be beyond my power to assist further in handicapping DC in this
country by apparently futile efforts to establish and maintain con-
cordance with CD.35

But Otlet was helpless. He could not take any action to change
the date of the 1930 meeting which had been set by the IIB
Council. Furthermore, he was himself becoming quite pessi-
mistic about the administration of the CD:

The CD is greatly extended in Europe and those who have brought
about this extension very much desire a part in its direction. This is
to tell you we have been outflanked at the Secretariat of the CD, and
it is going to result in a great disaster in the world which uses de-
cimal numbers, and it will find itself in full anarchy as to their ap-
plication and from this evil will come good (always in universal
history). But the good will perhaps be for others and not for us (as
often in Universal history). We ask you, therefore, to go to London
to see Bradford and Pollard ... and to meet us with Donker Duyvis
in Brussels... For my part I want complete agreement very much,
and I hope that the fact of having lived through the whole history of
the movement will permit me to exercise an influence on the decision
taken proportional to that fact.36

When Dewey set off to Europe in 1930, Miss Fellows' study
¦of concordance had been    completed    and    her    recommenda-

317

tions made. They were sent to Brussels in 1931,37 but it is pos-
sible that Dewey took a copy of them with him as he had hoped1
to do. In any case, whether he had Miss Fellows' report or not,,
he and Otlet arrived at an arrangement for pursuing concor-
dance, and Dewey returned to America hopeful of improved,
relations between the two classifications.38

At the end of the 1930 conference of the IIB which was
held as scheduled in Zurich, Otlet was in despair. The Insti-
tute with its new shape, with its younger men slowly but
surely taking over from him and La Fontaine, had not heeded
him or his plans for concordance. «You know», he wrote to-
Dewey afterwards,

how I am forced to find solutions for conciliation; you know in what
general and future terms I have envisaged here in Brussels the prob-
lem posed by conciliation and the future. iBut I am not followed. In
London,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  question  of  concordance  has  not
been considered in the same spirit. In truth, I am overwhelmed, for,
materially, I don't have time to battle with our friends for the cause
of concordance, and to intervene in particular cases as necessary. You.
know what resources we lack to make a serious attempt at organisa-
tion  of  the Tables  of the  Decimal  Classification    at  Brussels . .. De-
prived of ...  resources and wanting to save the work, cost what it-
might, it was necessary to have recourse to a great voluntary work
of three parties. From there a radical transformation which has oper-
ated in the structure of the IIB and the organisation of the  [Classi-
fication]   Committee acting more and more without having before it
the whole of the problem past, present and future. What to do? What
to do?

Here are the resolutions adopted at Zurich. The question of CD—DC
has been examined by the Committee. I intervened to explain and
defend the project elaborated with you to show the consequences of
the facts of the movement ... The English and the Dutch have
declared it to be impossible to link themselves with what this project
would mean. I have preached in the desert, and not having the
means, I repeat the material means, of realising it myself, the whole
position has been weakened. Mr. Donker Duyvis should have written to
you about what the situation is now. The English had proposed to
call him «Dictator» of the classification. This was a little sharp,
whatever his collaboration on the tables had been.39

It seems clear that in Europe there had grown up as.
strong a feeling against shackling the CD to the DC as Dor-
cas Fellows had expressed against shackling the DC to the
CD. This mutual reluctance was expressed in attitudes to-
wards translation. «Great z DC!», Dorcas Fellows exclaimed
to Godfrey Dewey. «Man in Germany wants to translate it (DC
mind you, not CD) into German — we to pay for translating
and publishing.*40 But opposed to this was the English desire
expressed in 1931 to translate the CD into English.41

Otlet with his universalist philosophy, his belief in a great
centralised bibliographic repertory, still looked for concord-
ance, for the reconciliation of differences to achieve his goal of

318

world unity for documentation. Donker Duyvis and Pollard,,
on the other hand, were more pragmatic. They wished to have
a classification issued in a reasonably up-to-date form, in use,,
and under study for further extension and revision. For them
use was mainly local, though at this time they were orthodox
and paid lip-service to the RBU. It did not, however, exercise
great power on their imagination. «In England at least», Pol-
lard had said, «many institutions prefer to make their own rep-
ertories».42 This local use and the method Donker Duyvis
believed best for improving the new edition by «retouched»
translations, emphasised the need for translations. The more
decentralised «retouching» became the more discordance would
appear not only between the European edition and the Ameri-
can edition, but also between various European translations as
well. Donker Duyvis had struck at the foundation of unity
with the American classification and at the wider concept of a
single international standard, though his power as «dictator»
of the classification and controller of translations was a little
confined by the Zurich conference's decision that the Execu-
tive Council of the IIB and not the CC would have ultimate
authority for approving all publications made in the name of
the IIB.

Although the main tables were finished in 1929 and work
began at once upon their revision, extension and translation, the
index to the new edition did not appear in the six months Don-
ker Duyvis had estimated as necessary for its preparation. Nor
did the sub-committee for the tables of the common subdivi-
sions quickly produce a revised version of these. As a result
the edition languished uncompleted until 1932. A letter from
Leon Wouters to La Fontaine in March 1930 describes some
of the difficulties resulting from the delay in completing the
new edition.

This evening as on numerous other evenings I am devoting myself
to the correspondence of the subscribers to the Decimal Classification-
Imagine a thousand correspondents scattered in 45 different coun-
tries ... Their letters are generally very polite and express a patience
which does honour to the brotherhood of the decimaLists.

However, there are some letters which ask if we are swindlers;
others saying that they are going to address themselves to important
people in Brussels to find out what this International Institute of
Bibliography is to which they have sent money without receiving its
value in return. Another, a German bookseller, has informed us that
he has at last received the volume subscribed to three years ago, but
that he has been obliged to return it to us because his client had
died in the meantime.

Lastly, a great number tell us that they do not have the alphabetical'
index, that they have the most urgent need of it, and beg us to    let
them know unequivocably when we intend  to send it to them .. .
The printer receives letters and the IIB also. They send them to me;
I read them;    I reply   to   them best I    can, calming impatience and'

319-

making promises  that are not kept and of which I  am     afterwards
reminded ...

I am making it my duty to acquaint you to-day with these bitter
criticisms of which I am to be understood as only the echo and
which I have described to Mr. Otlet on several occasions.
The facts are impressive; hundreds and hundreds of subscribers beg
us to finish it. They are interested; they merit our sympathy; they are
impatient...

What can be said about our progress toward that moment when we
will have discharged our obligations. We must give our consciences
some peace.

I appeal to you, my dear Mr. La Fontaine, to take an energetic
decision, so that the common subdivisions can be prepared, so that a
more or less perfect alphabetical index can be issued.
Save us from this nightmare. For my part I am morally and physi-
cally exhausted, and the pleasure I took in helping the enterprise to
be successful has been replaced by a strong regret at having delivered
myself to the duty of lying and making vain promises to so many
people who deserve better treatment.43

ALINGH PRINS AND CONTINUED DEVELOPMENT

The year 1931 was a year of great change for the IIB.
It was the year in which work on translating the UDC into
English was formally begun. It was the year that, because of
the prospect of this translation, concordance with the Ameri-
can edition was recognised as having become only desirable
rather than imperatively necessary. It was the year of German
translations; a year in which the centralist character of the
Institute was further eroded by the growing strength of
national sections. It was the year in which the Institute's name
was changed and a Dutch President, J. Alingh Prins, took
office, cementing Dutch power in the management of the
Institute's affairs, and confirming and accelerating the changes
begun by Pollard.

Early in 1931, Pollard wrote to Godfrey Dewey requesting
permission to translate the CD into English. Dewey was
alarmed:

Education Foundation (Lake Placid Club) protests officially and
earnestly against English translation of Classification Decimale which
would be direct violation of fundamental agreement with International
Institute of Bibliography. I will be in London about June 1 to
discuss the underlying problem which is concordance.44

In London he met Pollard, two of the IIB Secretaries-General
(Donker Duyvis, reporting on the meeting, does not mention
who the other was), and representatives of the BSIB and
ASLIB (Association of Special Libraries and Information. Bu-
reaux). The meeting was judged successful and it was agreed
that:

'I. All parties would renew their efforts to achieve complete accord
between the library and bibliographic editions, and would strive for
the  establishment  of  central  machinery  provided  with the  necessary

520

support and authority to ensure success, to effect such accord and
ensure its preservation in the future.

2.  The   parties   responsible     for   the    projected     English    translation
would explore the possibilities of providing in that translation  (which
would   automatically  become  the  standard   authorised  edition  of  the
IIB)   sufficient   re-adjustment   of   discordant   sections   to   enable  the
Educational Foundation [of the Lake Placid Club] to accept this as a
valuable evidence of good will.

3.  Preferably, such preliminary revisions would be made in the main
three-figure divisions, as far as practicable.

4.  The results of this  preliminary survey would be communicated to
Mr. Dewey dn order that he might put them before the Educational
Foundation as evidence of co-operation and good will.45

What had become of Dorcas Fellows' project for concordance
is obscure, and Donker Duyvis makes no mention of it in his
1931 report on the Classification Committee's work. From a
comment of his, it seems clear that he envisaged the English
translation of the CD as being significantly different from the
DC. «It seems impossible*, he said, «to realise the concordance
all of a sudden, therefore we should try to make the two
editions approach each other gradually in subsequent edi-
tions*.46 This comment reveals again his attitude of getting
the CD into translation and into print as a basis for future
revisions. Though belief in the desirability of concordance was
never quite lost in Europe and some work appears to have
been done on it, after 1931 the work was token and the belief
vague. Permission was granted by the Americans in 1933 for
the printing of the English edition subject only to the provi-
sos that «substantial concordance on 1000 heads be reached*,
and that a formal acknowledgement of the origin of the CD
in Melvil Dewey's DC be made.47 The work was to be issued as
a British Standard.

The Germans emerged as an important group in the for-
tunes of the Decimal Classification and the IIB in 1931. In
his report on the activities of the Classification Committee for
that year, Donker Duyvis described the new shape the organi-
sation of work on the UDC had taken following his scheme of
extension and revision through translation. In Germany, he
announced, an abridged manual of the UDC was being pre-
pared. Great hopes were had of this work:

This edition will be far more extensive than the French «abregees»,
and may be considered a true «library edition*. It may serve the fol-
lowing purposes:

1.  Classification for public libraries,

2.  Classification for larger general libraries such as university libraries,

3.  Classification  for special libraries.  In that case the translation of
the part of the complete manual in connection with the special field
of the library should be used together with    the    German    abridged
edition.

4.  Introduction and general guide to the complete manual.48

21—3391                                                                                  321

Moreover, German translation of a number of special sections
in the field of the «technical sciences* of the complete manual
were undertaken under the supervision of Carl Walther. Trans-
lation involved «retouches», and Donker Duyvis advised those
who wanted extensions or to co-operate in some way in the
preparation of the German edition of the special sections to
put themselves into communication with Walther who presided
over a special committee, the Deutscher Ausschuss fur Uni-
versel Klassifikation, to coordinate German efforts. «Practical-
ly all learned and technical societies in Germany» were repre-
sented in this Committee which had official status.49

In England emphasis was on work in the pure sciences
and the medical sciences. The English collaborators tended to
work through the intermediary of the Science Library. A joint
committee of ASLIB and BSIB, however, had been formed to
work on the translation of the whole CD manual. The emergen-
ce of a strong English and German interest in the UDC meant
that now four national groups were deeply engaged in the
affairs of the Institute — English, German, Dutch and Belgian.
The provision written into the 1924 revision of the IIB statutes,,
stressed by Pollard in 1928 though his concept of «daughter
societies* and further encouraged by the allocation of voting
rights in 1929 which emphasised the importance of national
sections in the Institute, was now taking effect with a ven-
geance through work on translation of the UDC. As the national
sections increased their activity and influence, the central po-
sition of Otlet, La Fontaine and the IIB Headquarters in Brus-
sels, was gradually undermined. Noting the emergence of
strong nationalist forces in the IIB in 1930, Otlet observed to
Godfrey Dewey: «I believe there is going to be a crisis*.50

The UDC now became the key to renewed League interest
in the IIB. The Committee of Library Experts had decided
in 1929 to explore ways of League collaboration with the
IIB in terms of the study and co-ordination of bibliographi-
cal classification. Pollard, emphasising the widespread use of
the UDC in England and the IIB's international network of
affiliated Societies*, had suggested to the Committee that it
formally adopt the Decimal Classification and set the IIB up'
as a Branch of the Institute.51 The Committee, however, rec-
ommended that the classification, the largest existing attempt
at universal classification, «should be improved across the
various sciences but taking into account the needs of libraries
which has not been done before*. It made it clear that there-
could be no intimate participation of League and IIB in this
venture and resolved that

it is not possible for the Sub-Committee for Sciences and Bibliography
or the Committee of Library Experts to collaborate directly in
this work: that, moreover, it is desirable that the Brussels  Institute

322

ensure the collaboration of experienced librarians in the improvement
of the schedules and the Index; that the French edition of the
Schedules and the Index, now in the course of publication, should be
translated into other languages, especially into German and English.52

De Vos Van Steenwijk gathered that the major objections to
the Classification «related to the fields of the humanities and
social sciences and also to non-Catholic theology»63 — just the
parts of the new edition for which Otlet and La Fontaine were
responsible and which were essentially reprinted from the first
edition.

The following year, de Vos Van Steenwijk asked Donker
Duyvis if he and another representative of the Brussels Insti-
tute would appear defore the Committee of Library Ex-
perts to discuss the classification further. At Donker Duyvis's
recommendation, Pollard was chosen as the second representa-
tive. The desire at the Paris Institute, the two men were inform-
ed, was «to end up doing something practical* and it was sug-
gested that Pollard should make specific proposals for collabo-
ration to the Committee on Intellectual Co-operation.54 Donker
Duyvis willingly agreed to all of this, emphasising the view
which governed his whole attitude to the classification and to
Sub-Committee participation in the work of his Classification
Committee, a view which infuriated Otlet, that the UDC «in no
way constituted a definitive system, but was more the basis
for study for future development*.55

In June 1930, Pollard as President of the IIB and Donker
Duyvis as Secretary of the Classification Committee having
met with the League of Nations' Committee of Library Experts
to discuss the UDC,

The Committee, confirming the appreciation it had already formed of
the whole system in a preceding session, observed again the impor-
tance and the diversity of the applications that it has found and the
extensions that it will probably be called upon to make in the years
to come.

It believes that it is desirable that an authorised organisation should
be created or developed consisting of bibliographers, librarians, and
other competent persons, an organisation which should establish
direct relations with the International Committee for the Decimal
Classification in order to collaborate with it in perfecting the decimal
system.

In order to establish a liaison which seems necessary, the expert com-
mittee recommends that the Committee on Intellectual Co-operation
should be represented by an observer on the International Committee
for the Decimal Classification.

The Committee has learned with satisfaction of the publication of a
review which will be devoted not only to the Decimal Classification,
but to general questions of classification and documentation in
general.

The Committee regrets that the present resources of the International
Institute for Intellectual Co-operation do not enable it to grant the
International Committee for the Decimal Classification the subsidy it

21*                                                                                          323

had envisaged for encouraging work at the moment in the hands
of private persons. It would be happy to see the Dutch Government
help materially the work on the Decimal Classification as it is man-
aged by the Nederlandsch Instituut voor Documentatie en Rigestratuur.56

It is interesting that the Expert Committee did not acknowl-
edge the long neglected agreement that existed between the
League and the IIB. Moreover the Expert Committee had show-
ed itself convinced that the Dutch were in charge of the de-
velopment of the UDC and had recommended that the Dutch
Government support the work. There was no indication in the
report that the Classification Committee was merely a Com-
mittee of the IIB whose official Headquarters were in Brus-
sels. Nor was there any indication that the review, Documen-
tatio Universalis, whose appearance the Committee had
applauded, was not the organ of this Committee but officially
"eplaced the IIB Bulletin and was edited at the Palais Mon-
dial.

These resolutions were accepted in Paris and Geneva and
ways of implementing them were at once explored. The Dutch
government was officially requested to subsidise Donker
Duyvis's Classification Committee (CC). After much debate
in the League Sub-Committee it was decided that a permanent
League representative on the CC was not necessary and that
tne of the Committee of Library Experts, particularly Marcel
Sodet, Swiss National Librarian, might participate in CC
meetings when this seemed warranted «in order to offer prac-
tical collaboration*.57 But the Secretary of the League Com-
mittee in Geneva made it absolutely clear that there «must be
no financial charge whatever from the fact of this liaison».58
The Dutch government found itself obliged to decline to meet
the League Committee's request for subsidy for the CC and
Donker Duyvis was then asked what the Paris Institute should
do next to assist in the creation of the «national organisms»
fo work with the CC as recommended by the Sub-Committee.
Some countries, Donker Duyvis replied, already were working
with the IIB and had more or less active sections. The Insti-
tute in Paris, as far as these organisations were concerned,
might communicate the Sub-Committee's resolutions to them,
and to the national academies of science and organisations of
sngineers and technicians requesting greater collaboration and
enlarged scope. In other countries, especially Austria, Hunga-
ry, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, Spain, Italy and Rou-
mania, the national academies of science and other similar
bodies should be asked to set up national groups to work with
the CC.59 The Paris Institute followed Donker Duyvis's sug-
gestions and a number of countries reacted positively, though
in some the matter, referred to various bodies for study, was
allowed to drop.

324

At the annual conference of the IIB in 1931 at The Hague,
the basis for further transformations was laid. In the summary
report of the conference60 Otlet observed that the success of the
Decimal Classification was now assured, but commented   that

efforts should be made to guarantee the maintenance and the unity
of the system. Certain people believe that they can present different
versions. This is an error and a fault. The IIB has laid down principles
for the protection of the work of which it is the guardian in the com-
mon interest. Translations and publications of extracts of the official
version can be made only with permission.61

Now that the UDC had been reprinted, Otlet suggested that
other important work of the IIB, left in abeyance for a time,
could be resumed. He mentioned the RBU and the various pub-
lications of the IIB. He presented a paper on the Bibliographia
Universalis to the Conference, reverting to an earlier concept
of co-operation in the RBU, though the paper was essentially
a collection of «observations and recommendations for the
publication of bibliographical notices and collections*.62

Debate, however, was sparked by a report presented by
Jean Gerard, Director of the International Office for Chemistry
in Paris, on the creation largely by Gerard in France of a
Union of organisations connected with Documentation
(L'UFOD — Union Francaise des Offices  de Documentation).

The debate permitted the exchange of general views on the orientation
and organisation, even, to be given to the IIB in the future. It was
unanimously considered wrong that certain people had identified the
Institute with some of its methods. On the contrary, the Institute has
a very general object. Without a doubt, it attaches a critical importance
to the elaboration of a complete and rigorous method permitting
co-operation; without a doubt it attached a particular value to the
Decimal Classification because of this. But to become a member of the
IIB does not imply the acceptance of those methods; no profession of
«decimal orthodoxy* has ever been demanded of its members. Thus,
with its central establishment, its specialised commissions, its national
sections, its annual conferences, the IIB presents itself as the general
organisation for documentation...

At the conclusion of the debate, it was decided to join to the name
of the IIB that of International Institute for Documentation and to
interpret it in the sense of a veritable World Union.. ,63

The transformation of the name of the Institute Otlet inter-
preted as a step towards the creation of the International Union
for Documentation, that haunting idea that reached back to
the very foundation of the Institute itself, and particularly to
the work of the IIB Conferences of 1908 and 1910.

At the 1931 Hague Conference, however, not only was the
name of the IIB changed, Pollard was replaced by Alingh
Prins as President of the Institute which now had a Dutch
President and a Dutch Secretary-General who was also Secre-
tary of the Institute's most important Committee, the Interna-
tional Committee for the Decimal Classification. Losseau gives
a clue to the significance of the IIB's change of name and the

325

apparent triumph of the Dutch section in the Institute. He had
read an account of the Conference in the pages of La Libra-
irie. «I don't understands he complained to Otlet

why you have consented to the IIB's change of name. I consider that
it will be an incalculable error if this decision is maintained. It will
be an impossible blow to the Institute. You are discouraging old faith-
fuls to encourage young ones perhaps, but in any case, people who
are not imbued with principles. The Dutch I repeat it to you, do you
great wrong. I have always considered that they did you wrong but
this time they compromise the very existence of your work... Watch
out, my dear Otlet, you are at a dangerous turning.64

This was indeed true. On the 20th November 1931 on sta-
tionery headed in bold black type «Institut International de
Documentation* with the legend in slightly less bold type «de
la Part de la Presidence, La Haye (Pay-Bas) ...», Alingh
Prins wrote Otlet the following note:

We very sincerely request that you refrain from any intervention in
the management of the finances of the IID (not the IIB). They are in
the hand of the Assistant-Secretary at the moment, and we must
await   the outcome.65

The unpleasantness created by this extremely curt instruction
was dissipated after «clear and full discussions*. Later, Otlet,
explaining his and La Fontaine's position, sketched the out-
lines of what became an open disagreement between their older
concept of «the ends and methods* of the Institute and the new
concept embraced by Alingh Prins and others:

As far as we are concerned, we believe that a view of the whole
field of bibliography and documentation, such as the Conferences
held before the War delimited and which we had ourselves begun to
cultivate, should never be lost. This field comprised the Decimal
Classification, the Universal Bibliographic Repertory, the Organisation
of an International Network, Central Collections of Documentation,
the parallelism of the two parts of Documentation, the one scientific,
the other administrative; the Theory and General Methodology in this
area (Bibliology or Bibliotechnology), the co-operation and federation
of forces; the liaison of the international organisation of Documen-
tation,   with   the   international     organisation     of   intellectual   work.66

Alingh Prins and his colleagues were concerned with ad-
ministrative problems within the Institute, especially those sur-
rounding the organisation of conferences, the implementation
of their decisions and the finances of the Institute. Letters such
as the following suggest how pressing these problems were
becoming. The Librarian of the John Crerar Library in Chi-
cago had received a post-card request for the Library's 1930
subscription to the IIB. «In reply», he wrote:

I beg to inform you that we have received nothing from you on our
membership for 1930 unless you consider a list of your 'members' as
your publications. As we are operating with public funds, I have no
right to pay you a 'cotisation'. I believe that for several years we
have had no communication from you except an annual bill on a
postcard.67

326

In Europe, Alingh Prins and others had become suspicious of
ihe unrealistic scope of Otlet's program, they had learned
to distrust the RBU and the information service based on it.
They were exasperated by the inefficiency of the Headquarters
Office in the Palais Mondial. They turned towards concrete,
practical matters of getting the Institute functioning on a
¦secure financial and administrative basis and performing
limited but obviously useful work.

CRISIS

By July 1932 Otlet had become convinced that the crisis
he had foreseen was upon the Institute. He addressed to La
Fontaine a «note» setting out what he believed had happened.
There were some general facts to which he first drew La Fon-
taine's attention.

A.   Technical   groups   in   various   countries   are  being   asked   to   form
national sections when the sections should represent all the forces of
documentation.

B.  There has been a tendency to put the spotlight on the Decimal Clas-
sification, one of the elements of the Institute, and leave in shadow or
silence the other elements, notably the Bibliographia  Universalis and
the Universal Bibliographic Repertory on cards.

C.   The  original  plan  of obtaining  official  aid  from  governments  for
the central Institute is being departed from.

D.  The program arrived at or in the process of being arrived at with
the League of Nations had not been taken up again on an    enlarged
basis, and the signed convention has been abandoned.

E.  All the importance desired has not been given to the participation
of the special international associations.

F.   No consideration at all   (on the contrary)   has been given to the
fact that the IIB is one of the institutes installed in the Palais Mon-
dial, is able to give support to this (the Mundaneum) and can receive
valuable help from it.68

Apart from these general points, Otlet had a great many par-
ticular grievances. The Dutch, he alleged, had shown constant
suspicion of the founders of the IIB, and their intervention had
led indirectly to «the paralysis of action at the Centre* in
Brussels. Donker Duyvis had been made a third Secretary-Gen-
eral in 1928 without prior warning — an action of open dis-
trust of the General Secretariat as it was then constituted. The
1930 Conference had been held in Zurich when it should have
been held at Brussels because 1930 was an anniversary year
for the Institute (and, of course, for Belgium). The 1931 Con-
ference had been held at The Hague, once more passing Brus-
sels by. The 1932 Conference was to be held in Frankfurt.
Moreover, there had been interference from Holland in the
IIB Bulletin in its new form as Documentatio Universalis, and
there was talk of confiding its publication to the Czechoslova-
kian section. (It was actually transferred to Nider and was
edited by G. A. A. de Voogd under the title IID Communi-
¦cationes in 1933.)  Something else which rankled was the fact

327

that the supplements issued to the CD showed them as origi-
nating from «The International Institute of Documentation,
the Hague» not Brussels. He noted, too, the conversations
which had occurred between Donker Duyvis and Pollard and
the League Committee of Library Experts, conversations which
had resulted in a report proposing to grant a subsidy to the
International Commission for the Decimal Classification, not
the IID (IIB). The management of the Classification had been
acknowledged to lie in the hands of this Commission and to-
be under the control of the Dutch, and the support of the
Dutch Government had been requested for it. In Germany the
situation was as bad or worse, in Otlet's view. The general
interests of the IIB had been so neglected by the German Min-
isterial Commission for the Decimal Classification that «in
M. Walther's opinion, no one knows what the position of Ger-
many is with respect to the IIB»- Certainly, said Otlet, no one
had intervened in Germany to obtain a clear understanding
of the IIB's rights in the Decimal Classification there.

In all of this, Otlet now revealed explicitly how much he
distrusted and resented all the major changes that had taken
place in the Institute since 1924. He was equally disapproving
of the changes which had taken place through Donker Duyvis's
influence in the Decimal Classification itself. Donker Duyvis,.
he said, had rewritten the parts for science and technology
«according to hardly any principles or rules. Upon a request
for an indication of the rules followed, he had replied: the rules
will be determined when it is finished*. Otlet was indignant
that

many profound ... modifications had been made, destroying the stability
which is an absolute desideratum at the base of the system ...
New propositions continue to be made in little bits, division by
division, with no indication of reasons, rapid reply being demanded
on the propositions with only a few days interval. .. Collaborators
are not guided by instructions and they change, add and modify
without rhyme or reason... No appeal is made to the international
organisations . .. There is no central document upon which efforts can
be fixed with respect to Dewey. .. The CD is modified without any
assurance that DC will be.

Otlet was very discouraged by all this. He thought he
would stay at home in Brussels and not go to the Frankfurt
conference in August where there was sure to be unpleasant-
ness. But he declared that he «categorically refused* to accept
the principles according to which the Institute's affairs appear-
ed now to be conducted. The real source of all the trouble,
he belived, was «the double betrayal* that he and La Fon-
taine had suffered:

that of the Belgian Government at the time of expulsion in 1923—1924,
and that of the League of Nations at that same important moment
when the Committee and the Institute of Intellectual Co-operation had"
been  created   according  to  the  circumstances  of   that  time.  At  that

328

critical  moment those who could have  and  should  have  spoken  out

loud and clear did not.

Whatever the case, he reminded La Fontaine, there remained
two things: the International Office of Bibliography and the
Central Office of the International Associations. There was no
reason why these offices should not take up independent activ-
ity, should not begin again, rejecting the recent past, if the In-
stitute of Bibliography or the Union of International Associa-
tions «deviated from the original ends».

Otlet himself provoked ill feeling however, when he pub-
lished a study of the Common Subdivisions in April 1932 as
IIB Publication 169 without proper authorisation of the Ex-
ecutive Council of the IID (IIB).69 Bradford, aware of moves
in Europe to publish the German Abridged Edition and a Span-
ish abridged edition, confronted with Otlet's unauthorised
work, but unable to attend the Frankfurt conference, wrote to-
«The Secretary» of the IID:

I desire that you will be so good as to put the following recommen-
dations before the Executive Committee on my behalf as a member
of that body and a delegate of the British Section:

1)   That in view of the recent issue of Publication No. J69 and of pro-
posed new editions or translations, the Committee should reaffirm the
London resolution, that official publications of the Institute should be
issued only after authorisation by the Executive Committee.

2)  That it is desirable that the proposed Spanish abridged edition should"
conform as far as possible to the German abridged edition, in accor-
dance with The Hague resolution that the latter edition should serve as
a basis for the preparation of other abridged editions .. .70

Donker Duyvis was in a sense caught in the line of fire.
Above him in the Dutch Patent Office and President of the In-
stitute was Alingh Prins, and confronting him in Belgium was
the disgruntled Otlet who in the space of four months fired off
twenty-six «notes» at him. Otlet's notes ranged from one to
as many as half a dozen pages or more and covered an extra-
ordinary variety of subjects from the theoretical ^Classifica-
tion and classified language»), to the highly concrete matter,
of exchanges on the unauthorised Tables of the Common Sub-
divisions when these were in proofs.71 Moreovei, Otlet corres-
ponded «illegally» with the South Americans who were prepar-
ing the Spanish abridged edition and generally interfered in
the Classification Committee's affairs.

Eventually, Donker Duyvis was forced to expostulate. He
agreed with Otlet that too many people regarded the UDC as
an end in itself and not as a means. But he also observed that
it was necessary to distinguish scientific matters (such as the
Classification which was satisfactorily under way) and adminis-
trative matters which were not. The major problems in the
IID, in Donker Duyvis's view, were administrative and arose
from the absence of paid personnel. It had to rely too much on
voluntary work.  This made itself felt  in  the organisation  of

329

conferences, for example, and he pointed out that Alingh
Prins had criticised him for various inadequacies in the orga-
nisation of the approaching 1932 conference. A division of
"work was needed, Donker Duyvis concluded. «Alas!» he said,
«it is your fault that you cannot give work away to anyone...»
But when he discussed the really crucial problem that the IID
faced he described the distrust and suspicion, the increasing
lack of sympathy that was growing for Otlet and the Insti-
tute's Center in the Palais Mondial. The real problem, said
Donker Duyvis is that

decisions are not kept to. I beg you to take this seriously. The IID
will be destroyed because of the lack of strictness in carrying out
decisions. Perhaps the Dutch are difficult and cause trouble. With the
Germans, the English and the Swiss it is worse. They are beginning
to turn their backs on you. The Swiss and the English are annoyed
by the official publication (not authorised by the Committee) of
No. 169. The English, the Germans and the Dutch are dissatisfied
with the sad editorial organisation of the CD. The Germans above all
are dissatisfied about the Spanish edition. We have forced them to
modify and delay the edition of their «Kurzausgabe» in order to make
it a model to serve more or less as a standard for other editions. This
has cost them a great deal of money. As for the South Americans,
you absolutely ignore the Hague decision ... you ignore the Kujrzaus-
gabe by forgetting to warn the Argentinians that an edition by them
should be based on publication 168 (Deutsch Kurzausgabe) of the IID
and not No. 151 [the 1926—1928 full edition]. These are small
administrative carelessnesses which are killing the IID and will end
up in a schism ... The Ausschuss fur Universal Klassifikation ... is
afraid to co-operate with Brussels simply because of this administrative
carelessness...

I beg you to consider in your turn what realisable, practical measures
(theoretical and unrealisable means are of no use to us) can be taken
to establish the confidence of our national sections in the central
administration.72

Eventually Donker Duyvis submitted a draft of his own
"for the common subdivisions and provoked from Otlet an ex-
Iraordinary response in which he again made clear the rift that
was widening between them over the development of the Clas-
sification:

Upon receipt of your counter-draft, I could express only three senti-
ments: discontent, sadness or merriment. I have experienced all three
successively, but I have expressed only the last, for I want to have
friendly dealing with you and continuous collaboration... Little by
little we have followed divergent routes, and the counter-draft you
have sent me is like a map of our respective positions at the moment...
This is the position. My draft is the development of decimal thought
pursued in the course of thirty-seven years. Yes, thirty-seven years, a
nothing, a straw. I believe that in 1893 I understood that trait of
¦genius of Dewey's, decimalisation, better than anybody else. My efforts
revealed the classification, and presented it theoretically and practically
to the first conference. Because of the addition of the common
subdivisions, the IIB adopted the Decimal Classification. Since then,
the common subdivisions have never ceased to be objects of my
research and invention. Now, not only can I not rally any one to my

330

solutions, I cannot even interest them in my way of expressing the
problem .. .

Never mind! As it is a question of standardisation and not of science,
1 bow to the vote of the majority. Everything that was said at The
Hague now exists, and your counter-draft will be printed. But if
I have to accept it from a practical point of view, from a theoretical
point of view 'I look for a diversion for my «sadness» and my «discon-
tent» by laughing at the really «comica!» situation we have reached.
One can be right on each point and detail and be wrong as to the
whole ...

My expose showed at the same time the problem and the proposed
solution. It attempted to show the complexity in things themselves
-and not in the proposed system and it attempted, on the other hand,
to justify what the system makes relatively complicated by the
multiplicity of subproblems, the desiderata which it meets. On the
contrary .. . you enunciate a series of prescriptions with no explicit link
attaching one to the other and yet you ask that they be remembered
and applied in the mind of the novice whom you have plunged into
a global impression of extreme complication.73

As the year progressed, matters worsened. Early in June
1932, Alingh Prins wrote to La Fontaine requesting financial
information. The Assistant Treasurer had attempted to draw
up a financial report on the IID for the forthcoming Frankfurt
conference but found he lacked certain data. The problem was
the relationship of the finances of the central Office Interna-
tional de Bibliographie to those of the Institute. Was the Bel-
gian Government's subsidy to the Office to be construed as
part of the Institute's finances?74 La Fontaine, Senior Vice
President of the Belgium Senate, much occupied by his other
internationalist concerns, did not reply to Alingh Prins's
first letter. Nor did he reply to a second letter written a month
later. Alingh Prins then brought the matter up before the
Frankfurt conference whereupon «M. La Fontaine replied for-
mally that the International Office of Bibliography was com-
pletely separate from the IID and that the IID Council had
neither power nor responsibility with respect to the manage-
ment of the collections and expenditures in Brussels». As a
result, the Council assumed that they were two different or-
ganisations. Otlet, however, who had decided to attend despite
the prospect of unpleasantness, considered that, despite re-
peated interventions by him, Alingh Prins had deliberately
instigated a formal decision at Frankfurt by which the Office
and the Institute were severed from one another.75 He was not
to change this opinion.

Furthermore, not only had Alingh Prins tried to separate
Office and Institute (at least in Otlet's eyes), he had spoken
out against the RBU.76 Indeed, Otlet was dissatisfied with the
whole way in which the conference had proceeded. There had
not been prior agreement on the program. Important people
had been officiously excluded from the meetings of the In-
stitute's various commissions if they were not members,   when

331

their informal participation, Otlet believed, could have been
useful. Indeed, Otlet himself had been prevented from present-
ing his annual report properly, even though, as he said «log-
ic and all precedent* suggested the propriety of reading it
and discussing it as the meeting's first business. Moreover,
Alingh Prins «in a most inelegant manner» had opposed the
tradition by which the Presidency was rotated amongst the
members of various countries.

Early in the year, Alingh Prins and Otlet had received
copies of two draft documents from the International Institute
for Intellectual Co-operation. One was a report by Jean Gerard
to the Committee of Library Experts on «the World Organi-
sation of Universal Documentation».77 The other was a report
«On the Co-ordination of Scientific and Technical Documenta-
tion* prepared within the Institute of Intellectual Co-operation
itself. Comments were solicited from IID officials together with
a brief account of the IID itself. The second document propos-
ed that a committee to co-ordinate the work of organisations
concerned with scientific and technical documentation should
be formed. The first document proposed, more sweepingly, that
an International Union for Documentation should be created.
It described some existing national organisations for documen-
tation but did not mention the IID or its program, though,
Gerard's report resembled very closely in manner and in its
recommendations various formulations of Otlet's on the same
subject.

Gerard was at Frankfurt and Otlet thought that an oppor-
tunity was presented as a result for the «enlargement of the
organisation* of the IID along the lines suggested by Gerard.
Here, he thought, was the moment to lay the foundations
through the IID of the Union proposed by Gerard (and espous-
ed for so long by Otlet himself as a necessary element in the
international organisation of documentation). But nothing was
made of this opportunity because of the incomprehensible
attitude* of Alingh Prins. Moreover, the Secretary of the In-
ternational Institute for Intellectual Co-operation, D. Secretan,
who was conducting the Institute's enquiry into international
scientific and technical documentation, was also at Frankfurt.
His presence constituted in Otlet's eyes the final element nec-
essary for the secure establishment of the long-hoped-for
Union. But even though, as Otlet pointed out, the League of
Nations had signed a convention with the IIB giving the League
the right to have a delegate sit on Council, «the Dutch ex-
cluded* the representative from its sessions.78

It seems clear, however, that Otlet had either misinter-
preted what had taken place at the Conference, or had been
deliberately kept in the dark. Secretan had been fully briefed
before he went to Frankfurt as to what to'expect and what his

332

stance should be. The Institute, at this stage, he was inform-
ed, need not choose between the two schemes being ad-
vanced. He was merely to present them at the Conference and
seek general opinions about them before the Institute took any
action on either. He was also carefully briefed on the history
of the relations of the Institute for Intellectual Co-operation
with the IIB and was informed that any improvement in the
rather tenuous relations with the IIB since 1927 has stemmed
from the fact that «M. Otlet, though still Secretary-General,
had been abandoned by the Directors of this institution.»79

The result of his visit to Frankfurt was embodied in the
official letter sent out by the Director of the Paris Institute,
Henri Bonnet, on 18th November 1932. In this letter Bonnet indi-
cated that the Institute had been charged by its Committee in
Geneva to conduct a preliminary enquiry on the best way of
ultimately co-ordinating documentation internationally and the
various individuals and bodies to whom the letter was address-
ed were asked to give their views as to whether international
action in their field was possible and desirable and what kind
of plan the Institute might draw up to improve the situation
now existing. In documents, which included Gerard's plan,
annexed to the letter, the work of the IIB was described and it
was observed that «the 11th International Congress of Docu-
mentation has been officially informed of the decision of In-
ternational Committee and that the Office of the Institute of
Documentation has declared that it was very happy with this
decision and quite ready to collaborate in the Institute of In-
tellectual Co-operation's Enquiry*.80

In September, Alingh Prins drew up a report on the IID
for submission to the Institute for Intellectual Co-operation. In
it he made clear his attitude to the RBU, first expressed at
Cologne in 1928 and again at Frankfurt in the previous month.

As to the Universal Bibliographical Repertory, it seems desirable to
conceive of this in a larger sense than previously... Given the
existence already of a great number of specialised services of docu-
mentation provided with competent personnel in different countries,
it seems desirable to profit from what exists and to co-ordinate the
documentary work already done by considering that existing repertories
together represent the universal repertory in a decentralised but
co-ordinated form.81

Alingh Prins's report was a great shock to Otlet to whom it
was sent for comments. He criticised it in great detail. Alingh
Prins and Donker Duyvis took each of Otlet's points in turn
and revealed, as they discussed and refuted them, more clear-
ly than ever before the differences of attitude and belief sepa-
rating them. They pointed out that their opinion of the RBU
was not merely «personal» as Otlet had alleged, but corres-
ponded «to the opinion of the majority of our members*. It
may be, they observed, that the idea of a «repertory localised

333

in a single place was splendid in 1895», but one must recog-
nise «that there has been a progression of ideas and to-day
federation replaces the local individualism* of other times. Mo-
reover, the information service at the Palais Mondial based on
the centralised RBU continued to leave a great deal to be
desired. So bad had it become, they felt obliged to point out
that «there is considerable general dissatisfaction about the
replies received (or not received) when written requests for
documentation are made to the Palais Mondial». They con-
cluded that it was «undesirable that the Institute should en-
courage the use of this center». Nor would they include in their
report vague and elevated expressions about the role and suc-
cess of the Institute as Otlet had desired. «Up till now we-
have not observed that real enthusiasm with which the 'whole
world' has greeted the great idea of organising international
co-operation for documentation.» The opposite was the case, in
fact. «The Institute is regarded with great reserve throughout
the whole world. That is why it is necessary to give a clear
and objective account of the state of the institution without
exaggeration or lies». It was because of the «cold accounts
they believed, provided by Pollard and Donker Duyvis that ties
with the League Committee of Library Experts had been
established in 1930.82

When Otlet read these comments, he wrote to Alingh
Prins that neither he nor La Fontaine would sign the report.
«We believe», he said, «that the RBU and the International
Center equipped for common collections and services consti-
tute an essential part of the whole work». Otlet reminded his
Dutch colleague that some time earlier he had asked Donker
Duyvic «clearly and frankly» when the latter was on one of
his visits to Brussels «do you or don't you want our whole
program? He replied Yes and that is why until now
we have not sought public explanations».83 The Dutch
replied placatingly. The differences, they believed, that had
occurred between them and the Belgians arose only «when it
becomes a matter of the execution* of the whole IID program
as laid down in the Statutes. They explained again their
view of what the RBU should be like:

In our opinion a localised Universal Bibliographic Repertory in a
single place has only a small value (practice proves this, moreover)
and we prefer a solution which is really universal and international:
the Federalised Universal Bibliographic Repertory. As far as the in-
ternational center is concerned, we are equally of the opinion that it
should limit itself to the work of co-ordination.84

There matters rested until the end of November when
Alingh Prins wrote to Otlet and La Fontaine about translation
rights and royalties from the publication of the Universal Dec-
imal  Classification  about which  there had been  some earlier

3 34

correspondence. The decisions of the London Conference in
1929 about translations were still in force, but for the first
time, it seemed to Alingh Prins that the question of signifi-
cant profit from the sale of translations looked as if it might
now arise. He proposed, therefore, that «50°/o of future profits
should be transmitted to the IID which would put them at the
disposition of the International Office of Bibliography in view
of the debts of this institution with respect to its old founders.
It is my opinion that the formal debts of the Office should be
considered as debts of honour for the IID».85 Otlet and La Fon-
taine would have none of this. «It is not, it has never been»,.
they said, «a question of compensation for MM. Otlet and La
Fontaine». It was a question of what they had created and
worked for.

What they have worked for and are working for can be defined a?
follows: Documentation constituted by a Universal Network formed by"
a World Center and of auxiliary national, local and special centers-
To link and symbolise the whole, a Universal Bibliographic Repertory
registers and classes all the product of human thought ... Any
mutilation of this work cannot win their approval for it would be a
contradiction of the very principles of its foundation.

Proceeding from this point of view, Otlet and La Fontaine then
asserted:

After the separation precipitated at Frankfurt last August between the-
Office and the Institute, it is, with all the collections, the International
Office of Bibliography to whom belongs the rights of publication and
it is with it that agreement will have to be made A) for the develop-
ment, and B) for the publication of the tables of the Decimal
Classification.86

Immediately Alingh Prins received Otlet's letter claiming-
copyright for the OIB in the Decimal Classification, he pro-
tested that:

The «Universal Decimal Classification* is published by the Inter-
national Institute of Bibliography whose Executive Committee
functions as a Publications Committee by virtue of a decision taken
at the Tenth Conference of our Institute. Being convinced of the
necessity for a German and an English translation of the Code, I have
the duty and the right to submit this request to the Executive
Committee ... I regret that I do not see either the duty or even the
right of addressing myself to the International Office of Bibliography.

Once more he explained that no separation had been provoked
at Frankfurt, and carefully reviewed the events that had led
to this misapprehension. Moreover, at Frankfurt Otlet and La
Fontaine had agreed to the budget prepared for the IID of
which the Committee for the Decimal Classification was part.
They therefore «recognised the right of control of the IID's
Council in the management of the CD. ...» In his opinion,
Alingh Prins said, nothing had really changed because of
the disagreement at Frankfurt. «In reality it is only a question
of an  administrative matter,  which  needs  to  be    understood

335.

clearly  and  exactly.» Alingh  Prins  ended on    a  conciliatory
note:

Please be convinced, my dear Mm Otlet and La Fontaine, that I have
the greatest desire to put an end to these mis-understandings, and
that I desire that we should collaborate together in the common goal
in a spirit of friendship and mutual understanding.87

Donker Duyvis was shaken by Otlet's letter and spoke out
strongly. The last edition of the Classification, he said, con-
tained only a little borrowed from Dewey. The rest of it was
the result of the work in Europe of a great many collabora-
tors. «In asking for the co-operation of collaborators, I request-
ed them to contribute their work to the International Com-
mittee for the Decimal Classification which acted as the repre-
sentative committee of the IIB after the regulations laid down
in 1924.» All the collaborators had worked without any claim
to copyright. He renounced any such claims himself and re-
gretted, rather tartly, that such claims were being made «for
an institution of the Belgian Government of which I know little
more than the name and with which neither any of the collab-
orators nor I myself have had any relation*. He observed that
the work of many of his collaborators was often «mutilated to
force it into the superannuated scheme of Dewey». It would
be only a little trouble to abandon the whole scheme and set
about devising a «universal classification responding more to
modern needs (particularly we wants to overturn sections 1 to
4)», the sections in the new edition, for which Otlet and La
Fontaine had been responsible. But Donker Duyvis did not
want this to happen. «It is therefore with the greatest insistence
that I beg you not to mutilate the existing organisation —
an organisation founded by you — in which you have co-op-
erated and acted as the co-directors since its foundation
in 1924.»88

Otlet, however, continued to believe that the Dutch had
attempted to separate the Office and the Institute and to bear
-a strong resentment towards them. He continued to refuse to
accept the various changes that had occurred in the Institute
over the preceding years. On Boxing Day 1932, he drew up
a report «On the Present Situation of the IID» which he
wanted to submit to the Council and members of the Institute.
It set out all the grievances mentioned in his earlier report
to La Fontaine in July and added to them his opinions on what
had happened at the Frankfurt Conference and subsequently.89
On the 28th and 29th December Donker Duyvis and Alingh
Prins came down to Brussels from The Hague and Otlet read
his draft report to them. They discussed it and they came to
an agreement which Otlet drew up formally. Important pro-
visions of the agreement were to reinstate the RBU as an
-«integral  part of the international  organisation  of documen-

-336

tation». Even more important were the decisions made about
the Decimal Classification:

a)   The  Decimal  Classification  is  confirmed   as   the  property  of  the
International Office of Bibliography, but the scientific development is
confided   to  the  International   Institute  of   Documentation.  This  will
carry  out  its  elaboration  through    the    Committee  for  the  Decimal
Classification... Anything that is a matter of translation, adaptation
abbreviation or other rights will be the object of an agreement whose
purpose will be to safeguard the integrity of the work as well as the
moral rights and material benefits which derive from it. The financial
benefits of the Edition of the CD as well as other publications will be
put to the development of the Office and the Institute.

b)   Some general rules will be laid down for the development of the
classification and for successive editions . . .

The International Office of Bibliography and of Documentation
was to be developed as an autonomous international organisa-
tion. Its relations with the Institute would be controlled by a
formal agreement, though a common headquarters would be
maintained. The Office would also have its own series of pub-
lications. Other publications bearing the name, IID, would
have to be approved by Council.90

In December Alingh Prins prepared an official reply to
the two documents received from the Institute for Intellectual
Co-operation in Paris. He dealt with each of these in some de-
tail. He pointed out that Gerard's report, particularly,

contained a brilliant exposition of the problem of documentation and
of the different forms under which documentation presents itself.
Similar expositions on these principles have been made previously by M.
Otlet and have acted as the bases for action of the International
Institute for Bibliography now the International Institute for Docu-
mentation.

He indicated that all existing national unions and federations
of documentation were at present already members of the IID.
There were two exceptions, Aslib, which had, however, a
joint and very active Committee with the BSIB on the Deci-
mal Classification, and Gerard's own French Union of Offices
of Documentation. It was clear to him that the IID actually
already filled the requirements for an international organisa-
tion for documentation set out in different ways in the two
reports, or could do so with some support from the Institute
for Intellectual Co-operation.91 Otlet, not satisfied with this,
prepared a «personal» reply to the proposals set forth in the
two documents. He re-iterated what had become his standard
concepts expressed in a standard form, concluding his recom-
mendations, «Documentation, Science, Human Thought wish
it».92 Here was what Alingh Prins had come to distrust in
content and manner of expression in Otlet's writing. His own
«cold account* is a model of directness, relevance and clarity
by comparison.

22—3391                                                                                           337

THE CRISIS RESOLVED

For the purposes of this study, the year 1932 is taken as
the point at which Otlet's influence ceased to be of any pri-
mary importance in shaping the structure and work    of the
International Institute for Documentation. In that year in the
evolution of the Institute's history it was as if youth and age,
innovation  and reaction, future and past  at last    confronted
each other decisively. There were no pitched battles between
the opposing forces, only a number of minor skirmishes repre-
senting sharpening clashes between diverging but still closely
related ideologies. There was certainly no final or completely
decisive  victory.  Triumph  would  have  sacrificed  on  the one
hand a past rich in association and achievement, and on the
other the possibilities of a promising future. Moreover, one  or
other side might have lost the rights to the Decimal Classi-
fication. Neither side, therefore, looked clearly to    win,    and
both were, on the whole, polite and scrupulous of each other's
sensibilities.  Nevertheless the changes which had been made
were not reversed and more changes ensued upon the pattern
of earlier ones as the Institute gradually, inexorably perhaps,
pursued the new    directions set in The    Hague. Otlet and La
Fontaine continued to be Secretaries-General until  1939 when
they were  ceremoniously  created  Honorary Vice-Presidents.93
They were Secretaries-General of the Institute, then, in  1937
when it went through yet another modification of statutes and
a change of name to become the International Federation for
Documentation  (FID).94 Otlet continued to work on the Deci-
mal Classification, continued to correspond incessently, inde-
fatigably with Donker Duyvis. His slightly stooped figure with
its high,  domed  forehead  and vividly white    moustache and
beard continued to appear at the annual meetings of the IID,.
then the FID. At these, peering through small round steel-rim-
med spectacles, he still read the Annual Report of the General
Secretariat. But upon specific matters of policy he appeared to
have little perceptible impact after 1932. Moreover, the compro-
mises he had insisted upon at his meeting with Donker Duyvis
and Alingh Prins in December 1932 were maintained, at least
until 1934 when the Belgian Government once again shut the
Palais Mondial, and they accentuated the changes that had oc-
curred. Indeed, in August 1933 Otlet altered his will to exclude
the Institute from its provisions because of the separation that
had taken place  and to make the    Office    of    Bibliography,
whose continued existence and independence he had attempted
to protect, specifically its beneficiary.95 He seems never to have-
lost a sense of alienation from the reshaped Institute with its
younger   leaders   and   narrower   program   and   he   kept   ever
before him the ideals of his Palais Mondial even when physi-
cally it remained inaccessible to him.

338

Perhaps 1932 may be best described as the year in which
the conflicts that attend succession of leadership, following
earlier intimations that they were likely to occur, finally
struck the Institute in a sharply focused form. Otlet,, the old
leader in Brussels, was a man sixty-five years old and of de-
clining powers. He had grown inflexible and was heavy with
the history of his Institutes. Gradually, he had been forced to
give way to Donker Duyvis who represented a new order. Don-
ker Duyvis, the young leader in The Hague, was fresher, freer,
more single-minded than Otlet. Unlike Otlet, there was for him
no wearying, increasingly weighty burden of few and small vic-
tories overwhelmed by the more frequent defeat of past aspira-
tions. Nor was he encumbered by the compulsions of philos-
ophy.

Otlet was, in a sense, rewarded for the renunciations de-
manded of him, though he may not have recognised it, by ele-
vation in the eyes of many to a status high above the often
petty imperatives of politics and action, to that of founder,
benefactor, pioneer, for whom respect and admiration, untram-
melled by daily dealings, could become something like rever-
ence. From this position his utterances throughout the years
following 1932 commanded attention from those who had pre-
viously begun impatiently to reject them. To those seeking
direction in a simple, concrete, realisable program clearly
and forcefully expressed, he had offered only abstractions,
loftiness of ideal, a preoccupation with the past and a future
evoked in the suspect terms of an antiquated philosophy. Now
his eloquence no longer produced exasperation but, at least,
tolerant affirmation of its generous sentiment, at most, inspi-
ration.96

Whatever the reward, the struggle had upon Otlet a
serious effect. As it progressed he wrote that his «physical, so-
cial and moral forces* were so diminished that he found him-
self wishing to be relieved of the work he had undertaken.
«I conceived an institution*, he said, «I developed it. I have
defined the stages of its future extension: the Institute of Bib-
liography, the Union of International Associations, the Mu-
seum, the Palais Mondial, the Network for the Mundaneum,
the World City». Confronting him were so many problems
that he believed that it had become necessary that those who
were to be the «beneficiaries» of his work, those who were
«strong and aware», should act to ensure that «any deviation
from the fundamental idea» be prevented. Around them all was
a world torn by «crisis, war, revolutions*. He was himself
in a deplorable financial situation, physically exhausted, unable
to continue his work. The time had come, he believed, for
the promotion of the World City, the final stage in his pro-

22*                                                                                          339

gram oi international institutions, but he feared that he
was no longer able to do it himself because of his «failing
strength . . . insufficiency   .. impotence . .. impatience*.97

FOOTNOTES

1.  Paul Otlet and  Le Corbusier, Mundaneum   (Publication  No.   128-  Bru-
xelles: UIA, 1928).

2.  Paul Otlet, Sur la Bibliotheque Mondiale  (Publication No   154- Bruxel-
les: 1 IB, 1928).

3.  Richardson   probably  meant  the  Author   Repertory,    the   International
Finding List, upon which the League agreement had focused.

4.  Ernest   Cushing   Richardson,   Some  Aspects   of  International    Library
Co-operation (Yardley, Pa.: F. S. Cook, 1928), p. 108.

5.  Ernest Gushing Richardson, Chairman of the ALA Committee on Bib-
liography to the International Institute of Bibliography, VIIe Conference
Bibliographique  Internationale,   Cologne   (Pressa)   17  et   18  septembre
1928  (Publication No.  146; Bruxelles:   11B,  1928), pp.  18—19.

6.  Ibid., p. 19.

7.  Edith  Scott,  «IFLA  and  FID — History  and  Programs*,  Library Quar-
terly, XXXII (1962), 6—7.

8.  «Copie  de la lettre  de M.  E.  C.  Rirhardson, Chairman Committee on
Co-operation  of the ALA, Washington    en  date  du 4 octobre,    1932»
Note No. 2548. 24 October  1932, Office  Internationale de Bibliographie,
Palais Mondial, Bruxelles.

9.  Pollard to Otlet, VII" Conference . .. 1928, pp. 19—20.
10.  VIle Conference... 1928, p. 7.

•11. Paul Otlet, Institut International de Bibliographie, 1928 (Publication
No. 155; Bruxelles:  11B, 1928).

12.   VIIs Conference... 1928, pp. 12—13.

13.  S. C. Bradford, «Fifty Years of Documentation*, Documentation with an
Introduction by Jesse Shera and Margaret Egan (London: Crosby Lock-
wood, 1953), p. 136.

14.  E. M. R.  Ditmas  «Dr.  S.  C.  Bradford*,  Journal  of     Documentation, 4
(1948), 170.

15.  Bradford, p. 138.

16.  Ibid., p. 132.

17.  Samuel Bradford to Prof. Gilbert Murray, 22 August  1928. Institut In-
ternational  de Cooperation Intellectuelle.    Institut    de    Documentation:
D VIII. 13, Unesco, Paris.

18.  Donker Duyvis to de Vos Van Steenwijk [English translation of Dutch
text]  13 December, 1928. Ibid.

19.  Secretary, Committee on Intellectual Co-operation to Professor Murray,
29 August 1928 (in English), ibid.

"20. Reference here and in the following paragraphs is to VII' Conference
... 1928 and no further citations will be made from it.

21. The Committees then existing according to Otlet's Institut International
de Bibliographie 1928, p.  12 were: Committee for the Decimal Classifi-

340

cation;  Committee  for  Cataloguing  Rules;   Committee for  Documentary
Techniques; and, oddly, Section for Bibliological Psychology.

22.  Reference in the fllowing paragraphs, except where otherwise indicated,
is   without   further   citation   to   VIIIe   Conference   Bibliographique   In-
ternationale, Londres. 1929  (Publication No.  163; Bruxelles:  11B,  1929).

23.  League of Nations Official Journal, II   (LVI)   November ,1929, pp.  1538
and 1548—9.

24.  De Vos Van Steenwijk to Pollard, 3 February 1930. Institut Internatio-
nal de Cooperation Intellectuelle: Institut International    de Documenta-
tion: DVII. 13, Unesco, Paris.

25.   1 IB, Documents:  I.  Sommaire sur l'lnstitut  International  de Bibliogra-
phie  presente  au  Congres  International  de  Bibliotheques  et de la  Bib-
liographie,   Rome,   15 juin,   1929;   II. Commission  Internationale  de  la
Classification Decimale ...   (Publication  No.   159;   Bruxelles:   1 IB,   1929).

26.  Carl Walther became Chairman of the Classification    Sub-Committee of
the German Standards Institue and like Bradford, was an ardent «dec-
imalist». He was mainly responsible for the  1932    Abridged    German
edition and worked for twenty years (1934—1953) for the completion of
the full edition. He died at the age of 84 in 1960.

27.  Georges Lorphevre, «Donker Ouyvis et la Classification Decimale Uni-
verselle»,   F.  Donker  Duyvis:   His   Life  and   Work   (Nider   Publication
Series 2, No. 45; The Hague: Netherlands Institute for Documentation and
Filing, 1964), p. 19.

28.  F. Donker Duyvis, «9th Annual  Report  of  International Committee of
Decimal Classification  (sic)», IID Communications, III, Fasc.  1,  (1936),
col. DD11.

29.  Georges Lorphevre, «Donker Duyvis et la Classification Decimale Uni-
verselle», p. 19.

30.  Ibid., pp. 21—22.

31.   VIII" Conference... 1929, p. 11.

32.  John Phillip Comaromi, A History of the Dewey Decimal Cassification:
Editions One through Fifteen, 1876—1951 (Unpublished Ph. D. Disserta-
tion, School of Library Science, University of Michigan, 1969), p. 321. The.
quotations in the following paragraphs are from Comaromi pp. 321—326.
Dorcas Fellows, it will be observed, followed    an  even more extreme
form of simplified spelling than Godfrey Dewey.

33.  He died at the age of 80 in 1931.

34.   VIIIs Conference... 1929, p. 11.

35.  Godfrey Dewey to Otlet, 7 April 1930, Dossier No. 259, «Dewey», Mun-
daneum.

36.  Otlet to. Godfrey Dewey, 23 April 1930, ibid.

37.  Comaromi. p. 326.

38.  Ibid., p. 328.

39.  Otlet to Godfrey Dewey, 5 September  1930, Dossier No. 259, «Dewey»,
Mundaneum.

40.  Comaromi, p. 328.

41.  Ibid., p. 329.

42.  VIIs Conference ... 1928, p. 12.

43.  Leon Wouters to Henri La Fontaine, 19 March 1930, Dossier No. 259,
«Dewey», Mundaneum.

341

44.  Comar&tni, p. 329.

45.  F.  Donker Duyvis, «5th Report  on the International Committee of Dec-
imal  Classification*,  Documetatio  Universalis, No.  5—6   (1932),  p.  210.

46.  Ibid.

47.  Comaromi, p. 331.

48.  F. Donker Duyvis, «5th Report...», p. 209.

49.  Ibid.

50.  Otlet to Godfrey Dewey, 5 September 1930, Dossier No. 259, «Dewey»,
Mundaneum.

51.  Vos Van  Steenwijk,    «note    pour    M.    le    Directeur    [de    l'Institut]»,
23 January 1930; and A. F. C. Pollard to de Vos Van Steenwijk, 21 Janu-
ary,   1930,   Institut  International  de Cooperation    Intellectulle:    Institut
International de Documentation: DVIII. 13, Unesco, Paris.

52.  Reunion  des  Experts-Bibliothecaires,  27—28  Janiver   1930: Classification
Decimale,  resolution.   Societe    des Nations.    Institut    International    de
Cooperation Intellectuelle. C. T. B. 19. 1930.

53.  De Vos Van  Steenwijk  to  Pollard,  3  February   1930. Jnstitut   Interna-
tional  de  Cooperation   Intellectuelle:   Institut   International    de    Docu-
mentation: DVII. 13, Unesco, Paris.

54.  De Vos Van Steenwijk, «Note»,  18 September 1930. Institut Internatio-
nal  de Cooperation  Intellectuelle:    Classification  decimale:    DVIII,    5,
Unesco, Paris.

55.  Ibid.

56.  «Societe des Nations: Institut International de Cooperation Intellectuelle,
Comite    d'Experts    Bibliothecaires»,    Documentatio    Universalis,    Nos.
5—6 (1932), p. 213.

57.  A.   Dufour   [Under-Secretary-General,   Director   of   the   Section   for   In-
ternational Offices and Intellectual Co-operation, League of Nations, Ge-
neva]  to Henri Bonnet   [Director Institute for Intellectual    Cooperation,
Paris]   26 October  1931, Institut International de Cooperation Intellectu-
elle: Classification Decimale: DVIII. 5, Unesco, Paris.

58.  M. de Montenach  [Secretary to the International Committee for Intel-
lectual Co-operation,  Geneva]   to M. Bonnet, 20 November, 1931, ibid.

59.  Donker  Duyvis  to  A.   Rossi   [Principal   Secretary.   Institute  for   Intel-
lectual Co-operation], 5 March 1932, ibid.

60.  «La Xme Conference Internationale de Bibliographie et de Documentation,
La   Haye,    24—29      aout     1931»,    Documentatio     Universalis,    No.  3
(1931), pp. 83—88. This was anonymous but was reproduced in part in
Paul Otlet, «Institut International de Bibliographie, Xme Conference a
la Haye... resultats generaux», Palais Mondial, No. 20 (January 1932),
pp. 7—10.

61.  «La Xme Conference ... 1931», p. 85.

62.  Paul Otlet, Bibliographia Universalis... (Publication No. 166; Bruxelles:
IIB, 1931). This was also published in Documentatio Universalis, No. 3
(1931), pp. 112—134.

63.  Ibid., subtitle.

63.  <La Xme Conference... 1931», p. 85.

64.  losseau to Otlet, 4 December  1931, Dossier No. 256, «Losseau», Mun-
daneum.

342

65. J. Alingh Prins to Otlet, 20 November 1931. This and the following let-
ters and documents, unless otherwise indicated, are from a file marked
«Incident Hollandais» in the Otletaneum.

•66. Otlet to Alingh Prins, 12 February 1932.

67.  Librarian, John Crerar  Library  to  IIB,   16 July  1931,  Dossier  No.  488,
«John Crerar Library», Mundaneum.

68.  Paul  Otlet,  «Sur  la  crise  de    1'IIB:   Le  vrai    rapport     annuel»,   Note
No. 2946, 29 July  1933, IID. This note is marked in Otlet's hand «Per-
sonnelle — Paul Otlet a Henri La Fontaine*. The following    points and
quotations are taken from this note.

69.  Paul  Otlet,  Classification Decimate  Universelle:  etudes et    projets.  Les
subdivisions  communes   (IID   Publication   No.   169;      Bruxetles:   Palais
Mondial, 1932).

70.  Samuel Bradford to the Secretary IID, 10 August 1932.

71.  «Liste des  notes  envoyees  a  M.  Donker  Duyvis  depuis  le mois d'avril
1931», Note No. 2947, 1 August 1932, IIB.

72.  Donker Duyvis to Otlet, 5 August 1932.

73.  Otlet to Donker Duyvis, 23 August 1932.

74.  In his letter of 8 October  1932 to Otlet, Alingh Prins  quotes from the
earlier letters to La Fontaine. They are not in the file «Incidents Hol-
landais».

75.  Otlet to Alingh Prins and Donker Duyvis, 8 October 1932.

76.  Otlet's account of the Conference is  given in his «Sur la situation ac-
ituelle de 1'IID:   au conseil  de 1'IID,  Ses membres  et  ses  ami's — rap-
port de M. Paul Otlet, 26 decembre,  1932», Note No. 3003, IID. This is
marked «projet» and «envoyee a M. La Fontaine*.

77.  Jean Gerard, «L'Organisation mondiale de la documentation universelle*,
Comite d'Experts Bibliothecaires. VIeme reunion  (16—17 juin 1932), In-
ternational Institute for Intellectual Co-operation, Document C.T.B.  10,
1932.

78.  Paul Otlet, «Sur la situation actuelle de 1'IID...».

79.  Unsigned copy of note to D. Secretan, 18 August 1932. Institut Interna-
tional de Cooperation Intellectuelle:  Institut International de Documen-
tation: DVII. 13,   Unesco, Paris.

30. H. Bonnet, Director, form letter C.L. 49.1932, 18—30 November 1932 and
annexes, ibid.

81.  On  15  September   1932  Otlet was  sent  a  document    from  the  Hague
«Concept  du rapport  a  soumettre  a  l'Inst.  Int.  de Coop.  Int.    Critique
priee avant 21  septembre»,  and it was marked  «urgent».  Otlet  revised
this, and  there is  a  copy in the  file, «Incidents  Hollandais», withs his
MS. interpolations and corrections.

82.  Alingh Prins and Donker Duyvis to Otlet, 1 October 1932.

83.  Otlet to Alingh Prins and Donker Duyvis, 8 October, 1932.

84.  Alingh Prins and Donker Duyvis to Otlet and La Fontaine, 21 October
1932.

85.  Alingh Prins to Otlet, 29 November 1932.

86.  Otlet and La Fontaine to Alingh Prins, 14 December 1932.

87.  Alingh Prins to Otlet and La Fontaine, 14 December 1932.

88.  Donker Duyvis to La Fontaine and Otlet, 21 December 1932.

343

89.  Paul Otlet, «Sur la situation actuelle de 1'IID ...»

90.  «Directives  et  orientation*,   Note  No.  3004,  30  December   1932.  This  is
anonymous but contains MS corrections and additions in Otlet's hand.
The section on the UDC is difficult because of much scratching out and
interlineation.   It   suggests  where   matters     stood   finally   though   it  is
not clear if it was formally adopted by both parties.

91.  Alingh Prins to H. Bonnet, Director of the International Institute foj
Intellectual Co-operation, 16 December 1932.

92.  Paul Otlet, «Reponse personnelle de M. Paul Otlet a l'Enguete   sur la
Documentation de l'lnstitut International de Cooperation Intellectuelle»,
Note No. 3023, 24 February 1936, IIB.

93.  IID Communicationes, V. Fasc. IV,  (1939), p. 127, an example, perhaps,
of what Peter calls, «the lateral Arabesque*.

94.  «Congres  Mondial   de  Documentation,   Paris,   16—21   aout,   1937»,  IID
Communicationes, IV, Fasc. Ill  (1937), pp. 8—19.

95.  «Codicille a mon testament*, 25 aout 1'933, No. 30 Testament: Paul Ot-
let, Otletaneum.

96.  These inferences are suggested by remarks in the IID Communicationes
upon the appearance of the Traite de Documentation which was presented
to the Annual Meeting in Brussels of the    IID    Council    in   August
1934 (I Fasc. IV,  (1934), 12), and by comments, such   as    G.    A.    de
Voogd's, on Otlet and La Fontaine as pioneers, made at the i!934 Copen-
hagen conference   (II, Fasc.  IV  (1935),  at which Otlet's  report called
«iL'IIB—IID, hier, aujourd'hui, demain» was read   (II, Fasc. IV  (1935),.
col. Ot 1—12), and a description of an impromptu address by Otlet at
the   1937 World  Congress  of  Documentation    in  Paris   (IV,  Fasc.  Ill
(1937) 9):

97.  «Mes  chers  amis»,  25  June   1932,  No.  25 Testament:  Paul  Otlet,  Ot-
letaneum.

Chapter XIV
LAST DECADES

THE MUNDANEUM

During the latter part of the 1920s and the early 1930s-
Otlet was by no means solely occupied with developments in
the International Institute of Documentation, as the last
chapter may have suggested. His main activities, on the con-
trary, were firmly directed towards the Mundaneum. The Mun-
daneum was the expression of his philosophy and he devised
and carried out a program of work using and expanding its
collections in an attempt to realise its educational potential.
Within it he studied, lectured and wrote.

In the late twenties, after Masure's death, he attracted,
perhaps unexpectedly for he had feared he would not be able
to replace Masure, two new colleagues to work with him, two
disciples, Georges Lorphevre, then a very young man, and the
older Andre Colet. Moreover, after the closure of the Palais
Mondial in 1924, a group of supporters joined together to form
a non-profit association designed to help in its reconstruction
and subsequent development along the lines of Otlet's
theories. This association called itself Les Amis du
Palais Mondial. Its members were a corps of volunteers
replacing the paid assistants of earlier more prosperous days.
The program of the Mundaneum, both social and educa-
tional, was directed primarily at them, and notices about it.
appeared in an information bulletin, Palais Mondial, issued
from the Mundaneum regularly between  1929 and  1932.

During the period 1927 to 1930 a cycle of lectures and-
other activities was held. In 1930 another triennial cycle be-
gan. It was described in the following way:

It [the triennial cycle] constitutes an important form of instruction
with a special character: the complement, preparation for, or repetition
of general and specialised instruction given before. It is distinguished
by three characteristics:

1 This instruction in all its parts is dominated by a central idea: to
make known the general life of the world    under    the    form of its

345-

development through things (Nature, Man, Society), through space
(Nations, Countries), through time (History, Evolution, Revolutions,
Transformations).

2.   This  instruction   is   supported   by   the  vast   documentation   already
assembled in the Museum, the Library, the Archives and the Repertories
of the Palais Mondial.  Such documentation permits  everyone,  at  any
time, to deepen and extend his studies: it simplifies oral exposition ...
The documentation of the Museum in particular allows one to see and
touch things themselves or reproductions of them:  «The Silent Univer-
sity of Sight and Touch».

3.  Moreover, this instruction extends to everything. It covers the great
fundamental  facts,  the  links, the  connections,    the    recurrences,  the
repercussions,  the  interdependencies.   In  this  form    it    constitutes  in
essence «Modern and Generalised Humanities». It draws its inspiration
from  these  adages:  you  are  a  man   and  nothing  human  should  be
foreign to you; you have become a citizen of the world and no part
of the world should lie outside your knowledge; you are a son of the
twentieth century and none of the great common tasks, now imposed
or proposed, should leave you indifferent.. .

The Palais Mondial's cycle of triennial instruction takes many forms:
lectures, still and moving pictures, phonograph concerts, demon-
strations, guided tours with commentaries, meetings with enquiries,
questions and debates. General meetings are complemented by
conversations, by initiation into the methods of Documentation and
intellectual work by means of courses and practical work in the
workshops of the Palais Mondial.1

In this program Otlet had endeavoured to put into
practice the educational uses to be made of the collections of
the Mundaneum upon which he had expatiated in 1926. The
range of subjects dealt with in the lectures, many accompa-
nied as the program promised, by slides or other primitive
forms of what nowadays are called the audio-visual media,
was extraordinary. Otlet himself in just the first half of 1930
lectured on «The International Bank», «The Hague and London
Conferences*. «The International Organisation of Vice», «The
Problems of Language*, «From the Cave to the World City»,
«The International Institute for Intellectual Cooperation —
Its Re-organisation and the Institutes of the Palais Mondial*,
«Concerning the Revolution of 1830 and of all other Revolu-
tions that have or will be seen in the World», and «Philosophy
¦of Life and Universalism».2 Other lecturers ranged in their
discourses from «The Necessity for Dental Hygiene*, to «The
Enigmas of the Universe*.3

During this period, too, a special effort was made to in-
terest children in the work of the Mundaneum. In 1930 Geor-
ges Lorphevre set about organising a children's library at the
Mundaneum for the Jeunes Amis du Palais Mondial (some-
times known as JAPM) who were taking up their work at that
time, it was remarked, «with enthusiasm*.4 The aims of the
Jeunes Amis du Palais Mondial were defined as «developing
the faculties*, and «extending the knowledge* of its members,
thus permitting them to make «some worthwhile contribution
to  the  Palais  Mondial  while  helping  themselves*.5  In  some

346

remarks directed to parents, Otlet enlarged upon the usefulness
to the Palais Mondial of this group of young people, and
the personal value they would themselves discover in their
association with it. Generalising, typically, from the particular
instance of this group, Otlet proposed that a Union of Youth
1or the Mundaneum should be created. This would be world-
wide and would stand to social and intellectual matters much
as the Boy Scouts stood to «physical» matters.6 The activities
of the Jeunes Amis du Palais Mondial, in reality Bruxellois
all, one supposes, took the form of meetings, debates, dramatic
presentations and special tasks in the Palais Mondial.

The situation of the Palais Mondial was extremely serious
at this time. Belgium's centennial   celebrations   were   held   in

1930,   but it was a year for the Mundaneum, Otlet said, not
of «rejoicing»  but  of «mourning»7  for,  six years    after    the
events of 1924, it was still incompletely restored. Early in 1930,
as Director of the Mundaneum, Otlet apologised for its con-
tinuing  deteriorated  physical  condition.   It was, he  admitted,
-«in a bad state of repair and the upkeep leaves a great deal
to be desired. The Management offers its apologies». The best
that could be done in this year of celebration for Belgian in-
stitutions, he believed, was the mounting of a public opinion
¦campaign to shame the authorities into offering adequate fu-
ture support for the Mundaneum and some reparation for the
damages inflicted on it. Now was a time, he suggested, when
«complaints,  protests,  demands,  resolutions,    grievances,    re-
grets, and statements of consequences in any form whatever
should be sent either individually or collectively to those who
can help».8

The problems faced by the Mundaneum were reflected in
its various collections which continued to be tended and some
of which grew slowly in the decade 1924 to  1934.    Early    in

1931,  the RBU contained nearly fourteen million cards. Since
1927 only about half  a million cards had been  added to  it.
Some additions of national and special  sections    were    also
made to the Museum. In 1931  the Documentary Encyclopedia
¦comprising 10,000 files and containing about one million items,
stood unchanged from  1927. The Atlas of Universal Civilisa-
tion, however, the first studies for which Otlet and Anne Oder-
feld had presented in  1928 and  1929, contained about    three
thousand charts in 1931  and the microfilm collection, the En-
cyclopedia Microphotica Mundaneum, grew quite rapidly.9

The RBU, which in Otlet's view culminated the work of
the IID and was at the root of international intellectual co-
operation, illustrates the problems and inefficiencies of the In-
ternational Headquarters of the IID. Though the RBU was for
Otlet the central IID collection and had been recognised as
providing a basis for an international finding list by the In-

347

ternational Committee for Intellectual Co-operation, no at-
tempts were made until 1928 to have resumed the shipment to
the Mundaneum of the British Museum Library's accession
slips. These shipments had begun in 1909 after official repre-
sentations to the British government from the Belgian govern-
ment. Ten years after the end of the War, which had, of course,
interrupted the shipments, all accession slips from the period
1914 to 1928 were at last sent to the Palais Mondial. These
shipments continued for two years only.10 No attempt at all
was made to have the Library of Congress continue depositing
its sets of printed cards in the RBU, cards which had become
particularly valuable ofter 1930 when they began to carry
Dewey Decimal Numbers which would permit their being filed
immediately, or with only slight modification (given increasing
divergence between the "CD and DC) into the RBU. In 1922
Putnam, the Librarian of Congress himself, wrote to Otlet
about the cards:

The shipment of depository cards to your Institution was of course
interrupted by the War. We rather expected that when you were again
ready to receive shipments of our cards you would write to that
effect. We are advised by Mr. Ernest Kletsch, who recently called on
you, that your institution has apparently recovered from the War
period and seems ready to handle the cards again. If you are ready
to receive the cards we will send within a few weeks those that have
been issued since shipments were suspended in 1914 ..."

No action was taken on this letter at the Mundaneum and
the cards were never sent.12 All of this suggests the validity
of the criticisms voiced by Alingh Prins and others against the
great, centralised RBU which was becoming more and more
dinosaur-like, more and more incomplete and more and more
out-of-date with each passing year.

It is tempting to speculate that at this time, an old, dis-
couraged, slightly bitter man, Otlet had begun to retreat from
the world of action, from the practicalities of his extraordinary
ambitious program of international organisation. Lorphevre
and Colet were beside him protectively, and around him was
a band of faithfuls. As they worked, however ineffectually,
among the collections of the Mundaneum, Otlet seems to have
turned increasingly to his own private study and writing, to
a rather reclusive life of scholarship the idea of which had
appealed to him so strongly as a young man. Then, fifty
years ago, he had been prevented from following whole-heart-
edly what he had thought of as a natural bent of his character
by the necessity of working with his father to restore the fam-
ily fortune. Now after years of intermittent, but cumulatively
extensive study there was nothing to restrain him from almost
complete devotion to it, particularly no constraints of obvious
success. What seems to have been his attitude to the RBU at
this time may have been generally typical.    He    defended the

348

idea of A, paying attention only to what it could become as
part of the grandiose whole his past theorising had envisaged
as being achievable at some indeterminate future time. What
the RBU was as an actual tool of scholarship, against the de-
monstrable efficiency of which his theories might be (and
were) tested, seems not to have much concerned him. His at-
titude to all the alarums and encounters in the IID, which so
distressed and exhausted him, seems to have been similar. The
fascination with an abstract ideal of perfect parts in a perfect
whole infinitely larger than the partial world of the IID, the
justifications of anterior theorising, the prospect of future
fulfilment and the ideal conditions that must obtain for it —
these ceaselessly drove his pen. Facing him, rejected, their
importance not clearly understood, not admitted, were practi-
calities, questions of efficiency," immediate problems of action,
of co-operation, of co-ordination, of the conflicting opinions, ex-
pectations and self-interest of his many colleagues. Acknowl-
edging these the IID began hard and realistically limited
work and to enjoy the prospect of some success. Retiring from
them, Otlet, impatient, dispirited, improverished, immured him-
self ever more thoroughly within the physical and the con-
ceptual walls of his Palais Mondial.

«It is necessary», he had written to Geddes in 1925, «to go
over the same ideas, to deepen them and classify them better,
to correlate them, to find a more lively expression for them,
to simplify their presentation, and above all to make them
less local».13 This was written about his course on «Univer-
salism» at the Institute of Higher Studies in Brussels. But it
is probably true of everything he wrote in the last fifteen
years of his life. Certainly, he continued to experiment with
his course on universalism. In 1931 it was described as a reco-
urse of general studies synthesising facts, the object of the
Palais Mondial itself». With some help, pursuing his con-
viction that there was a great need for adequate «teaching
aids», Otlet presented a universal «pictorialisation» «in the
form of charts destined for the Atlas of Universal Civilisation,
and a demonstration by recently constructed equipment on the
model of 'planetariums' (sic.) but extended to the world and
the whole of the sciences (Mundanarium)».14 But as he went
•over and over old ideas in his writings and teachings, he did
so, one might hazard the guess, not to develop and refine
them in the sense of theory interpreting new facts, of new
facts transforming previously held theory, but merely to add
more instances and to organise his work into smaller, more
¦clearly discrete sections, like cards in a pack of cards, which
could be shuffled and rearranged.

He seems to have tried to write every day. Each time he
wrote it was on a precise topic — a page, two pages, on occa-

349

sions as many as six, but rarely more. Often the pages were
signed and dated and the fact of their ultimate relation indi-
cated by a common «Note» number. There is, for example, in
the Mundaneum, a typescript with the title, «Concerning the-
World Republic: Crisis, War, Revolution, Peace, Prosperity,
Progress, Humanity, Civilisation, a Second League of Na-
tions*.15 This bears the Note Number 6268. The first section or
«number» of the series following an introduction was called
«Problems and Forces Confronting Us». This consisted, of sev-
eral different parts, all separately labelled, each beginning on
a new page. The second «number» was called «The Form of
Future Battles». These and succeeding parts were not dated
and were presumably written in January 1931, the date of the
Introduction. «Number» 7, however, «World Law: International
Law, Universal Rights, 'Cosmo-Meta-Political Law'», was dated
4th February 1931. Next day, «The Ideal, the World of Ideas
and Abstraction* was written. On that same day Otlet also
took up a discussion of the United States. Other numbers were
written throughout the rest of the year, number 39 of the 21st
September 1931, «The Future and Infinity, Eternity and God»,
necessarily exhausted the series. Some of the parts were writ-
ten and rewritten. Some were used in Otlet's many lectures,
addresses, and demonstrations at the Mundaneum. Others were
used in Monde published in 1935.16 Similar collections of
notes were called «World Plan», and «Military Duty, Peace,
Disarmament*.17

Otlet actually published very little during the first three
or four years of the thirties. He prepared some of the material
which appeared in Palais Mondial. He published his study of
the World Bank in two forms in 1931, as an article in a local
journal and as pamphlet.18 For the Fourth International Con-
gress of the Administrative Sciences held in Spain in 1930 he-
wrote «On the Possibility of Administrative Entities Having
Their Situation at Every Moment Presented Documentarily*.1*
Above all in 1932 he wrote his «Systematisation of Documen-
tation* for Documeniatio Universalis20 which was a precursor
for his  Treatise on Documentation published in  1934.

CLOSURE OF THE MUNDANEUM

On the whole, work in the Palais Mondial seems to have-
proceeded calmly in the four years from 1930 to 1934. Otlet
had his struggles with the IID and with his personal financial
problems, all of which depressed and worried him, but he
continued to write, study and lecture. On the 1st June 1934,
however, calamity once again befell the Palais Mondial. The
Government once more closed it down. An announcement ap-
peared in the IID Communicationes, which was a transformed
Documentatio Universalis issued from The Hague, that:

350

Following deplorable circumstances the offices of the Headquarters-
and General Secretariat of the IID have had to be transferred from
the Palais Mondial to 44 Rue Fetis, Brussels, an address, which is,.
however, only temporary.21

The address, that of Otlet's home, was not temporary. The
Palais Mondial never again opened its doors in its old form.
At the end of 1938, four years later, the Government did at last
agree to provide alternative quarters for it in the Palais du
Cinquantenaire, but the Second World War intervened, and
with mobilisation in Belgium, «a cavalry regiment occupied
the locations destined for the Mundaneum».22 After the out-
break of War, these troops were replaced by others — German
troops. Otlet protested the closure of the Mundaneum by-
keeping vigil outside its locked doors during the whole of the
1st June 1934.23

The government's action, as terrible as it was for all of
Otlet's hopes for the Palais Mondial, probably had the benefi-
cial though incidental effect of bringing the Dutch and Bel-
gians together, or at least, of arresting the widening rift be-
tween them. Whatever their differences of opinion about cent-
ralisation of the IID around a unique bibliographical collec-
tion, these had all been obviated by the government when it
turned the key in the doors of the Palais Mondial. Now all
that was left was Otlet's office in the Rue Fetis, the Dutch of-
fice maintained by Donker Duyvis, the national sections, and
the UDC. Any work at all within the Institute had to be car-
ried out through its new structural and procedural machinery
which had largely been, introduced at the instigation of the
Dutch after a similar action of the Belgian government ten
years before. Betrayed once again by the government and de-
nied even the OIB whose integrity he had attempted to pre-
serve in the face of organisational changes within the Insti-
tute, Otlet now rescinded the codicil in his will in favour of
it.24 It seems that Otlet and La Fontaine had recourse to the
Courts for redress. The case was heard in October 1935 and
it was revealed

that the state had no grievance at all against the Union [of Inter-
national Associations]; on the contrary, its defending lawyer publicly
praised the representatives of the Union, the founders of the Palais
Mondial. The defence limited itself simply to pleading the precarious
nature of (the Government's] engagement [with the UIA]. It completely
denied the legal value of the terms, however formal, of a confirming
letter of 1926 of the Minister of Sciences and Arts of the time:
«while awaiting the building of convenient locations your collections
will not be dislodged».25

The League, embroiled in major political and economic strug-
gles, was once again informed of the events and once again
ignored them.26

The closure of the Palais Mondial  did not stop  its edu-
cational work. Nothing,    of   course, could be done on the col-

351

lections, but the programs of lectures and visits continued.
They were held in a variety of places, even in Otlet's home.
He began to give quite extensive courses such as one of eight
lessons beginning on the 18th January 1936 on «An Intro-
duction to the Encyclopedia of Knowledge and Documen-
tation».27 A formal celebration of the 1,000th lecture of the
Mundaneum was held on the 25th February 1940, and an
elaborate invitation was issued for it.28

Celebration de la Millieme Conference du Mundaneum

1940-02-25

Et inaintenant la Nei, portant It Man-    A  Monsieur

dani-um   et  $es   Eijtoirs,  vogue   sur  ia

mer des Reaiites, te cap sur I'Ideal.             Confirencler au Mundaneum

Invitation  Issued to    the    1,000th    Lecture   Sponsored    by the Mundaneum
352

Otlet published the culmination of his life's work of stu-
dy and speculation in 1934 and 1935. Traite de documentation29
-appeared in 1934 and Monde30 and Plan Belgique'il appeared
in 1935. These works, encyclopedic in scope, packed with de-
tail, represent the systematisation to their respective dates of
all he had thought and studied. In their fields they dealt avow-
edly with «everything». Otlet followed documentation, for
example, from the beginning of writing, through the history
of books and libraries to «Meta-Bibliography», and into trans-
cendental regions*. The ultimate form of documentation he now
expressed as «codification». Codification consisted of «(1)
saying things only once; and (2) expressing things in terms
such that the general idea precedes the particular idea and is
•elevated to the rank of principles, norms, laws, rules*.32 He
had returned to some of the ideas first expressed in «Sur la
structure des nombres classificateurs* of  1895/1896.33

The enumerations of Monde, proceeding from the world
of things, through those of space and time, culminated in «the
equation for the world» in which the first term was «the world
in the unity of its synthesis*, and the other terms and expres-
sion of «the elements of its analysis*.34 It was explained thus.

The world appears in the development of a single great equation
whose terms are expressed in the degree of detail and according to
sub-classifications as are convenient, whose terms are expressed with
sufficient conciseness in order that from a single view one can
perceive and meditate upon their respective connections.

f4.The Ego    (Knowledge
1. Things (Nature                           Feeling

I                      .   ..     s            7_ The

Unknown

and

Mystery

The World-                 ^ocfty     .

2.  Space

3.  Time

Divinity)

5.Creations  (Synthesis
Harmony

6. Expression

Organisation)

W = T (N+M+S+D)          E(K+f+a)

S                             C (s+h+o)                       (X+Y)

T                              E

35

It is hard not to see these works of 1934 and 1935 as a
kind of reductio ad absurdum of Otlet's thought. The equation
in which the world received its ultimate «codification» was a
meaningless descriptive device. On the basis of the text of
Monde (the equation is introduced at the beginning and re-
peated at the end as though having been demonstrated) Otlet
discussed «world sociological prediction* and presented a for-
mula of «fundamental sociological elements*. This was con-
tained in an appendix. Other appendices set out his idea of
the necessity for a World Plan (again with formula), a World
Constitution, a description of the Mundaneum and the World

23—3391                                                                                 353

City. A brief examination of Belgium's place in the World
Plan was the basis for the fuller study of Plan beige. The
pivotal role of «documentation» in Otlet's thought (for it was
the point from which his speculations and essays in inter-
national organisation always departed and to which they al-
ways returned) was expressed very clearly in Monde. For him
it related to «expression», the sixth term of his equation:

Work — book — book as instrument of human thought — thought, the
essence of the human being and also the instrument of a milieu which
extends, enlarges, amplifies human being. As the world goes now, on
the lines of hyper-separatism, there will soon be only documentation
to establish regular and benevolent contact between man.36

In his discussion of documentation, Otlet showed once again
that receptivity to technological innovation, a foreshadowing
of future inventions, which had already appeared from time
to time in his writing:

Man would no longer need documentation if he were to become an
omniscient being like God himself. A less ultimate degree would create
an instrumentation acting across distance which would combine at
the same time radio, x-rays, cinema and microscopic photography.
All the things of the Universe, and all those of man, would be
registered from afar as they were produced. Thus the moving image
of the world would be established — its memory, its true duplicate.
Any one from afar would be able to read the passage, expanded or
limited to the desired subject, projected on his individual screen.
Thus, in his armchair, any one would be able to contemplate the whole
of creation or certain of its parts.37

Though Otlet showed himself as something of a visionary
whose visions later, long after his death, assumed some reali-
ty, he was also a product of his times and particularly of his
positivistic philosophy of universalism. In these major works,
the Traile and Monde, the fruits of a lifetime's labour, there
is implicit a belief that the method of analysis and the pre-
sentation of material which they exhibit are scientific, that
«social facts» can be isolated, set down and related, thereby
providing a basis for the derivation of a rational, necessary
plan of world organisation and action which would advance
the general welfare of Humanity. «Humanity», for Otlet, was
a unitary concept, something graspable and directable as a
whole, and social facts and laws were expressible in formulae.
These formulae, however, were not «scientific». They were
purely descriptive. They allowed no prediction as a form of
deduced consequence from them. The result, an absence of
theory and a vast collocation of diverse observations, is extra-
ordinarily sterile. Otlet placed a value on enumeration that
was an exact correlate of his belief in a universal classifica-
tion of knowledge. His work was a piling of instance upon
example, and a careful integration and classification of data
in support of a number of fairly pious, general, prescriptive
statements. One manifestation of his «atomistic» approach was-

354

his use of language. Titles and parts of his text consist of
long strings of nouns or noun phrases, articles often omitted,
grammatical connections sometimes unclear, joined (or sepa-
rated) by semi-colons. In the text the subordination of strings
is shown by the use of section headings carefully numbered
to show the relation of each section — a classificatory device.
His method of work, his emphasis upon a certain kind of
analytical approach to his studies, his wide scholarship, led to
a fascinating, logically consistent conclusion. In early middle
age Otlet became convinced that the ceaselessly proliferating
results of his lucubrations formed a whole, that his notes, his
index cards, his files, constituted unwritten volumes. They
were data that with organisation imposed by a classification,
scheme, would prove all of his points again, and add to the
body of that which he had already demonstrated. As early as
1915 he wrote in his will

All of my papers will form a mass: (a) my study material will be
for my Institutes where I ask that a friend proceed to the sorting and
publishing of those that are still useful; (b) my useless business
papers will be remitted to my brothers; (c) my personal papers
(letters, memoirs) will be preserved sealed for twenty years in the
Institute and will be made available after this time without
restriction to any one as an archive of a man and the times.38

In  1923, having considered the problem further, he was more
specific

I desire that all my papers, manuscripts, notes, documents should be
preserved after my death as a whole. They are those which served in
the preparation of the Palais Mondial and that which should follow it,
the World City and the Intellectual Synthesis for which I have worked.
Those that I have been able to finish and publish are only a small
part of what I have conceived, projected, studied, imagined. I hope
that this whole will remain undivided as it is undivided in my mind,
and should I not have the time to give it the intellectual and physical
shape (documentary) that I still propose to give it, I hope that my
friends will honour my memory by themselves bringing this about.
This desire is formulated only in the conviction that my life has been
one and that living I would have been able to develop the work of
the P. M. (sic) much more, dead I would be able to continue the
work through these manuscripts.39

This preoccupation grew greater as time elapsed and was
frequently expressed in the provisions of the wills that Otlet
regularly drew up. It was as though, as age advanced and
mortality stood as a kind of presence at his elbow, he became
more anxious to avoid the sacrifices they would inevitably
exact. In 1932 he became afraid that he might die before
Monde and the ideas it contained appeared. He began, there-
fore, to speculate about the constitution of a legal foundation
to preserve the desired unity in the papers from which Monde
was emerging. The foundation would have the task of en-
couraging the publication and the propagandising of his ideas.40

23*                                                                                          355

In 1938 he wrote:

1.  all my papers, I repeat, form a whole.

2.  ...They are a true work in which  all the parts  belong.  They  are
a  «Mundus Mundaneum» an instrument conceived  for knowledge of
the world, and the establishment of the Mundaneum.

3.  Conserve my papers. Do this for them — what I would have done.
They are the heart of the Mundaneum, its sanctuary; universal, stu-
died,  analysed  and  synthetical  reality  and  thought.    Don't    destroy
them.41

In 1941 he made formal provisions for the creation of a
foundation upon his death to be called «Otletaneum: Found-
atio Paul Otlet — Cato Van Nederhasselt». The foundation was
to have three goals:

1.  to receive and preserve my papers, my books, my documentation;

2.  to be the legatee of the goods my wife possesses;

3.  to work in the same sense as I have worked all my life with the
help of    my   wife and    which    I    can    summarise in this one word:
Mundaneum.42

The foundation was to be administered by a commission
consisting of his two faithful disciples, Georges Lorphevre and
Andre Colet, a member of his family, either his son, Marcel,
or his grandson, Jean, and a member of his wife's family.
Of Lorphevre and Colet he wrote movingly of their devotion
both to himself and to his ideas, and of his decision to make
them his executors. «I have confidence that they, at least»,
he wrote, «joining me in the worst days when they truly had
nothing to hope for themselves, will know how, will wish
to, and will be able to do all that is desirable*.43 In 1942, he
went a step further in describing what was to be done with
his papers:

When I am no more, my documentary instrument (my papers) should
be kept together, and, in order that their links should become more
apparent, should be sorted, fixed in successive order by a consecutive
numbering of all the cards (like the pages of a book).44

In 1937 the Institute for Intellectual Co-operation organi-
sed a World Congress for Universal Documentation in Paris.
This was an enormous congress attended by representatives
of governments as well as by those interested in documenta-
tion in a more private capacity. It was, in fact, the first time
that such a large, influential congress had been held in the
field since the IIB conferences of 1908 and 1910 and those
of the UIA in 1910 and 1913. Here Otlet and La Fontaine
came into much respectful praise. Their positions as grand
old men of European documentation were clearly acknowledg-
ed. The idea of a Universal Network or System for Docu-
mentation was taken up and the IID once more changed its
name and statutes to become the International Federation for
Documentation, in order better to promote this. Here there
was much talk of H. G. Wells' idea of a World Brain, a new

356

Paul Otlet at the World   Congress of Universal    Documentation
Paris, August -1937

form of the encyclopedia, an idea which, in a different form,
Otlet had been writing about for decades. Here Otlet met
Wells and made «magnificent improvisations*.45

Bradford regarded the World Congress of Universal
Documentation as the culmination of a rival scheme. Jean
Gerard, he asserted, had induced the International Institute
of Intellectual Co-operation to call the Congress with the
view to setting up a new Institute for Documentation in
Paris. Gerard had powerful support and for Bradford there
was  «no  doubt  the  project  would  have  been   achieved,  had

357

not the International Institute [for Bibliography] meanwhile
grown up». The mobilisation of forces within the Institute's
national sections and much arduous work at the Congress
itself were necessary to avoid defeat. «At every meeting»,
Bradford reports, resolutions were proposed in favour of
[Gerard's] plan» and «at first the members of the Institute
were, every time, outvoted*. Eventually, however, «knowledge,
experience and logic made their mark», and with a change
in name which emphasised the decentralised «federalised»
nature of the organisation, the Congress voted to support it
and not proceed with Gerard's proposal.46

Otlet, however, did not share Bradford's view of the
Congress. He was pleased that it recognised the need for a
Universal Network for Documentation and saw this aspect of
its work as recapitulating his own ideas.

It is indeed paradoxical that libraries and archival repositories preserve
large masses of documents without having the resources to catalog,
analyse and circulate them; that offices and services of Documentation
establish vast repertories without power of themselves disposing of
(actual) works; that learned and administrative bodies publish them
without full co-ordination or care for their utilisation; that provincial
workers in all countries are deprived of the means of study. The
Universal Network of Documentation is called on to organise the
liason of these reservoirs and repertories, of producers and users.
The ultimate goal is to realise the World Encyclopedia according to
the needs of the twentieth century.47

The most important result of the Congress for him was
its demand to know the intentions of the new Belgian Cabinet
to the Palais Mondial. He interpreted the Congress's deliber-
ations as «posing imperiously the question of a Central
Headquarters. Can Belgium*, he asked, «continue to be the
Headquarters, or must other steps be taken?» He recounted
the facts of the absence of official Belgian representation at
the Congress, and the «painful duty» imposed upon him of
having to explain «the attitude of the Government brutally
closing the Palais Mondial in 1934». He expressed a fear of
the German influence at the Congress— 18 delegates directed
by a «Fuhrer».58 No world gathering could be without polit-
ical overtones, he observed, and every attempt shoudl be made
to maintain the increasingly tenuous contacts between nations.
With the British Empire, the Pan-American Union, Russia,
Asia and a Fascist bloc in Europe, the world was threatened
by disintegration. In Europe tensions had grown to such a
point that «Europe is no more than a word». These observa-
tions served to highlight for him the need to reopen the
Palais Mondial with the utmost dispatch. It was urgent that
the Belgian government should make its attitude clear. The
three years of closure, of battles to secure the Palais
Mondial's future, were, he claimed, also three years of prepa-

358

ration, and the Belgian government had to decide either to
abandon the Palais Mondial to a more hospitable country,
or open it again and support it.49

Otlet, blinded by the intensity of his purpose, exaggerated
the interest of the World Congress in the Palais Mondial. But
his view of the world politics of the time was perceptive and
anguished. The government may have been influenced by the
fact of the Congress's expressions of esteem for Otlet and
La Fontaine to offer the Palais Mondial alternative quarters
in the Palais du Cinquantenaire late in 1938, but by then it
was too late. Otlet's belief in the efficacy of the Palais Mondial
and all it stood for in helping to promote peace and understan-
ding, remained steadfast as he observed developments in
European political situation. He expressed this view most
clearly in a letter to Donker Duyvis in 1936:

Hitler has become «well known» in Holland and Belgium. War or
Peace; an equal and just peace; economic, and social and intellectual
peace; ... once more ... the confrontations of opposing, repugnant,
bestial alternatives . .. which go on again . .. and again . .. and again.
Therefore from the C. D. (sic) to Documentation; from Documentation
to the organisation of intellectual work; from intellectual work to
Universal Civilisation. Therefore to realise them, that which is ne-
cessary, commissions and institutions, and the bibliographic repertory,
and the Mundaneum; and the World Consitution, and the new League
of Nations; and the World City.50

A LAST CRISIS

The Mundaneum remained closed, crowded, its materials
gathering dust, mouldering, useless. During these last years
Otlet appears to have become increasingly introspective. He
returned to a form of that self-communion which produced his
youthful diary. One can imagine him hunched over his desk,
surrounded by perilously balanced mountains of documents,
cards, books and papers, drawing before him some sheets of
paper to note down the thoughts that came as he contemplated
his life. In 1938 a little more than a week before his birthday
he reflected that soon he would be seventy, and La Fontaine
eighty-four. He had done, he thought, all he could to ensure
the future of their work although his had been essentially
a lonely, isolated position during all those years in which
he had developed the Palais Mondial. His thoughts turned
to Cato,, his wife, one of the few who had stood beside him
unwaveringly:

Cato, my wife, has been absolutely devoted to my work. Her savings
and jewels testify to it; her invaded house testify to it; her collabo-
ration testifies to it; her wish to see it finished after me testifies to it;
her modest little fortune has served for the constitution of my work
and of my thought.

359

As he reflected further, he knew that, despite his unfavourable
treatment in Belgium, the country of his birth and that of his-
family, he must continue to struggle to try to achieve security
for his life's work though the news in the world was des-
perately bad («Hitler is in Vienna»). He had some encourage-
ment when at last he received a promise that the Palais
Mondial would be re-opened.51

In the evening a week after these thoughts had been
recorded, a few hours before his birthday, he looked back
across the many years of his life once again and thought
«Such a long life... what have I done in it? With what have-
my hands been full and with what have they been empty?»
As he peered down the years, he mused about «the nature of
a man», and upon his own beginnings. First came birth, then
the death of his mother and the family's removal to Paris.
And then Fernande. Upon this period his memory touched
gently, lightly, wandered, lingered. They were «years of a
vegetable life» lived v/ith «sheep and goats» but with some-
few and faithful friends, too. He recalled an incident invol-
ving his father. They were dining together, and, enraged at
Otlet's «pigheadedness» about some sugar «I saw», he
recalled, «to my stupification, my father hurl an empty coffee-
cup to the floor near some people»... and there had been a
ball given by his father... and the transformation in Fernande
who became quite changed».52

Later in the year Cato lost patience with Otlet's protracted
failing attempts to restore the Mundaneum. «Cato has opened
my eyes», he said. She had made him face up to the fact
that his optimism about the future of his institutes was thorou-
ghly ill-founded. But he was more concerned, more alarmen
about what she had said about herself. «I make Cato suffer*,,
he wrote, «who has been the only person who has really
loved me,  and has  proved it continuously*.  He  decided that

the prolongation, the continuation is impossible. I cannot ask her ta
exceed the limits of good will. I have imposed an unbearable life on
her for too long, for she has had to look forward to a conclusion
about which she has become sceptical because she has suffered too-
much ...  (she has)  become indifferent to the work, to my work.

Cato had delivered an ultimatum, and once more, Otlet, now
at the end of his life, faced the same kind of personal conflict
over which he had agonised as a young man. The resolution,,
however, came more easily. «Can I demand a continuation?*
he asked himself, and answered unhesitatingly, «No!» At
seventy years of age he was in the classical predicament of
being torn between love and duty. «I do not want her to-
suffer nor to make the work suffer.» He recognised the dilemma
himself. «To choose between two loves, two duties. I do not
know how to  unite them  in one  sentiment.*  Upon just this.

360

thought had he dwelt over fifty years before as a young man
in a train, travelling to visit a «princesse Iointaine» in Munich.
His choice had to be Cato for «she is a living reality and5
she is for me the highest concrete representation of Humanity
which in my work is an abstraction. To make a living and
loved being suffer for an ideal and problematical being. No.»
In practical terms he decided to put Cato first and do much
less for his work though he continued to hope for the long-
expected miracle.53

The miracle did not occur. The government granted OtleJ
new quarters and resumed them at once for War. Upon the
German occupation of Brussels the Palais du Cinquantenaire
was requisitioned for enemy troops. Otlet sought permission
from the Ville de Bruxelles to take over an old University
building near the Pare Leopold. He was granted the use of
this building and moved all the collections of the Palais
Mondial thither, though not before the Germans had destroyed
sixty-three tons of periodical publications. After the move,
as Lorphevre wryly remarked, «the situation was no better;
no subsidy, no Belgian or foreign donations and... no heat».54
Otlet and his assistants, however, created some sort of order
in the collections in the new building, at once called the
Mundaneum, as it is still to-day.

There, in the last few, sombre years of his life, Otlet
worked, conscious of the black shadow of War and a mad1
demagogue, and careful of his duty to Cato. But he did work,
and in the very year of his death gave at the new Mundaneum
the twelfth session of a week-long Course on Documentation
which he had devised.55 In 1943 La Fontaine, a man rich in
eighty-nine work-filled, useful years, died. The loss to Otlet
was enormous, for even though in their later years they worked
very little together, they kept constantly in touch, speaking
for hours together on the telephone.56 A year later on the 10th
December 1944, having worked with Lorphevre that day until
seven in the evening, Otlet died.

FOOTNOTES

1.  «L'Annee   1930—1931»,   Palais   Mondial,    Nos.   13—14     (July—October
1930), 22.

2.  «,Programme des conferences publiques», and ^Conferences donnees pen-
dant  le   ler  trimestre   1930»,  Palais    Mondial,  No.   12   (April     1930),
11—12 and   16.

3.  «Conferences,  oours,    demonstrations*, Palais Mondial, No.   16   (March
1931), 12.

4.  «Les Jeunes Amis du Palais    Mondial»,    Palais Mondial, Nos.    13—14
(July —October, 1930),   7.

5.  Ibid.

36 l<

¦•6. «La Jeunesse et Le Palais Mondial», Palais Mondial, No. 16 (April
1931), 31. Part of this is a note «de la part de la Direction du P. M
(sic.)» to parents.

7.  Otlet to Director-General, 5 January  1930, Dossier No. 368, «Ministere
des Sciences et des Arts», Mundaneum.

8.  «Le Palais Mondial a Bruxelles», Palais Mondial, No. 12  (April 1930)
15—16.

9.  «Etat des travaux et collections*, Palais Mondial, No. 16 (March 1931),
12. A poster, Le Palais Mondial et Ses Instituts», proclaimed in  1927
the size of all the collections  (it is F. No. 9177, Mundaneum).

10.  The receipt   of all slips   issued from G2 August    1924   to October    1928
was  acknowledged  31   October   1928.  Subsequent  acknowledgements of
receipts of slips ceased in  1930.  Dossier    No.  215,  «British Museum*,
Mundaneum.

11.  H. Putnam to Otlet, August 30, 1922, Dossier No. 297, «Library of Con-
gress», Mundaneum.

12.  On 13 December 1945 Georges Lorphevre wrote to the Principal Librar-
ian, Library of Congress asking that all cards which had accumulated
since the beginning of the First World War be sent to the Mundaneum.
He cited Putnam's letters  indicating Putnam's    willingness to resume
shipments in 1922 (Dossier No. 297 ^Library of Congress*, Mundaneum).

:13. Otlet to Geddes, 1 September 1925, Dossier No. 92(G), Otletaneum.

14.  «Conferences,  cours,   demonstrations*,  Palais  Mondial,   No.   16   (March
1931), pp. 26—.27.

15.  The cover page reads:  Paul Otlet, «De la Republique Mondiale:  crise,
guerre, revolution, paix, prosperity, progres,  humanite, civilisation, une
deuxieme  Societe  des    Nations*,    Note    No.    6268,    Bruxelles,     1931
(typescript).

16.  Paul Otlet, Monde...   (Bruxelles: Editiones Mundaneum, D. Von Koer-
berghen et fils, 1935), 399—400.

17.  The cover page reads: Paul Otlet, «La Plan mondial*, Note No. 6453,
16 July  1932;  and «Le Devoir militaire, la paix,    les    disarmaments*,
Note iNo. 6680, 22 March 1932.

18.  Paul Otlet, «La Banque nationale et le plan economique*, La Vie Eco-
nomique,  IX   (1931),   129—134.    This,  a first  article,   was followed   by
another in a succeeding issue.

19.  Paul Otlet, Sur les possibilites pour les entiles administratives d'avoir
a tout moment leur situation presentee documentairement;  Rapport au
IVe  Congres  International  des  Sciences Administratives, Madrid,   1930
(IIB (sic) Publication No. 162; Bruxelles: IIB (sic) 1930.

-20. Paul Otlet, «La    Systematique    de la    documentation*,    Documentatio
Universalis, «Annexe» (1932), pp. 272 ff.

21.  «Change d'adresse», IIB    Communications,  I, Fasc.    Ill     (1934),    25.

22.  Georges  Lorphevre,  «Otlet   (Paul)»,  Biographie  Nationale,   (t.  XXXII;
Bruxelles: Academie Royale des Sciences des Lettres et des Beaux Arts
de Belgique, 1964), cols. 555—556.

23.  Ibid.

24.  «Codicille a mon testaments, 25 August 1933, No. 30 Testament Paul Ot-
let, Otletaneum. Beneath the codicil Otlet wrote «a raison des incidents
avec l'etat beige et de la fermature de le Palais Mondial j'annule la dis-
position ci-dessus». This was dated 15 juillet 1933, but the executors note
that Otlet had made a mistake in the date because the Palais Mondial
was closed on 1 June 1934.

25.  «L'Union des Associations  Internationales    et la  Societe  des  Nations*
Periodicum Mundaneum, January    1936.     (Periodicum Mundaneum ap-
pears to have been a new name for Palais Mondial. This is shown as UIA
Publication No. 144 which was the number assigned to Palais Mondial,
though many of the issues of Palais Mondial have no UIA Number.

26.  Ibid.

21. «Calendrier du Palais Mondial*,   ibid, p. 2.

362

28.  «Celebration de la millieme Congerence du Mundaneum», invitation, Ot-
lefaneum.

29.  Paui Otlet,  Traite de documentation   (Bruxelles:  Editiones Mundaneum,
Palais Mondial, 1934).

30.  Paul  Otlet,  Monde:   essai de  universalisme — connaissance  du    Monde,
sentiment du Monde, action organisee et plan du mondeo op cit.

•31. Paul Otlet, Plan Belgique: essai d'un plan general, economique, social,
culturel, plan, d'urbanisation national; liaison avec le plan mondial: con-
ditions, problemes, solutions, reformes (Bruxelles: Editiones Mundaneum
and D. Von ¦Koerberghen et fils, 1935).

'32. Paul Otlet, Traite de documentation, p. 411.

33. Paul Otlet, «Sur la Structure des nombres classificateurs», IIB Bulletin,
I (1695—96), 230—243 (see Ch. V).

-34. Paul Otlet, Monde, p. XXI.

35.  Ibid., p. 400.

36.  Ibid., p. 387.

37.  Ibid., p. 390—391.

38.  «Le Haye, 28 Mai  1915», No. 33. Testament Paul Otlet, Otletaneum.

39.  <U919.12.16 Mes p.apiers», No. 42, ibid.

40.  «1932—02—? Testament. Projet codicille a mon Testament*, No. 60, ibid.

41.  «1938.01.08, Mes papiers», No. 55, ibid.

42.  «1919.11.24. Statut de la Foundation*, No. 63, ibid.

43.  «1937.01.27. Codicille a mon testament: la vie», No. 53, ibid.

44.  «Testament,   1942.01.18*,   No.   67,   ibid.

45.  For .an account of this Congress with its resolutions on the Universal
Network for Documentation and incidental references  to Otlet and La
Fontaine see «Congres Mondial de Documentation, Paris,  16—21   aout,
1937», IIiD Communicationes, IV Fasc. Ill  (1937),   passim but especially
pp. 16—18.

46.  S.  C.  Bradford, Documentation   (London:    Crosby    Lockwood,    1953),
pp. 142—143.

47.  %Le Cangres Mondial de la Documentation*. This is a single page of
typescript in the Otletaneum dated 1937.09.20 and signed Paul Otlet.

48.  «Le Congres Mondial...», and «Apres le Congres Mondial*, typescript,
Mundaneum.

49.  «Apres le Congres Mondial*.

50.  Otlet to Danker Duyvis, 3 April 1936, Otletaneum (the construction and
meaning of the first paragraph are not clear).

51.  A document without heading other that date «1938.04.14».

52.  These pages  are  not  headed. A phrase opens  them    «Dans    quelques
heures mon age j'ecrirai avec un 7 ...», Otletaneum.

53.  «Examen de situation: examen de conscience...», Otletaneum.

54.  Lorphevre, col. 556.

55.  ^Invitation: cour de documentation XIIe session*, Office Internationale
de Bibliographic, Bruxelles (sic).

56.  Remark of M. Lorphevre to the author.

Appendix

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WRITINGS OF PAUL OTLET

A. PREWAR

Vile du Levant. Bruxelles: Typographie et Lithographie E. Guyot, 1882,
39 pp.

L'Afrique aux noirs. Bruxelles: Ferdinand Larcier, 1889. 18 pp.
Lettres sur la politique coloniale beige. Bruxelles: Imprimerie et Lithogra-
phie de la Cote Libre, 1889. 5 pp.

Sommaire periodique des revues de droit, 1891... redaction Pierre Blan-
chemanche, Joseph Cassiers, Max Hallet, Paul Otlet. Bruxelles: Librairie
Generale de Jurisprudence, 1891.

Otlet, Paul and Blanchemanche, Pierre, rapporteurs. Enquite sur la plai-
doirie: reponses au questionnaire du Cercle d'Etudes du Jeune Barreau de
Bruxelles. Bruxelles: Ferdinand Larcier, 1891. 95 pp.

De Boeck  and  Otlet,  Paul.  Les Prisons-asiles  et    les    reformes    penales
qu'elles entralnent: extrait du compte-rendu du 3e Congres d'Anthropologie
Criminelle, tenu a Bruxelles en 1892. Bruxelles: Hayez, 1892. 15 pp.
Un  peu  de   bibliographie-.   extrait   du   Palais,   organe   des   conferences   du
Jeune Barreau de Bruxelles. Bruxelles: A. Fromant, 1892. 20 pp.
Les  Sentences   indeterminees  et  la  legislation  beige:   rapport  presente  au
groupe beige de 1'Union Internationale de Droit Penal.    Bruxelles:    Veuve
Ferdinand Larcier, 1893. 21 pp.

«L'Education correctionnelle: une visite a Ruysselede», Palais, 1893, 20—33.
Gedoelst, Henri, Otlet, Paul and Schoenfeld, Georges. «Rapport sur Forga-
nisation d'un comite de defense des enfants arretes et traduits en justice,
presente a l'Assemblee Generale de la conference du Jeune Barreau de
Bruxelles», Journal des Tribunaux, Nos. 948—951, 16—26 February, 1893.
«La Science juridique pure», Palais, 1893—4, 42—64.

«Les Bibliotheques publiques a l'etranger: fait a retenir et a mediter par la
Commission de la Bibliotheque Royale», Art Moderne, XIV (1894), 36r
139, and 148.

Des Obligations au porteur: pratique et legislation comparee. Bruxelles:
Veuve Ferdinand Larcier, 1894. 38 pp.

L'Anthropologie juridique: communication faite a la Societe d'Anthropologie
de Bruxelles dans la seance du 25 fevrier, 1895. Bruxelles: Hayes, 1895.
36 pp.

Le  Chomage involontaire:  contribution  a l'etude de l'assurance contre    le
chomage. Extrait du Bulletin du Comite Permanent du Congres des Acci-
dents du travail... Paris: Secretariat General du Comite 1895. 51 pp.
«Bibliotheque de Sciences Sociales», La Justice, 3 March 1895, 2.
«Les   Bibliotheques   publiques   en  Belgique»,  Art    Moderne, February   1895,
31—37, 44—45.

Otlet, Paul and La Fontaine, Henri. «La Creation d'un Repertoire Biblio-
graphique Universel: note preliminaire ...», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 15—38.
«Le Programme de l'lnstitut International de Bibliographie: objections et
explications*, IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6), 73^100.

364

«Sur la structure des nombres classificateurs», IIB Bulletin, I (1895—6),
230—242.

«La Statistique Internationale des imprimes: quelques sondages», IIB Bul-
letin, I (1895—6), 300—319.

«La Comptabilite et le comptabilisme», Annales de I'Institut des Sciences
Sociales, II (1896), 47—60.

Nos livres et leurs amis les bibliographes: conference donnee le 15 mars a
la Societe des Sciences, des Arts et des Lettres de Hainaut.. compte-rendu
publie dans le supplement au Journal de Mons du dimanche, 27 mars.
Mons: V. Janssons, 1898. 23 pp.

Le Repertoire Bibliographique Universei. sa formation, sa publication, son
classement, sa consultation, ses organes. Extrait du compte-rendu des tra-
vaux du Congres Bibliographique International, 1898. Paris: au Siege de
la Societe, 1899. 10 pp.

«Observations a propos de la derniere note de M. Solvay relative au comp-
tabilisme», a Propos du comptabilisme social. Extrait des Annales de I'In-
stitut des Sciences Sociales. Bruxelles: au siege de I'Institut, 1898.
pp. 34—38.

«Examen du projet de la   iSociete >Royale de Londres concernant le Catalo-
gue International des Sciences ,..», IIB Bulletin, IV  (1899), 5—51.
«La   Statistique   internationale   des   imprimes»,   IIB   Bulletin,    V     (1900),
109—121.

«La Technique et l'avenir du periodique», IIB Bulletin, VI (1901), 179—185.
«Un Document d'art allemand», Art Moderne, 4 August, 1901, 259—261.
«Comment classer les pieces et documents des societes industrielles»,
IIB Bulletin, VI (1901), 85—125.

(Also Published separately under the same title in March 1901 by
l'Auxiliaire Bibliographique. Bruxelles in I'Okygraphie, and in 1902 as
Publication No. 2 of the Comite d'Etude des Travaux d'Administra-
tion, Bruxelles).

«L'Importance et le role des periodiques», Bulletin de I'Union de la Presse
Periodique Beige, January, 1901, 10—12.

«Le Catalogue International de la Litterature Scientifique», IIB Bulletin,
VII (1902), 203—209.

«Les Sciences bibliographiques et la documentation;*, IIB Bulletin, VIII
(1903), 121—147.

P. O. «L'Iconotheque botanique», IIB Bulletin, IX  (1904),  110—112.
«Sur  la  creation  d'un  repertoire  des   articles   de  la    presse    quotidienne»,
IIB Bulletin, IX (1904), 306—311.

«Un Congres de la presse periodique», Bulletin de I'Union de la Presse
Periodique Beige, July, 1905, 3—5.

L'Office International de Bibliographie, Bruxelles: Le Mouvement Scienti-
fique en Belgique, 1830—1905, [1906]. 22 pp.

«L'Organisation rationnelle de l'information et de documentation en
matiere economique: examen des moyens d'assurer aux services de
renseignements des musees coloniaux et commerciaux independants
une plus grande utilite au point de vue de l'expansion mondiale. Rap-
port presente au Congres International d'Expansion Mondiale reuni
a iMons les 24—28 septembre, 1905», IIB Bulletin, X (1905), 6—48.
(Also published as IIB Publication No. 69).

«L'Impression directe sur fiche», Annales de I'Imprimerie, IV H905),
141—145.

Un Musie du Livre a Bruxelles: projet de constitution d'une societe ayant
pour objet la creation du Musee. Publication No. 2; Bruxelles: Musee du
Livre, 1905   10 pp.

365

Goldschmidt, Robert    and Otlet, Paul.   Sur une forme nouvelle du lime: le
livre microphotographique. Publication No. 81; Bruxelles:  IIB,  1906. 11 pp.
(Also published in Journal des Brevets, ,1  January  1907 and in ext-
racts in Photorevue, 6 January 1907).

Les Aspects du Livre: conference inaugurale de l'Exposition du Livre Bei-
ge d'Art et de Litterature, organisee a Ostende par le Musee du Livre,
14 July 1906. Publication No. 8; Bruxelles: Musee du Livre, 1906. 20 pp.
«Les Amis des livres», Bulletin Mensuel de la Federation Post-Scolaire-
de Saint-Gilles, January 1906, 174—176.

«La Documentation par la photographie», Le Matin de Bruxelles, 2 Novem-
ber 1906.

«Sur le livre et 1'illustration: avant-lire de catalogue*, Catalogue de l'Expo-
sition Internationale de Photogravure. Bruxells: Cercle d'Etudes Typogra-
phiques, 1906. pp. 7—20.

Organisation rationnelle de la documentation pour I'etude des regions polai-
res: rapport presente au nom de 1'IIB au Congres International pour l'Etude-
des Regions Polaires. Publication No. 79; Bruxelles: IIB, 1906. 11 pp.
Otlet, Paul and Vandeveld, Ernest. La Reforme des bibliographies nationales
et leur utilisation pour la bibliographie universelle: rapport presente air
Ve Congres International des Editeurs, Milan, 1906. IIB Publication No. 77;
Bruxelles: IIB and 1'Administration de la Bibliographie de Belgique, 1906.
8 pp.

L'Etat actuel de Vorganisation bibliographique Internationale Publication
No. 75; Bruxelles: IIB, 1906. 33 pp.

«Le Livre et l'illustration», Annales de I'Imprimerie, V (1906), 35—37.
L'Organisation de la documentation en matiere technique et industrielle.-
Publication No. 73; Bruxelles: IIB, 1906. 6 pp.

«De quelques applications non bibliographiques de la Classification Deci-
male», IIB Bulletin, XI (1906), 92—99.

Le Programme du Ministere des Sciences et des Arts: rapport preliminaire
aux discussions, presente a la Libre Academie de Belgique en sa seance
du 16 mai, 1907. Bruxelles: Editions de la Belgique Artistique et Litteraire,.
1907. 31 pp.

[Paul Otlet], Edouard Otlet. [Bruxelles: Les Presses l'Oscar Lamberty,.
1907], [8]  pp.

«Sur une nouvelle forme du Livre*, IIB Bulletin, XII (1907), 61—69.
«Les Nouveaux types de revue: la revue documentaire, la revue interna-
tionale», Actes du 3e Congres de la Presse Periodique Beige, 1907, 73—79..
«L'Inauguration de la Maison du Livre: discours d'ouverture», Art Moderne,
27 January 1907, 26—28; 10 February 1907, 43—44; 17 February 1907,.
50—51.

«Bruxelles, la capitale du monde», Courrier de la Conference de la Paix,
13 October 1907,   2—3.

«Question du jour: le livre», Vindependence, 2 September 1907.
«Rapport de l'assemblee generate de l'Union de la Presse Periodique Beige,.
17 February,   1907», Bulletin de l'Union de la    Presse    Periodique    Belger
March—April, 1907, 53—59.

«La Concordance entre les classifications bibliographiques: note pre-
sentee a la Conference Internationale de Bibliographie et de Documen-
tation, 19O8»,   IIB Bulletin, XIII  (1908),   337—348.

La Fonction et les transformations du livre: resume de la conference
faite a la Maison du Livre, 14 novembre, 1908. Publication No. 11; Bruxel-
les: Musee du Livre, 1908. 15 pp.

«A la Bibliotheque Royale, Chez M. Paul Otlet», La Chronique, 16 Novem-
ber 1908.

366

«Au feu», La Chronique, 9 Septembre 1908.

La Loi a"ampliation, et Vinternalionalisme.  Bruxelles:   Imprimerie  Polleunis

et Ceuterick, 1908. 34 pp.

«La  Documentation en matiere  administrative*,  IIB  Bulletin, XIII   (1908),

342^-348.

(Also published in Actes de la Conference Internationale de Biblio-
graphie et de Documentation. Bruxelles, 10 et 11 juillet, 1908. Publi-
cation No. 98; Bruxelles: IIB, 1908. pp. 147—154, and in La Revue
Communale de Belgique, November 1908, 339—344).

La Fontaine, Henri and Otlet, Paul, «L'Etat actuel des questions bibliog-
raphiques et l'organisation internationale de la documentation*, IIB Bulle-
tin, XIII (1908), 165—'191.

(Also published in Actes de la Conference... 1908, pp. 159—1184).
Conference Internationale de Bibliographie et de Documentation: Extrait
du Mouvement Sociologique International. Bruxelles: Imprimerie Polleunis
et Ceuterick, 1908. 34 pp.

«L'Organisation internationale et Ies associations internationales», Annuaire-
de la Vie Internationale, 1908—1909. 2e serie, V. 1; Bruxelles: Office Cent-
ral des Institutions, 1909. pp. 29—166.

[Otlet, Paul]. «Le Guide des autodidactes: une oeuvre polonaise d'enseigne-
ment par le livre», IIB Bulletin, XIV ,(1909), 57—68.

«L'Organisation de la vie internationale», La Vie Intellectuelle, IV (1909),.
208—219.

«Le Musee du Livre et la Maison du Livre», La Librarie, 15 November
1909.

«L'Organisation internationale et Ies musees*, Actes du Congres Mondial
des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 1910. Publication No. 2a; Bru-
xelles: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1913. pp. 1207—121L
Le Musee International et Ies sciences geographiques. Extrait du Bulletin
de la Societe Beige de Geographie. Bruxelles- Imprimerie Alex Berqueman,
1911. 6 pp.

Rapport presente a VInstitut International d'Agriculture. Rome: Imprime-
rie de l'lnstitut, 1911. 30 pp.

«L'Avenir du livre et de la bibliographie», IIB Bulletin, XVI (1911),
275—296.

(Also published separately as IIB Publication No. 117).

La Fontaine, Henri and Otlet, Paul. «La Vie internationale et l'effort pour
son organisation*, La Vie Internationale, I (1912), 9—34.

Le Musee  International  et  I'enseignement.   Publication   No.   61;   Bruxellesr
Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1913. 11 pp.
«Le Livre dans Ies sciences: conference faite a la Maison du Livre», Musee-
du Livre, Fasc. 25—26, 1913, 379—389.

La Fontaine, Henri and Otlet, Paul. «La Deuxieme session du Congres Mon-
dial*, La Vie Internationale, III ((1913), 489—524.

(Also published separately as Compte-rendu sommaire du Congres
Mondial des Associations Internationales de la deuxieme session,.
Gand—Bruxelles, 15—18 juin, 1913. Bruxelles: UIA, 1913. 40 pp.).

«L'Organisation de la documentation administrative: rapport presente au
premier Congres International des Villes, Gand, 1913», IIB Bulletin,.
XIX (1914), 44—51.

(Also published as IIB Publication No. 125).

«Comment ont grandi des villes americaines* L'Expansion Beige VII'
(1914), 3—12.

L'Organisation internationale de la science: trois conferences donnees a la
Faculte Internationale de Pedologie en mars 1914; notes recueillies par L.

367

Jacob, etudiant a la Faculte. Extrait de la Revue Psychologique,.. Bruxel-
les: Imprimerie Rossel et Fils, 1914. 16 pp.

«Sur le timbre-poste», Catalogue de Vexposition Internationale du timbre-
poste moderne. Bruxelles: Musee du Livre, 1914. pp. 3—il6.

B. WARTIME

La Fin de la guerre: traite de paix general base sur une charte mondiale
declarant les droits de l'humanite et organisant la confederation des etats:
extrait de La Vie Internationale, numero de la guerre... Publication
No. 86; Bruxelles: UIA, October 1914. 159 pp.

«La Supresion de la Guerra par la Confederation Mundial de los Esta-
dos»,   Boletin Mensuel de   Musee   Social Argentina, IV (1915),    153—179.

(A   note   acknowledges   this   as   «extracto   por   E.   J.  J.   B.   del   libro

La Fin de la Guerre...).

«Declaration des droits des nationalites», Compte-rendu sommaire-
.... de la Conference des Nationality's organisee par l'Union des Nationa-
lites a l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes Sociales de Paris, le 26—27 juin, 1915.
Publication No. 6; Paris: Union des Nationalites, 1915. pp. 15—18.
Une Constitution Internationale: projet presente a la Ligue... resume.
Publication No. 3; Paris: Ligue pour une Societe des Nations, May, 1916.
2 pp.

«Les Peuples et les nationalites:  problemes  generaux, solutions  generates;
introduction  aux travaux de la Commission  Permanente  de la Conference
des Nationalites»,    Les Annales des Nationalites, V (1916),    16—31.
Les Peuples  el les  Nationalites.  Lausanne:   Union  des  Nationalites,   1916.
16 pp.

Mesures concertees prises entre les etats: I'Executif International. La Haye:
Nijhoff, 1916.

«L'Enseignement par soi-meme et la lecture systematique», L'Interne (Lau-
sanne), October 1916.

Les Problemes internationaux et la guerre: tableau des conditions et solu-
tions nouvelles de l'economie, du droit et de la politique. UIA Publication
No. 50; Geneve: Librairie Kundig and Paris: Rousseau et Cie, 1916. 501 pp.
Constitution mondiale de la Societe des Nations: le nouveau droit de gens.
Geneve: Editions Atar and Paris: Editions G. iCres et Cie, 1917. 253 pp.
Projet de charte mondiale. Publication No. 26; Lausanne: Union des Natio-
nalites, Office Central, 1917. 24 pp.

Charte mondiale organisant la Societe des Nations. Paris: Imprimerie Cent-
rale de la Bourse, June 1917. 20 pp.

A World Charter Organising the Union of States, translated by Ada Cun-
ningham. London: Women's Union for Peace, 1917. 31 pp.
«Les Precedents de la  Societe des Nations», Bulletin officiel de la Ligue
des Droits de I'Homme, XVII (1917), 665—668.

(This issue of the Bulletin was also published separately as L'Orga-
nisation de la Societe des Nations. Paris: Ligue des Droits de I'Hom-
me et du Citoyen, 1917. Otlet's paper appears on pp. 72—73).
Enquete sur la Societe des Nations:    questionnaire.    Publication    No.    5;
Paris: Ligue pour une Societe des Nations, 1917. 2 pp.

«Societe des Nations et constitution internationale», La Patrie Beige,
27 January 1917.

«L'Amerique et nous», La Patrie Beige, 24 April 1917.

L'Information et la documentation au service de I'industrie: extrait du
Bulletin de mai-juin 1917 de la Societe d'Encouragement pour I'industrie
Nationale. Paris: Typographic Philippe Renouard, 1917. 33 pp.

368

«Qu'est-ce que la Societe des Nations*, L'Oeuvre, 24 June 1917.
«La Societe des Nations*, La Patrie Beige, 30 June 1917.
«La  Documentation  au  service de l'invention», Eureka, October  1917, 5—8.
Constitution  et  constituante  mondiale»,    La  Patrie Beige,  24    November
1917.

«Declaration completant la declaration des droits de l'homme en organisant
la Societe des Nations*, La Societe des Nations, 2 February 1918.
«L'Avenir du Catalogue International de la Litterature Scientifique», Revue
Generate des Sciences, XXIX (February 1918), 71—75.

«La  Reorganisation  du  Catalogue  International  de  la  Litterature  Scienti-
fique», Revue Generate des Sciences, XXIX (April 1918), 71—75.
•^Transformations  dans    l'appareil    bibliographique    des    sciences*,    Revue
Scientifique, LVIII (April 1918), 236—241.
«Sur l'avenir economique*, La Patrie Beige, 1,6 June 1918.
«De l'utopie a la realite:  un processus possible pour arriver  a  la Societe
des lNations», La Societe des Nations, 6 July 1918.

«La Traitement de la litterature scientifique*, Revue Generate des Sciences,
XXIX  (September 1918), 494—502.

aLa Societe des Nations s'approche*, La Societe des Nations, 1 September
1918.

«The Book — In World-Wide Use and International Co-ordination After the
War*, Library Journal, XXXXIII  (November, 1918), 790—792.
«Interets  economiques    Franco-Beiges*,    La    Patrie Beige,    22    December,
1918.

Les Moyens de documentation en France: bibliotheques, catalogues et bib-
liographies, offices de documentation. IIB Publication No. 130; Paris: Bureau
de Paris, IIB, 1918. 43 pp.

C. POST WAR

La Societe des Nations. Conferences donnees a Lausanne et Geneve, le 21

et 22 Janvier 1919: extrait de la Revue Romande. Lausanne: Revue Roman-

de, 1919. 20 pp.

«La Societe intellectuelle des nations*, Scientia, XXV (January 1919), 1—11.

«Sur la capitale de la  Societe des  Nations*, La      Revue      Contemporaine,

25 January, 1919, 41—52.

«Les Noirs    et la Societe des Nations*, La Patrie Beige, 19 January    1919.

«L'Afrique et la 'Societe des (Nations*, La Patrie Beige,  16 February    1919.

«Vers une charte economique de la  Societe des Nations*, La Patrie Beige,

23 February 1919.

«Les Associations Internationales et la  reconstruction    de    l'apres-guerre*,

Revue Generate des Sciences, XXX  (28 February 1919),  114—119.

L'Organisation des travaux scientifiques. Conference faite a Paris le 25 fev-

rier 1919: extrait de Volume des Conferences de I'Association Francaise pour

I'Avancement des Sciences, annee  1919.  Paris:   Secretariat  de l'Association,

1919. 40 pp.

«Reconstruction de la Belgique», La Patrie Beige, 9 March 1919.

«Une   Capitale internationale*, Le   Mouvement Communal, 15 March 1919,

18—21.

«Reforme industrielle et sociale»,    La Patrie Beige, 16 March 1919.
L'Organisation de la documentation internationale et le role des associations
de chinue: communication presentee a la Conference Interallied de la Chimie,
le     15  avril   1919. Publications  de Chimie et Industrie;  Paris:   Societe  de
Chimie Industrielle, 1919. 8 pp.

24—3391                                                                                   359

«Classification <:utnparee», Revue de I'Ingenieur et Industrie Technique   Au-
gust — September 1919,   93—104.                                                             '
«La Tache de l'assemblee de Geneve», L'Independence Beige,  15 November

Centre intellectuel mondial au service de la Societe des Nations Publica-
tion No. 88; Bruxelles: UIA, 1919. 28 pp.

«Preface», Pour le reconstruction des cites industrielles: etude economique
et sociale par A. Du Chere. Paris: Bibliotheque de la Renaissance des Cites,
iy i y.

«Le Bilan des nations: desordre, incoherence, vertige, desorientation», De-
main, 5 January 1920.

Sur la creation d'une Universite Internationale. Publication No 90' Bruxel-
les: UIA, 1920. 38 pp.

L'Organisation Internationale de la bibliographie et de la documentation
Publication No. 128; Bruxelles: IIB, 1920. 44 pp.

La Fontaine, Henri and Otlet, Paul, international Associations of Various
Types», in The League of Nations Starts; an Outline by its Organisers.
London: Macmillan, 1920. pp. 201—209.

La Documentation en agriculture: rapport sur la mission a l'lnstitut Inter-
national d'Agriculture. IIB Publication No. 132a; Rome: Imprimerie de l'ln-
stitut International d'Agriculture, 1921. 107 pp.

«La Qtiinzaine Internationale de I921», La Vie Internationale, Fasc 26,
November 1921, 137—144.

«Les conceptions et le programme d'internationalisme», La Vie Internatio-
nale, Fasc. 26, November 1921, 99—110.

«Le Centre International installs a Bruxelles au Palais Mondial*, La Vie
Internationale, Fasc. 26, November 1921, 111—136.

L'Exposition Universelle de 1930 en Belgique et I'etablissement d'une cite
internationale. Publication No. 103; Bruxelles: UIA, 1921. 8 pp.

Introduction aux travaux de la Commission de Cooperation Intellectuelle de
la Societe des Nations. Publication No. 105; Bruxelles: UIA, 1922, 20 pp.
<«Expose par M. Otlet», Conference pour le Developpement des Institutions
du Palais Mondial. Publication No.  106;  Bruxelles:  UIA,  1922. pp. 8—13.

Otlet. Paul and Wouters, Leon. Resume du cours preparatoire aux examens
de bibliothecaire: syllabus du cours de l'Ecole Centrale de Service Social.
Bruxelles:  IIB and Union des Villes et Communes Beiges, 1922.  127 pp.

(This  became Manuel de la bibliotheque publique in    subsequent  edi-
tions, see below).

La Societe des Nations et I'Union des Associations Internationales: rapport
aux associations sur les premers actes  de la  Commission    de    Cooperation
Intellectuelle. Publication No. 107; Bruxelles: UIA, 1923. 2» pp.
«La Presse periodique», Bulletin de I'Union de la Presse Periodique Beige,
XXXII  (1923), 149—151.

Manuel de la documentation administrative: rapport presente au 2e Congres
International de Sciences Administratives, Bruxelles, 1923. IIB Publication
No 137, Union des Villes et Communes Beiges Publication No. 24; Bruxel-
les: IIB, 1923. 95 pp.

«Rapport general presente par I'Union des Associations Internationales^,
Conference des Associations Internationales, Geneve, 8 septembre 1924.
Publication No. 113; Bruxelles: UIA, 1924. pp. 5—64.

L'Organisation du livre, de la bibliographie et de la documentation: extrait
.des proces-verbaux des Memoires du Congres International des Bibhotne-
caires et des  Bibliophiles, Paris,   1923. Paris:  Jouve et Cie,,    1925.    13 pp.

,370

«Les Recentes transformations du livre et ses formes futures* Gutenberg—
Festschrift, 1925, pp. 23—28.

Goldschmidt, Robert and Otlet, Paul. La Conservation et la diffussion Inter-
nationale de la pensee. Publication No.  144;  Bruxelles:  ILB,  1925.  8 pp.
«Preface»,    Manuel de la Classification Decimate a I'usage des  ingcnieurs
electriciens, par E. Beinet. IIB Publication No.  152;    Paris- Revue Generate
de VElectricite, 1926, pp. 1—10.

Le Siege definitif de la Societe des Nations et une cite' mondiale: centre
autonome et extraterritorialise des organismes dnternationaux. Publication
No. 119; Bruxelles: UIA, 1926. 8 pp.

Pour une monnaie Internationale: .le franc universel. UIA Publication No. 120;
Bruxelles: Office de Publicity 1926. 48 pp.

L'Education et les instituts du Palais Mondial (Mundaneum): Centre, Mu-
see International de l'enseignement, education et synthese universaliste.
Publication No. 121; Bruxelles: UIA, 1926. 28 pp.

L'Etat actuel de VOrganisation mondiale de la documentation: communica-
tion presentee au sixieme Congres de Chimie Industrielle, 26 septembre —
2 octobre, 1926. Paris: Chimie et Industrie, 1926. 7 pp.

«Preface», Les Transformations morales et sociales de la Chine depuis la
revolution de 1911, par T. M. Hou. Publication No. 122; Bruxelles: UIA,
1927.

Le Repertoire Bibliographique Universel et I'oeuvre cooperative de I'Institut
International de Bibliographie. Publication No. 153; Bruxelles: IIB, 1927.
11 pp.

Otlet, Paul  and Wouters, Leon. Manuel de la bibliotheque publique. 3e edi-
tion;  IIB  Publication  No.   133,  Union  des  Vtlles  et  des  Communes  Beiges
Publication No. 17; Bruxelles: IIB and l'Union, 1928. 171 pp.
Der Grossere Volkerbund: sonderabdruck, Das Werdende Zeitseter, VII Jahr-
gang Heft 7/8, Juli/August 1928. 4 pp.

Sur la Bibliotheque Mondiale. Publication No. 154; Bruxelles: IIB, 1928.
4 pp.

Institut International de Bibliographie. Publication No. 155; Bruxelles: IIB,
1928. 36 pp.

Otlet, Paul and Oderfeld, Anne. Le Material didactique. Publication No. 127;
Bruxelles: UIA, 1928. 8 pp.

Otlet, Paul and Le Corbusier. Mundaneum. Publication No. 128; Bruxelles:
UIA, 1928. 46 pp.

«The International Organisation of Information Services*, Aslib Proceedings,
VI  (1929), 156—157.

«Rapport sur I'Institut International de Bibliographies Documents Presen-
tes au Congres international de Bibliotheques et de la Bibliographie, Rome,
15 juin 1929. Publication No. 159; Bruxelles: IIB, 1929. pp. il—4.
Otlet, Paul and Oderfeld, Anne. Atlas de la civilisation universelle. Commis-
sion Internationale du Material Didactique Publication No. 2, UIA Publi-
cation No. 132; Bruxelles: Palais Mondial, 1929. 23 pp.

Cite mondiale a Geneve: World Civic Center; Mundaneum. Publication
No. 133; Bruxelles: UIA, 1929. 37 pp.

L'Annee bibliographique: extrait de Chimie et Industrie, Juin, 1929. Paris:
Chimie et Industrie, 1929. 10 pp.

Sur la-possibilite pour les entites administratives, d'avoir a tout moment
leur situation presentee documentairement: rapport au IVe Congres Interna-
tional des Sciences Administratives, Madrid, 1930. Publication No. 162; Bru-
xelles: IIB, 1930. 29 pp.

«Rapport du Secretariat General a la IXe Conference Internationale de 1'IIB,
Zurich, 21—23 aout 1930», Documentatio Universalis, Nos. 1—2, 1931, 31—43.

24*                                                                                           371

«Rapport du Secretariat General: statistique des collections, travaux et ser-
vices au 31 decembre 1930s., Rapports de la Xe Conference de VIIB, La Haye,
25—29 aout. 1931. Publication No. 177a; Bruxelles: IIB, 1931. OT6—OT9.
«La Bibliologie en Russie Sov,ietique», Documentation Universalis, iNos
\—Q, 1931, 76—79.

«La Banque nationale et le plan economique», La Vie Economique, IX
(1931), 129—134.

(Also published separately: see below).

«Le Monument du Cinquantenaire de la Belgique», Palais Mondial, No. 16
(March 1931), 5—8.

«iL'Etablissement des documents: l'edition mondiale», Documentatio Univer-
salis, Nos. 7—8, 1932, 263—271.

«La Systematique de la documentation*, Documentatio Universalis, Nos. 7—
8, 1932, «Annexe».

Classification Decimale Universelle: etudes et projets—les subdivisions com-
munes, rapport preliminaire. Publication No. 169; "Bruxelles: IIB, 1932, 91 pp.
La Banque mondiale et le plan economique mondial. Publication No. 137;
Bruxelles: UIA, 1932. 40 pp.

«Systematique general du livre, de la documentation, des sciences bibliolo-

gique», Vortrdge des 11. Kongresses. Frankfurt/Main, 3 Aug.—3 Sept., 1932.

Publication No. 178a; Bruxelles: IID, 1932. pp. 532—536.

•saPour  l'organisation   de  la   documentation:   les   regies   des  publications,   le

systeme  general  des publications,  l'edition  cooperative    mondiale»,     Vortd-

ge des 11 Kongresses.... Publication No.  178a;    Bruxelles:      IID,      1932.

pp. 561—571.

«Les documents et la documentation: historique, conception, especes, parties,

fonctions, operations; Vortrage des 11 Kongresses ...    Publication No. 178a;

Bruxelles: IID, 1932. pp. 108—111.

«Desiderata  de  la  documentation en matiere photographique», Rapports de

la  XII"   Conference.   Bruxelles.   18—20 juillet,   1933.   Publication   No.   172a;

Bruxelles: IID, 1933, pp. 128—129.

«Reponse personnelle de M. Paul Otlet  a l'enquete sur la documentation  a

l'lnstitut   International  de Cooperation   Intellectuelle»,  Rapports de la XIIe

Conference___Publication No. 172a; Bruxelles' IID, 1933, pp. 92—96.

«Sur le developpement ulterieur de la Classification Decimale», Rapports
de la XII Conference___Publication No. 172a; Bruxelles: IIB, 1933. pp. 1—6.

Traite   de   Documentation.   IIB   Publication   No.   197;   Bruxelles:   Editiones

Mundaneum, 1934. 452 pp.

«Le Livre microphotographique»  IID Communicationes, Vol. I.Fasc. 2 (1934),

19—20.

«Henri La  Fontaine», IID Communicationes, Vol.  I. Fasc. 2   (1934), 2—5.

Constitution mondiale de  la Societe  des  Nations:  mise  au  point   1934  du

projet   publie  par   l'auteur   en   1917.   Publication   No.   145;   Bruxelles:   UIA,

1934. 7 pp.

«L'IIB—IID,  Hier,  aujourd'hui,  demain»    IID    Communicationes,    Vol.  II.

Fasc. 4 (1935), OT1— OT12.

Monde: essai d'universalisme. Bruxelles: Editiones Mundaneum, 1935. 467 pp.

Plan beige Bruxelles:   Editiones   Mundaneum, 1936. 171 pp.

«Rapport  general,   1936»,  IID  Communicationes, Vol.  III.  Fasc.  4   (1936),

OT1—OT3.

«Les  Associations  internationales  el   Ja   documentations,  Congres Mondial
de la Documentation  Universelle Paris, 16—21 ao&t.  1937.  IID Publication
No. 178c; Paris: Secretariat du Congres, 1937, pp. 259—268.
«Introduction aux travaux du Congres», Congres Mondial de la Documenta-

372

tion Universelle... .IID Publication No. 178c; Paris: Secretariat du Congres,
1937. pp. 251—258.

«Reseau universe! de documentation: Documentatio Universalis», IID Com-
municationes, Vol. IV. Fasc. 1  (1937), 13—16.

«Rappo<rt annuel general*, FID Communicationes, Vol. V. Fasc. 3 (1938),
99—100.

«Sur la documentation de, dans et par l'etat», Classification Decimate Uni-
verselle: 3 Sciences Sociales. FID Publication No. 203; Bruxelles: Editiones
Mundaneum, 1940. pp. ii—vii.

^Introduction*, Classification Decimate Universelle: 62 Art de I'ingenieur.
FID Publication No. 205; Bruxelles: Editiones Mundaneum, ,1941. pp. 1—2.
«Code de la documentation universelle et mondiale», Classification Decimale
Universelle: 65. Affaires et entreprises. FID Publication No. 207; Bruxelles:
Editiones Mundaneum, 1942. pp. ii—xii.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE:

In compiling this bibliography of Otlet's writing four important bibliogra-
phies were consulted.

Federation Internationale de Documentation. 75 Years of FID Publications
1895—1970. Publication No. 469; La Haye: FID, 1970.

Lorphevre, Christiane. «Bibliographie des travaux de Paul Otlet relatifs a
la documentation et a la bibliotheco<nomie», Revue de Documentation, XXI
(1954), 99—102.

Speeckaert, G. P. Bibliographie selective sur Vorganisation internationale,
1885—1965 (FID Publication No. 361, UIA Publication No. 191; Bruxelles:
UIA, 1965).

«UIA Publications Old and New», Associations Internationales, XIII (1961),
57—64.

INDEX

The abbreviations listed at the beginning of this work are used in the
text of the index.

Administrative Documentation, 160, 164, 183

Albert I, King of the Belgians, 56, 178—179, 204, 208, 2M, 226, 255, 268

Alingh Prins, J, criticises IIB, 306—307; President of IIB, 320, 325; in
controversy with Otlet and La Fontaine, 330—338; prepares report for
Institute for Intellectual Co-operation, 333—334, 337; views on transla-
tion rights of UDC, 335; and Otlet after 1932, 338

American Association for the Advancement of Science, 63

American Library Association, supports delegate to 1910 conference, 165;
and the library at Louvain and letter to Otlet 19118, 227; its Committee
of   Bibliography   and   IIB,   290,   294,   304—305;   and   the   RBU,   308,   312

Les Amis du Palais Mondial, 345, 348

Andersen, Hendrik, 261

Andrews, Clement, 71, 101, 119—120

Annuaire de la vie Internationale, 175—176, 182, 191, 201n, 213

Arctowski, Henryck, 114, 139—140

Aslib, 320, 322, 337

Association Francaise pour l'Avancement des Sciences, 63—64

Association of Special Libraries   and Information Bureaux See Aslib

Association Suisse pour l'Organisation de Travail et de Documentation
(Asted), 284

Associazione Tipografico—Libraria Italiana, 69—70

Austrian Section of IIB, 70, 129

Baudouin, Marcel, 65, 76, 80n, 115

Beernaert, Auguste, 180, 182—183

Beiges Partout—Beiges Toujours  (Patriotic Society). 208

Belgian Academic Society for Accountancy, 185

Belgian Geological Commission, 48, 87

Belgian Geological Service, 116

374

Belgian Government, assists OIB—IIB, 45, 48, 50—51; OIB's services to,
58, 129, 136; and the International Catologue of Scientific Literature,
138—140; and Otlet, 143; Ministry of Sciences and Arts formed in, 144;
and International Union for Bibliography and Documentation, 164—165;
permits International Museum in Palais du Cinquantenaire, 184, 191;
and law governing international associations, 195, 196, 214; and OIB
in occupied Belgium, 210—211; in immediate post war period, 213—215;
agrees to UIA occupancy of Palais du Cinquantenaire and to build a
world palace, 214; displaces Palais Mondial, 1922, 250—251; and the
Conference to Develop the Institutes of the Palais Mondial, 254—255,
262—263; sponsors Universal Exposition in 1930, 261, 347; evicts Palais
Mondial, 1924, 267—271; and its policy in the Ruhr, 269; its state of
chronic crisis, 274; admits mistake, 274; Otlet's views on, 328—329;
closes Palais Mondial, 1934, 338, 350—351; offers Palais Mondial
alternative quarters in 1938, 359, 360

Belgian National Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, 259

Belgian Society for Astronomy, 87, 113

Bergmans, Paul, 76

Bergson, Henri, 255, 257, 285, 296

Bibliographia Economica Universalis, 115, 127, 141—143

Bibliographia Medica, 1'.5, 116

Bibliographia Technica, 115, 127, 141

Bibliographia Zoologica, 113, 116—117

Bibliographia Universalis, named, 113; Contributions to, 114—115; signifi-
cance of, 115—118; statistics of, 116; as input to RBU, 116, 119;
portions of dispatched to Paris, 122—123; and Library of Congress, 123;
and National Library of Rio de Janiero, 123; subscriptions to, 125, 127;
resumption of suggested, 325

Bibliographical Bureau of Paris, and French section of IIB, 65; prepares
bibliographical rules, 72; receives part of RBU on deposit,. 122—123;
IIB equipment deposited and displayed at, 129; is effective member of
IIB,   1924,  284;   sends   materials   to   Science  Museum   Library,  307

Bibliographie de Belgique, association of IIB with, 113, 127, 148, 136;
statistics of, 116; as part of Bibliographia Universalis, 120; and an
index to Belgian periodicals, 120, 136; as ideal type of national
bibliography, 136; card edition of, '162; during World War I, 211; Masure
and indexing for, 211; and Otlet, 244

Bibliography, in science and social sciences, 30—33; French views of the
nature of, 59—63; kinds of, 77; and Universal Book, Library and Office,
161—163; international organisation of, 256—257. See also International
Union for Bibliography and Documentation; Universal Bibliographic
Repertory

Bibliological Psychology, Section for in IIB, 284
Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, 136, 144, 211, 244
Billings, John Shaw, 52, 57n, 69, 115

375

Biscoe, Walter Stanley, 101

Bishop, William Warner, 243

Bonaparte, Prince Roland, 75, 77, 83n, 180

Bonnet, Henri, 333

Bourgeois, Leon, 179, 224, 226, 241, 264, 265

Bowker, Richard Rogers, 74

Bradford, Samuel, and Science Museum Library, 298, 307; and formation
of BSIB, 298; and UDC, 307, 312, 317, 329; and Gilbert Murray and
future of IIB, 307—308; on Executive Council of IIB, 310; at World
Congress of Universal Documentation, 357—358

British Museum, 119, 165, 348

British Society for International Bibliography, 298, 307, 320, 322

Brown, James Duff, 160

Les Cahiers de la paix, 260—261

Carlier, Alfred, 270, 296

Carnegie, Alfred, 123, 179, 196

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 191—192, 253

Carton de Wiart, Henri, 24, 178, 251

Carus, I Victor, 88—89, 107n, 113

Cataloging rules, international, 72, 187—188

Catalogue of Scientific Papers, 46, 52, 120

Central Classification Committee See Classification Committee

Central Office of International Institutions, proposed, 150; founded, 172—
173; documentary nature of the work of, 175; program of, 176 — 178;
supported by World Congress of International Associations, 181 —182;
services, 190; as Palais Mondial, 194—195; assessments of importance
of, 197—198; described 1921, 239; conceptual importance of for Otlet,
281—283, 329. See also Union of International Associations; Palais
Mondial; Mundaneum

Central Organisation for a Durable Peace, 204

Chevannes, Emile, 284

Chilovi, Desiderio, 70

Chivers, Cedric, 42, 54n, 126—128

Classification Committee, set up 1921, 239; constitution and early work,
276—277; 1924 meeting of, 284—285; and national sections of IIB, 309;
League of Nations recommendations concerning, 324. See also Inter-
national Institute of Bibliography

Code des voeux, origins of, 177—178; compilation of resolved on, 194;
League of Nations support for, 224, 234; difficulties and delays in
completion, 225, 241—242; published 253—254

Colet, Andre, 345, 348

Collective Library of Learned Societies, 148, 152, 172. See also Interna-
tional Library

376

Comte, Auguste, 25—26, 38, 280

Concilium Bibliographicum, set up in    1895, 63;    becomes section    of IIB,

69;  publishes expansions of UDC, 87, 97, 289—290;  publishes periodical

bibliographies,   113—114;   is   effective  member   of   IIB   1924,  284;   demise

of 290

Confederation of Intellectual Workers, 240
Conference des Nationalites, 204—209
Conference   to   Develop   the   Institutes   of   the   Palais   Mondial,    252—255,

261, 269

Congres Litteraire et Artistique International, 69
Congress   of   Mons   See     International   Congress     for    World     Economic

Expansion

Curie—Sklowdowska, Madame Marie, 255, 257

Cutter, Charles Ami, 42, 54n, 71

Daruty de Grandpre, Marquis, 89

The Decimal Classification, Otlet's discovery of, 41; advantages of,
42—44; at International Conference of Bibliography, 47; criticisms
of, 59, 61; value of 64—65; Otlet rebuts criticisms of, 67—68; rules
for developments of, 86—87; analytic and common subdivisions and
signs for, 88—96; first European edition of, 96—97, HOn; American
edition of: relation to European edition, 97—105; suggestion for
translation of European edition of, 105; use of for patent literature,
137; and Royal Society, 139; use of for photographs and pictorial mate-
rials, 153; at World Congress of International Associations, 1910, 181;
at Congress of Bibliography, 1910, 187; commission for revision of
suggested, 188; continued use in index of Belgian periodical literature,
211; revision of European edition begun, 215; the American and
European versions of after the War, 216; at 1920 conference on
bibliography, 227; the League of Nations and a subsidy for revision
of, 239; criticised by International Committee for Intellectual Co-
operation, 256; importance of in IIB's affairs, 276; procedures for
revision of, 277; and the 1924 meeting of the Classification Committee,
284; program of revision of, 289—290; 2nd European edition of,
298, 313—316; Pollard's interest in, 299; Bradford's interest in,
307; and the national sections of IIB, 309—310; discussed at 1929
Rome conference, 312; procedures developed for translation of European
version of, 312—313; committee for study of common subdivisions, 313;
problem of concordance between European and American versions of,
315—319, 321; incompleteness of second European edition of, 319—320;
English translation of as British Standard, 320—321; German activity
for, 313, 315, 321—322; English activity for, 322; League interest in re-
newed, 322—324; Otlet's objections to manner of revision of, 328; versions
of common subdivisions, 330—331; problem of control of rights to, 334—
336, 338

DeGreef, Guillaume, 38—39
Delacroix, Leon, 214, 215, 250

25—3391                                                                                  377

Delisle, Leopold, 60—61, 79n

Dennis, Hector, 179

Descamps, Baron Edouard, presides at International Conference of Biblio-
graphy, 45; President of IIB, 48; biographical details concerning, 55n; at
International Copyright Convention, 72; at second Conference on an
International Catalogue of Scientific Literature, 72; heads new Ministry
of Sciences and Arts, 144, 152; resigns as President IIB, 152; presides
at 1908 conference of IIB, 158

Destree, Jules, 224, 255, 257, 287, 294

Deutscher Ausschuss fur Universal Klassifikation, 322

Dewey Decimal Classification See Decimal Classification

Dewey, Godfrey, visits Otlet, 1923, 263—264; supports Palais Mondial, 279,
286—287; presides at 1924 meeting of IIB, 284; attitude to IIB and de-
velopment of the Decimal Classification, 316—319; protests English-
translation, 320; is informed of crisis in IIB, 322

Dewey, Melvil, permits European translation and use of Decimal Classifi-
cation, 42; honorary member of IIB, 47; at Paris conference of IIB,
1900, 76; Otlet's correspondence with, 97—98; is willing to co-operate-
with Belgians, 99—100; rejects proposed English translation of European
version of the Decimal Classification, 105; and Otlet after First
World War, 215; adjudicates disagreement between Godfrey Dewey and
Dorkas Fellows, 316

DeWulf, Maurice, 48, 56n, 69, 87, 113

Dihigo, Barrau, 290—291

Documentary Encyclopedia See Encyclopedic Repertory of Dossiers

Documentary Union of Governments See International Union for Biblio-
graphy and Documentation

Documentatio Universalis, 324, 327. See also IIB Bulletin; IID Communi-
cations

Donker Duyvis, Frits, first contact with Otlet and LaFontaine, 217; attends
first Quinzaine Internationale, 226; organises Nederlandsch Instituut
voor Documentatie en Registratuur, 228; member classification revision
committee, 1921, 239; secretary, 276—277; works on IIB Bulletin and
revision of Decimal Classification, 288—289; and new organisational
structure of IIB, 298; views on Otlet's position in IIB, 308; third
Secretary-General IIB, 310; increasing powerfulness, 311; attitude to
and role in revision oE the Decimal Classification, 313—316, 318—319;
and League Committee of Library Experts, 323—324, 328; Otlet objects
to the appointment of as Secretary-General, 327; expostulates with
Otlet, 329—330; on ownership of copyright of the Decimal Classifi-
cation, 336; and Otlet and IIB after 1932, 338—339

Drummond, Sir Eric, 211—213; 219n, 216, 223, 229, 238, 262, 284

Dumon, J, 185

Dutch Patent Office, 217

Einstein, Albert, 255

378

Elizabeth, Queen of the Belgians, 211

Encyclopaedia Microphotica Mundaneum, 297, 347

Encyclopaedia Universalis Alias Mundaneum, 297

Encyclopedic  Repertory  of  Dossiers,   154,   159,  239,  240,  242,  347

Esperanto, 184—185

«L'Etat actuel des questions bibliographiques et l'organisation systematique
de la Documentation*   (Henri  LaFontaine and Paul Otlet),   161 — 163

The Expansive Classification, 42, 71

Federation Dentaire Internationale, 104, 284

Federation Internationale de Documentation See International Institute
of Bibliography

Fellows, Dorkas, 284, 289, 315—316, 317—318, 321

Field, Herbert Haviland, 68, 81n, 87, 97, 101, 139, 289

La Fin de la guerre (Paul Otlet), 203

Fouillee, Alfred, 27—28

Fried, Alfred, 175, 191

Fumagalli, Guiseppe, 55n, 70

Funck-Brentano, Franz, 60, 76—77, 79n

Gatiel, C. M, 65, 80n, 164

Geddes, Patrick, meets Otlet, 78; biographical details concerning, 84n, 132.
259; seeks bibliographical aid, 124—125; surveys Exposition buildings,
Paris, 1900, Brussels, 1910, 184; and sociological theory, 259; visits
Bergson, advice to Otlet, 264—265; and the synthetical movement, 294,
296—297; founds the College des Ecossais, 276

Gerard, Jean, 325, 332, 337, 357—358

Gloner, Fernande, 13—15, 20, 21, 23—24, 145—146

Godet, Marcel, 278, 290—291

The Great Solution: Magnissima Carta (Henri LaFontaine), 203

Heger, Paul, 13, 20, 22n

Hopwood, Henry, 98, 102, 195

House, Colonel E. M., 212

Hymans, Paul, 209, 210, 218n, 229, 234

I IB Bulletin, 58, 133, 141, 216, 277, 288, 324, 327. See also Documentatfo
Universalis;  IID Communicationes

1ID Communicationes, 327, 350. See also IIB Bulletin, Documentatio Uni-
versalis

He du Levant (Paul Otlet), 11

Index Bibliographicus, 264, 288, 291—293

Index Medicus, 115

Institut International d'Agriculture, 216, 284

Institut International de Bibliographie See International Institute of Bib-
liography

25*                                                                                         379

Institut International de Bibliographie Sociologique See Office of Sociolo-
gical Bibliography

Institut Superieur de Philsophie, Louvain, 87
«The Intellectual Society of Nations* (Paul Otlet), 210
Intellectual Work, union for, 34;  at Peace Conference, 210; UIA as inter-
national basis for, 212; and international associations, 224, 229; at first
League Assembly, 234;  proposed conference and draft convention of an
organisation  for 235;  modes of creating organ for in League, 236;  re-
port on need for technical organisation for, 239; Bourgeois's    resolution
creating Committee for, 241; international associations and world center
for, 281;  organisation  of  and world  peace,  359.  See also Central  Office
of  International  Institutions;  International  Institute for  Intellectual Co-
operation; International Committee on Intellectual Co-operation.
Inter-Allied Conference of Academies,  1918, 209, 216

International and Universal Exposition, Brussels, 1910, 151

International Association of Academies, 156

International Associations, and Belgium as center of, 149, 172, 206, 223;
in the Mont des Arts, 149—150; importance of for international intel-
lectual organisation, 163, 172—174, 224; at International Peace Conference,
174; survey and listing of, 175—176, 213, 224; legal status of, 176,
180—181, 194, 210, 212;'and the League of Nations, 205, 2110, 212, 228—
229; and the synthesis of knowledge, 280—281; absence of at IIB
meeting 1929, 311

International Bureau for Peace, 173, 181, 191

International Bureau of Chemical Literature, 63

International Bureau of Education, 240

International Catalogue of Scientific Literature, conference for, 46; and
French Section of IIB, 65; first conference on, 69; record conference on,
72; incorporated into RBU, 120; criticisms of the scheme for, 138—139;
OIB as Belgian bureau for, 139—140

International Center See Central Office of International Institutions; Pa-
lais Mondial, Mundaneum

International City, 254, 261, 282, 304, 359

International Colonial Institute, 63

International Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, proposed, 214;
members of, 255; origin of in proposals from UIA, 256; first meeting
of, 256—257; formation of Sub-Committee on Bibliography, 257; problems
faced by, 258—259; and draft agreement with IIB, 277—279, 311—312;
and Otlet and the rejection of the UIA, 283; the French government of-
fers a headquarters for, 285—286; and the IIB in Richardson's opinion,
290; and the International Institute for Intellectual Co-operation, 292;
repudiates the RBU, 304—306; Gilbert Murray, Chairman of, 307

Sub-Committee on Bibliography, formed and members of, 257; and Ot-
let and LaFontaine, 258;' evaluates work of IIB, 277—279; discusses
order of  IIB's  tasks, 288;  seeks  new  approach    to    IIB, 308—309;

380

sets up Committee on Library Experts, 312; renews negotiations with
IIB, 322

Committee on Library Experts, postpones implementation of agreement
with IIB, 312; and the Decimal Classification, 322—324; angers
Otlet, 328. See also International Institute for Intellectual Co-ope-
ration; the League of Nations

International Conference of Bibliography, first, 1895, 44, 47—48; second,
Brussels, 1897; 71, 126; third, Paris, 1900, 75—77; fourth and fifth,
Brussels, 1908, 1910, See International Congress of Bibliography and Do-
cumentation, 1908, 1910; sixth, Brussels, 1920, 221, 226—227; See also
under International Institute of Bibliography; World Congress for
Universal Documentation

International Congress for Accountancy, 178, 185—186, 294
International Congress for World Economic Expansion, Mons,  1905,  146—

148, 172

International Congress of Applied Chemistry, 63
International   Congress   of   Bibliography,   third,   Paris,   1898,   72
International Congress of Bibliography and Documentation, Brussels,  1908,

158—160, 181; 1910, 186—189
International Congress of Mathematicians, 99, 181

International Congress of Photography See International Union of Photo-
graphy

International Congress of Publishers, 70, 74, 136

International  Congress  of  the  Administrative  Sciences,   178—179,   183,  350
International Congress of Zoology, 63

International Congress on Intellectual Work, 229, 235, 239—240
International  Congress  on  the  Bibliography  of  the Mathematical  Sciences,
63. See also International Congress of Mathematicians

International Court of Justice, 173—174

International Documentary Office for Aeronautics, 155

International Documentary Office for Fishing, 155

International Documentary Office for Hunting, 155

International  Exposition,  Brussels,   1897,  71,   126;  Paris,   1900,  74—75,   122,

158;  St.  Louis,  1904,   123;  Liege,   1905,   146,   158;  Brussels,    19H0,    158,

177—190; Brussels, 1930, 254, 261

International Federation for Dentistry, 104

International   Federation   for   Documentation   See     International     Institute

of Bibliography
International Federation of Students, 223

International Institute for Intellectual Co-operation, created, 285—286;
and the IIB (Richardson), 290; and the International Committee on
Intellectual Co-operation, 292; and the Classification Committee, 324;
and study of international documentation, 332—033; resume of   relations

381

of with Otlet, 332—333; organises World Congress of Universal Docu-
mentation, Paris, 1937, 356—359. See also International Committee for
Intellectual Co-operation; The League of Nations

International Institute of Agriculture, 216, 284

International Institute of Bibliography, creation of, 44, 48; nature of the
work of, 68; wins prize in Paris exposition, 78; organisational changes
in foreseen, 188—189; as a proposed scientific union, 209; work of
collection and work of organisation of, 227—228; as part of international
organisation of intellectual work, 229; described in Centre International,
1921, 239; conference of at 1921 Quinzaine Internationale, 239—240;
Drummond reports on, 240—241; commended by commission of inquiry,
252; and first meeting of Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, 256;
collections deemed valueless, 268; future of considered, 275—276; new sta-
tutes and organisation for, 275, 298; work of assessed by Sub-Committee
on Bibliography, 277—279; agreement with League of Nations, 284, 311—
312; plans to move to Geneva, 286—287; 1925 meeting of Council of,
288—289; attitude of Institute for Intellectual Co-operation towards,
290—294; 1927 Cologne conference of, 297—298; future of in relation to
ALA and League, 303-306; 1928 annual meeting of, 304—310; Dutch
criticisms of, 306—307; 1928—11929 changes in organisational structure,
304—312; 1929 meeting of, 310—314, 316; 1930 meeting of, 317—318;
1931 meeting of, 315, 325—326; becomes International Institute for Do-
cumentation, 325; 1932 meeting of, 331; as basis for a documentary
union, 332; and the Institute of Intellectual Co-operation's study of the
international organisation of documentation, 333, 337; becomes Inter-
national Federation for Documentation, 338, 356; closure of Palais Mon-
dial and, 351. See also International Office of Bibliography; Decimal
Classification; Universal Bibliographic Repertory

International Institute of Documentation See International Institute of
Bibliography

International Institute of Photography, 153—154

International Institute of Statistics, 63

International Library, 161, 229, 239, 240, 243, 252, 256, 257. See also Col-
lective Library of Learned Societies

International Museum, discussed at Mont des Arts commission, 150—151;
co-operation of international associations for, 179; basis of in Interna-
tional Exposition 11910, 182—184; creation of in Palais du Cinquantenaire,
184, 214, 215; attendance at, 192; rationalisation of structure of, 193—
194; as part of international organisation of intellectual work, 229;
described in Centre International, 1921, 239; discussed at International
Congress on Intellectual Work, 240; described by W. C. Berwick Sayers
and others, 242—244; collections of assessed by Belgian government, 268

International Newspaper Museum See Musee de la Presse

International Office for Chemistry, 325

International Office of Bibliography, established, 40, 43—44, 48—52; visited
by European delegates to Royal Society, 72; publication program of, 115;

382

establishes search service for RBU, 121; as bibliographical supply agency,
135—141; as regional bureau for International Catalogue of Scientific
Literature, 138—140; expansion of proposed, 148; Patronage Committee
of, 151 — 152; subject offices in, 153—157; during World War I, 211; as
potentially separate from IIB, 329; revenue from Decimal Classification,
335; Otlet and Dutch agree on role of, 337

International Office of Sociological Bibliography, 29, 33—34

International Office of Technical Documentation, 157

International Parliamentary Union, 173, 182, 191

International Peace Conference, 1898, 1904, 1907, 1173, 191

International Polar Institute, 155

International Research Council, 189, 209, 216, 223, 256

International Union for Bibliography and Documentation, first proposed, 45;
at Congress of Mons, 147; OIB as headquarters of, 148; as aim of IIB's
1908 conference, 158, 164; Belgian government acts for, 165; in 1910,
184; at World Congress of International Associations, 1913, 194; IIB
attached to International Research Council as, 209; League of Nations
as sponsor of, 213; in 1920, 221—222, 227; Sir Eric Drummand and, 238;
International Institute of Documentation and, 325; proposed by Jean
Gerard,  332;   as  universal  network  for   documentation  in   1937,  357—358

International Union of Photography, 71, 146, 178, 183

International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry, 276

International University, suggested by LaFontaine 1894, 34, 222; Otlet
sees need for 1907, 174; proposed, 221; organisation and program of,
222—223; and League of Nations, 224—225, 229, 234; first session of,
226; as part of international organisation of intellectual work, 229;
Quinones de Leon's report, 235; second session, 239; and Inter-
national Congress on Intellectual Work, 240; described by W. C. Ber-
wick Sayers, 243; third session, 254; and Committee on Intellectual Co-
operation, 255; 1927 session of, 297—298

.Introduction to the Work of the Committee on Intellectual Co-operation of

the League of Nations (Paul Otlet), 255—256
Italian Bibliographical Conference, 69
Iwinski, B, 187
Jast, L. Stanley, 243

Jeunes Amis du Palais Mondial, 346—347
John Crerar Library, Chicago, 120, 326
Junker, Carl, 70, 199
Kelvin, Lord, 59

iaFontaine, Henri, association with Otlet, 29; program for international
organisation, 34—35; and Nouville Universite de Bruxelles, 39; offices
held in IIB—OIB, 48—49; relation of to King and Queen, 56n; and
International Catalogue of Scientific Literature, 69, 72; and Inter-
national  Exposition,  Brussels,   1897,  71;  and  Universal  Exposition  Paris,

383

1900, 76—78; criticises American version of Decimal Classification, 101 —
102, 1104; bibliographical work of, 115, 127, 141—142; and Geddes, 124;
international work of, 173; relationship of with Otlet, 189—190; and Car-
negie Endowment for International Peace, 191—192; awarded Nobel Peace
Prize, 196; During World War I, 203; at Peace Conference, 209—210;
attitude to UIA in relation to League of Nations, 212—213; and the
Code des voeux, 225, 242; at first Assembly of League, 237; at second,
Assembly of League, 240; and members of Committee on Intellectual Co-
operation, 255; Belgian National Committee for Intellectual Co-operation,
259;  presides  at   1924 meeting  of  IIB,  275—276;  participates  in meeting-

¦ of Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, 277; and Index Bibliographi-
cus, 292; Pollard's attitude to, 310; and agreement between IIB and
League, 311; on Committee to study Common Subdivisions, 313; works
on revision of Decimal Classification, 314; as Honorary Vice-President
IIB, 339; at World Congress for Universal Documentation, 356; dies, 36L

LaFontaine, Leonie, 45, 146

Lake Placid Club, 264, 286, 320

Lameere, Eugene, 133

Langlois, Charles V., 60—62, 80n

League of Nations, anticipated by LaFontaine, 34; and a center for inter-
national associations, 181; movement for during World War I, 203—209;.
created, 211; article 24 of the Covenant of, 211—212, 221, 222, 235, 254;
and UIA and Palais Mondial, 223—224, 229, 234—235, 240—241, 250,.
262—263, 351; and International University, 225—'226; first General
Assembly of, 229; and organisation of intellectual work, 234, 240;
Quinones de Leon's report to the Council of, 235; Otlet's views of the
Council of, 237—238; second General Assembly of, 240—241; Otlet
criticises activities of, 260; restrictions on individuals and nongovernmen-
tal organisations within, 263, 282—283; fiscal problems of the Committee
on Intellectual Co-operation of the, 264; lacks confidence in IIB, 304—
306; and its agreement with IIB, 311. See also International Committee-
for Intellectual Co-operation; International Institute for Intellectual Co-
operation

Lecointe, Georges, 155, 244

LeCorbusier (Charles Edouard Jeanneret), 304

Lemonnier, Camille, 19, 143

Leon, Quinones de, 235, 236

Leopold II, King of the Belgians, 15, 49, 146, 172

LePlay, Frederic, 74

Lermina, Jules, 69

The Library Association (Great Britain), 98, 226, 242

Library Bureau, 42, 54n, 126—128

Library of Congress, 116, il 19, 123, 316, 317, 348

Ligue pour une Societe des Nations, 204

Limousin, Charles, 86

384

Linden, Auguste, 15

Linden, Valerie, 9

Liste des associations internationales, 2113, 224

Lorphevre, Georges, 41, 146, 314, 345, 346, 348, 356, 361

Losseau, Leon, 99, 215, 275, 325—326

Luchaire, Julien, 287, 291

Lyons, F. S. L., 202

Mallarme, Stephane, 119

Marburg, Theodore, 196, 205

Masure, Louis, appointed Secretary IIB, 133—135; reports on Bibliographia
Vniversalis, 116; and Bibliographia Economica Universalis, 141 — 142;
during World War I, 210—211; on move to Palais du Cinquantenaire,
215; hopes for separation of IIB, 275; death of, 299, 345

Max, Adolf, 179

Mercier, Cardinal Desire Joseph, 268

Mondaneum See Mundaneum

Monde (Paul Otlet), 350, 353

Mont des Arts, 149—150, 162, 172, 176

Mourlon, Michel, 48, 56n, 87

Mundaneum, as Mondaneum  and  a new  Palais Mondial, 281—283,    word'

coined,  288;   International   Museum-Center   for  Education    in,  294—296;

closed 1934, 338; as expression of Otlet's philosophy, 345—346; collections

in, 347—349; closed again, 350—351; new quarters for and re-opened, 359,.

360; in Pare Leopold, 361

Murray, Gilbert, 241, 255, 256, 307, 308

Musee de la Presse, 157—158, 192

Musee du Livre, 1143, 157

National Library of Rio de Janiero, 123

Nederhasselt, Cato, 146, 356, 359—361

Nederlandsch Instituut voor Documentatie en Registratuur, 228, 275, 284, 30fr

Nederlandische Vereeniging van Gemeente Belangen, 160

Nenkoff, Pierre, 129, 132

Nitobe, Dr. Inazo, Under Secretary-General, League of Nations, 212, 219n;
visits UIA in Brussels, 212, 225; suggests need for list of international'
associations, 213; lectures at International University, 226; and an organ'
for intellectual work, 234—235; and Quinones de Leon's report, 236—237;
and the Code des Voeux, 241—242, 253—254; refuses League help for
Palais Mondial dispute, 250; publishes journal for international associa-
tions, 252—253; addresses Committee on Intellectual Co-operation, 257;.
represents League in 1924 conference, 285

Nouvelle Universite de Bruxelles, 39, 179
Oderfeld, Anne, 347

385-

Office   International   de   Bibliographie   See   International   Office   of   Biblio-
graphy

Office International de Bibliographie Sociologique, 29, 33—34

-«On  the  Co-ordination  of  Scientific  and Technical  Documentation*   (Insti-
tute for Intellectual Co-operation), 332

«On the Structure of Classification Numbers* (Otlet), 89—91

Ostwald, Wilhelm, 180

Otlet, Edouard, 9, 10, 15, 22n, 37—38, 53, 144—145

¦Otlet Freres, 144—145

Otlet, Jean Jacques Valere (son), 58n, 203, 208

•Otlet, Jean (grandson), 356

Otlet, Marcel, 24, 203, 356

Otlet, Maurice, 10, 144, 145

Otlet, Paul, born, 9; diary of, family background, 9—10; education- of, 10,
12—14, 16; temperament and beliefs, 11 — 15, 16, 27; in love, 13—16;
early classifications of, 17—18; intellectual and spiritual development
of, 18—20; graduation and marriage, 21, 23—24; and the Bar, 23—25;
philosophical orientation of, 27—29; financial distress of, 38—39; and
Nouvelle Universite de Bruxelles, 39—40; discovers Decimal Classification,
41; and OIB—IIB, 48—49; responds to criticisms, 65—68; and Interna-
tional Catalogue of Scientific Literature, 69, 72, 138—139; and Italian
Bibliographical Conference, 70; and International Exposition, Brussels,
71; and Universal Exposition, Paris, 76—78; meets Geddes, 78; and
development of Decimal Classification, 89—91; desires and negotiates
for American co-operation, 98, 102—104; suggests Scottish section oi
TIB, 124—125; creates printing shop for IIB, 126; negotiates with
Chivers and Library Bureau, 127—128; professional activities in Brussels,
143—144; personal and family crisis, 144—146; and Mont des Arts,
149—151; examines the concept of Museum, 150—151; and international
associations, 163, 172—175; in conferences in Exposition, Brussels,
1910, 178, 1183, 185—186; on the International Museum, 192; relation-
ship with LaFontaine, 189—190; decorated by Spanish government, 195;
visits USA, 196; activities of during World War I, 203—210; returns
to Brussels, 210; UIA and League of Nations in the thought of, 212—
513, 223—224; and an International University, 222—223; and develop-
ments in the League regarding intellectual work, 229, 237—238, 253,
257—258; complains of neglect in Belgium, 244—245, 251; satirical
representations of, 245, 266—267; family troubles of, 245—246; and
Godfrey Dewey, 263—264; responds to Geddes criticisms, 266; and
¦eviction from Palais Mondial, 268—271; criticises work of League,
263—264, 282—283; and Institute for Intellectual Co-operation, 290—
294; and universalism, 296—297, 352—355; and changes in organisation
of IIB, 298, 322, 325—329, 331—337; and changes in policy of revision
of Decimal Classification, 317—319; sends independent report to Institute
for Intellectual Co-operation, 337; as honorary Vice-President of
IIB, 338; and resolution of difficulties in IIB, 338—340; works in Munda-

386

neum, 345—350; and closure of Palais Mondial, 351; Monde as reductio
ad absurdum of the thought of, 353—355; use of language of, 354—355;
creates Otletaneum, 355—356; at World Congress for Universal Docu-
mentation, 356—359; and political situation in Europe, 359;  death of, 361

Otlet, Raoul, 144, 195, 245

•Otletaneum, 355—356

Palais du Cinquantenaire,  184,  192, 214, 251, 261, 274, 359, 361

Palais mondial, 345, 350

Palais Mondial, to be created, 192; to be built in Pare de Woluwe, 214;
and Quinzaine Internationale, 221; League officials visit, 211, 225, 2,29;
as technical organisation for League, 235; descriptions of, 239,
242—244; shut down, 250—251; commission to study value of, 252; as
model of a center for International Committee for Intellectual Co-opera-
tion, 256, 286; interdependence of organisations comprising, 263; and re-
form of League of Nations, 263; satire of, 266—267; closed again, 267—
271; new conceptual expression for in world organisation of intellectual
work, 281—283; relationship of to Mundaneum and UIA, 283; IIB as
part of, 298—299; Dutch criticisms of, 306; closed again, 338, 350—351;
creation of Les Amis du Palais Mondial to work in, 345; Otlet's thought
and work circumscribed by, 348—350; creation of Otletaneum within,
355—356; new quarters for, 359—360

Pan African Congress, 19211, 239, 245, 251

Pandectes Beiges, 29, 30

Pare de Woluwe, 214, 215, 252

Peace Conference, Paris, 1918, 209, 211

Perkins, Frederic B., 42, 54n

Permanent  Bureau   for  International   Peace  See  International   Bureau    for

Peace

Peu de bibliographie (Paul Otlet), 30—33, 156
Philippson, Franz, 151, 152

Picard, Edmond, 12—13, 22n, 24—25, 30, 39, 143, 179
Polain, Louis, 59, 79n

Pollard, Allan, President of IIB, 298; describes and translates part of
Decimal Classification, 299; views of on RBU, 306; proposes to re-
organise IIB, 309—312; and League agreement with IIB, 311—312; atti-
tude to revision and translation of the Decimal Classification, 319—320;
negotiates  with   League  Committee   of   Library   Experts,  322—324

Positivism, 16, 25—26, 30—33, 39
Potter, Ernest de, 153

«Present State of Bibliographical Questions and the Systematic Organisa-
tion  of  Documentation*   (Henri  LaFontaine  and  Paul  Otlet),   161—163

Les Problemes internationaux et la guerre (Paul Otlet), 204, 222
«Program of the IIB:  Objections and Explications*   (Paul Otlet), 65—68

387

Putnam, Herbert, 116, 118, 119, 123, 348

Quinzaine Internationale, first, (1920, 221, 226—229; second, 1921, 238—240;
third,   1922,  252,  254—255;   fourth,   1923  cancelled, 262;   1927, 297—298

Reclus, Elisee, 38

Repertoire Bibliographique Universel See Universal Bibliographic Repertory

Repertoire Iconographique Universel, 120

Review of International Life, 190, "192

Revue de la vie Internationale, 190, 192

Revue  Internationale  des  congres  et  conferences,   178,   185

Reynold, G. de, 256, 258

Richardson, Ernest Cushing, at the first League Assembly, 234; describes
and evaluates the Palais Mondial, 243—244; at Conference to Develop
the Institutes of the Palais Mondial, 254—255; approves agreement
between IIB and League, 279; on relationship of League Committee and
Institute for Intellectual Co-operation and the IIB, 290, 293—294; on
ALA, IIB and League, 304—305, 312

Richet, Charles, 64, 80n, 87, 97, 115, 139

Rodenbach, Georges, 19

Roubakine, Nicholas, 284

Royal Society of London, and the Catalogue of Scientific Papers, 46, 52,
120; and Decimal Classification, 59; invites IIB representatives to Lon-
don, 68; and first Conference on an International Catalogue of Scienti-
fic Literature, 69; and the second conference, 72; refuses to co-operate
with  IIB,  74 See also International Catalogue of Scientific Literature

Ruzetti, Baron, 267, 268

Sayers, W. C. Berwick, 195—196

Science Museum Library, London, 298, 306—307, 308, 322

Scott, Edith, 305

Sebert, Hippolyte, 52, 57n, 65, 71, 75, 180, 183

Secretan, D., 332

Seymour, May, 101—103, 284

Simoens, G., 89

«Societe Intellectuelle des Nations* (Paul Otlet), 210

Societe Academique de Comptabilite de Belgique, 185

Societe   d'Encouragement   pour   l'lndustrie   Nationale   (Paris),   122

Societe des Etudes Sociales et Politiques, 29, 33

Societe des Nations See League of Nations

Solvay, Ernest, 45, 55n, 151, 152, 179

Spencer, Herbert, 20, 26—27, 28

Stanier, Louis, 71

Steenwijk, de vos Van, 291—294, 312, 323

Stein, Henri, 59, 79n

388

«0n  the Structure  of Classification Numbers*   (Paul Otlet), 89—91
Sury, Charles, 52, 114—1115, 133

Synthesis of Knowledge, Otlet's early conception of need for, 16, 18, 20, 25;
Comte's view of, 25—26; and Fouillee's principle of idee-force, 30—33; in
the natural and social sciences, 31; in the program of the Nouvelle Uni-
versite de Bruxelles, 39;  and the linguistic and logical characteristics of
the Decimal Classification, 43; and Museums, 150—151; and the Congress
of International Associations,  177; and the role of the International Uni-
versity, 222—223;  and  Geddes, 259;  institutionalised  in the Palais Mon-
dial, 274; and a world center of international associations, 280—283; and
a Museum Centre  for  Education,  294—297;   pictorialisation  and  the  Pa-
lais Mondial  and, 349;  Paul Otlet's Monde in relation to, 354—355
Tentoonstelling op gemeentelijk Administratief Gebied, 160
Theunis, Georges, 251
Thiery, Armand, 12—13, 22n, 87
Thomas, Albert, 288
Thomas Aquinas, St., 32, 223
Tibbaut, Emile, 176, 196, 202n
Torre-Velez, Comte de, 195
Traite de documentation (Paul Otlet), 350
Union   Franchise   des   Offices   de   Documentation,   325,   337
Union Internationale des Villes, 261, 284
Union of Associations for a League of Nations, 223, 269, 288
Union  of  International  Associations,  formed,   1910,    183;    importance    of
assessed,   197—198;  and  League  of  Nations,  212—213,  223;   and  Belgian
government,   213—215;   League   report   on   educational   influence  of,   234,
240—241;  as potential technical organ of League, 235—236; meeting of
at  second  Quinzaine Internationale, 239;  Otlet's  view  of  in relation to
International  Committee  on  Intellectual    Co-operation,    257—258,    283;
occupancy  of   Palais  Cinquantenaire,  262,  269—270,   274;    international
rights  of,  262—263;  Conference  of,  279,  297;  cessation  of  activities  of
and revival of, 298

Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry, 284

Universal Bibliographic Repertory, established, 44—45; expansion of, 52;
concept of, 112; criticism of methods proposed for, 59—63, 65—67; stan-
dard card for adopted, 68; described, 72; exerpts of exhibited in Paris,
77, 122; developed through Bibliographia Universalis, 113—118; organi-
sation and parts of, 118—1119; statistics of, 119 — 120; search service for,
121 — 122; distribution of, 122—127; in 1910, 187; League support for,
227; at Congress on Intellectual Work, 240; described by Berwick Sayers,
242; satire of, 245; Geddes attempts to use, 259; Barrau Dihigo and, 291;
Richardson and move to Geneva of, 304—305; changes in attitude in
IIB toward, 306—310; Otlet resurrects idea of, 325; and controversy in-
volving Otlet and Dutch, 331—334; value of affirmed, 336; statistics of,
347—348; Otlet's view of, 348—349

389

Universal Book, 161

Universal Decimal Classification See Decimal Classification

Universal Exposition, Paris, 1900, 74—75, 122, 158

Universal Exposition, Brussels, 1910, 158, 177—190

Universal Exposition, Brussels, 1930, 254, 261

Universal Iconographic Repertory, 153—154

Universal Library, 161

Universal Network of Documentation, 356, 358

Vallot, J., 71

Van der Haeghen, Ferdinand, 48, 56n, 71

Vanderveld, Ernest, 136

Van Mons, Michel, 145

Van Overbergh, Cyrille, 149—150, 162, 164—165, 173, 175, 180

Verhaeren, Emile, 9, 143

Vermandel, A. Louis, 115, 127, 138

La Vie Internationale, 190, 192, 252

Voge, Adolf Law, 101

Voogd, G. A. A. de, 306, 327

Walters, F. W., 202

Walther, Carl, 313, 322, 328, 341n

Weissenbruch, Louis, 116

Wells, H. G., 356

White, Lyman Cromwell, 197

Wilson, President Woodrow, 212

World Center See Palais Mondial

World Conference  of Libraries  and Bibliography, Rome,  1929, 312

World Congress of International Associations, first, Brussels, 1910, 177—
193, 257; second, Ghent and Brussels, 192, 194; third, San Francisco,
195; Brussels, 1920, 212, 221, 228—229, 257; Geneva, 11924, 279, 285. See
also   International   Associations;   Union    of     International     Associations

World   Congress   for   Universal   Documentation,   Paris,   1937,   356—359

«The World  Organisation  of  Documentation*,   (Jean  Gerard),  332

World Palace See Palais Mondial

World War I, 203—209

Wouters, Leon, 187, 270, 3119—320

Zimmern, Alfred, 290

W. Boyd   Rayward

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